The New York Herald Newspaper, June 26, 1872, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Youe Hznaw. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Volume XXXVII. . No. 178 AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Mth st. and Broadway.— Parma Donna or 4 NiguT—An' ALauMiny Sacnirice. WALLACK’S THRATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street,—On Tax Jupy. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broad: Op Hovse on Tax Rune. Ma! CHNEIDER : on, Tam eat 2, BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—O.iver Twist—Car- tain Kyp, dc. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broad Escargp rnow Sing SING. » corner Thirtieth st.— BOOTH’S THEATRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth a@venue.—Exocn ARDEN. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway. —Cutcaco Barons rae Fine, Durixe THe Fine aNp Arran Tux Fine. SAM SHARPLEY’S MINSTREL HALL, 685 Broadway.— Bau Suaurcer’s Minstrexs. LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE, 720 Broadway.—Groraia MINSTRELS. CENTRAL PARK GARDEN.—Ganpem Insteumantat Concert. TERRACE GARDEN, S8th st. between 3d and Lexing- ton avs.—Sommer Eventna Concerts. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— New York, Wednesday, June 26, 1872. SI CONTENTS OF T0-DAY'S HERALD. Paar. 1—Advertisements, 2—Advertisements. 3—The Jubilee: A Grand Day at the Boston Mam- moth Glorification ; President Grant, Members of the Cabinet and a Distinguished Company Present—College Commencements—Indict- ment and Arrest of Wiegel—Miscellaneous Telegraph. 4—The Arbitrators: Interesting Biographical Sketches of the Men Who Sit in Judgment on Our Case; the HERALD Correspondent’s ‘nter- view with the Count, the Baron and the Cituzen—Fish and Granville—Brooklyn Educa- tion—Accidentally Shot—The Two Allens, 5—The Strikes: Prospects of a Peaceful Settlement Increasing; Ironfounders’ Ald Society; the Sugar Men Dissolved; Reports from Other Cities; Communications on the Strike— Aquatic—Phil fats Convention: The Frightful Political Row Raised at Long Branch; a Full and Complete Report of the Proceedings—Another Murder by Indlans— Sad Effect of Intemperance—Brooklyn Ger- mans Bound Out—Richmond County Horticul- tural Fair, 6—Editorials: Leading Article, “The Geneva Con- ference in Session—Another Change in tho Dissolving Views of Settlement”—Amusement Announcements. T—Editorials (Continued from Sixth caee ne Alabama Claims; Argument to be Had on Thursday, June 27; How the HERALD Got that News—Cable Telegrams from Rome, England, Spain and Hungary—News from Washing- tou—Personal Intelligence—Business Notices. S—Sherman’s March to the Caucasus: Continua- tion of the Old Hero's Course Throngh the Empire of the Czar—Exploring the Terrt- tories—Corporation Advertising—Interesting Proceedings in the New York and Brooklyn Courts—The Trial of Stokes—Was It a Mur- der ?—The Recent Triple Tragedy—Macaroni— Alleged Perjury by a Physician—A Discarded Wife's Troubles—The Funeral of Ex-Assembly- man O'Neill—Assistant Alderman Hurtt’s Fu- neral. 9—Financial and Commercial: Tranquillity and Duiness tn Markets; Gold Staguant and Steady; Firm and the Tone of the Mar- ket Buoy 3 the Geneva Tribunal Ends the Suspense by Declaring the Indirect Claims “Untenable;” Erie aud Pacifie Mail Advance Two and a Quarter Per Cent; Southern Secu- rities, Southern Politics and Southern Pros- erity;a Strong Movement in the Old North Caroifias and a Continued Reaction in South Carolinas; “Washing” the New Arkansas Sevens; Extraordinary Profits of the National Banking System—Municipal Affairs—“When the Swallows Homeward Fly"—The Explosion in New London—A Dispute at the Fifth Ave- nue Hotel—Delirium Tremens and Death— Marriages and Deaths—Advertisements. fO—Judge McCunn’s Trial: The Senate in Session as a Court of Investigation; An Exposé Showing How Justice is Obtaincd—New Jer- sey Court of Pardons—The Weather Report— Shipping Intelligence— Advertisements. 11—Proceedings in the Boards of Aldermen and As- sistant Aidermen—Advertisements. t2—Advertisements, Tae Enouwse Buu ror Vore sy Bator passed its third reading in the House of Lords last night. It is amended, however, and amendments to such a measure by English Peers are very likely to mar its first value in the eyes of the people. The entertainment of p ballot bill in any shape by the aristocrats is in itself a solid evidence of the steady advance of the democratic idea for general reform in Great Britain, and as such we accept the vote of the Peers last night. It serves also to dis- pel Earl Russell’s reactionist idea of the “finality’’ of reform. Tue Geneva Anprrrators.—The Herarp correspondents at Berne, Paris and Turin have furnished us with biographical sketches, which we publish on another page of this morning's issue, of the Italian, Brazilian and Swiss arbitrators. These sketches are com- prehensive and minute in details of the public careers of the men, together with the American and English arbitrators to whom the Anglo- American dispute is referred for adjudication. A casual study even of the public life of those com- posing the Geneva Tribunal will be sufficient to show that the selection in each case was wise and thonghtful, and that the judgment of the Court will be fair and impartial. The peo- ple of the United States desire nothing more and expect nothing less. Tue Moscow Ixpustnan Exumrtiox.—On the 11th of the present month the doors of the National Exhibition at Moscow were thrown open to the Russian public. For months past the event was looked forward to with consid- erable interest. The vast empire of the Ozar was called upon to make a show of its prod- ucts and manufactures at the great fair of Moscow. In all its arrangements the exhi- bition is completely national. Little encour- agement was given to outsiders to compete, for the very reason that everything in- tended for exhibition must either relate to the past or the future of the great empire of Northern Europe. One good result of this will be to show the progress of Russia since she has entered upon the career which had its commencement with the period of Peter the Great. There is no room to doubt that of late years the empire has made considerable strides. Since the abolition of serfdom her advances have been most marked. * The railroads, man- ufactures, agricultural development and min- eral resources of the country speak forcibly of the progress of a past linked so closely with the present that it seems almost as the growth of a day. Russia's dependence on herself is not the least of her characteristics, and the present exhibition of Moscow will teach a lesson to other nations which thefempire of the Ozar is not ashamed to offer, NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 26, 1872.—TRIPLE SHEET. The Geneva Conference in Session—An- other Change in the Dissolving Views of Settlement. Once again the Geneva Conference is all at sea; the clouds gather over the diplomatic sky, ® tempestuous wind sweeps across the Atlantic and storm and wreck threaten the unfortunate Treaty of Washington. The Hxnaup special cable despatch from Geneva brings us intelli- gence of the reassembling of the Court of Ar- bitration at four o'clock yesterday afternoon, the occasion of the curtailment of its adjourn- ment having been the receipt of important despatches by the American agent. The hour of the meeting had been fixed for two o'clock, but the non-arrival of the English arbitrator, Sir Alexander Cockburn, caused a two hours delay. Tho new papers in the American case were formally presented, and it was agreed that the points they raise should be fully dis- cussed on Thursday, to which day we presume the Court adjourned. Our special despatch informs us that another misunderstand- ing has arisen, this time between the American government and its agent at Geneva, and that the rose-colored view taken of the future of the treaty and the removal of the difficulties in the way of the conference are not warranted by the facts in the case. The fault is laid at the door of the cable, and badly translated ciphers are blamed for having con- veyed to Geneva mistaken views of the inten- tions of our government at Washington. It is now certainly known that we have not with- drawn our claims for indirect damages, either directly or indirectly, and that we still hold that they are fairly before the tribunal, and must be adjudicated upon. In fact, we appear suddenly to have received a wonderful acces- sion of backbone, and our people will be pleased to learn that we have at last come to the conclusion to act for ourselves, and not to be blown about by the whims and vagaries of others. We are also told that while England will insist upon a long adjournment and a postponement of the time limited for the presentation of the arguments a positive majority of the arbitrators will decide against the demand. We have already shown, from the language of the treaty, that the Court can have no power to remove the limitations it places upon the different acts required of the contracting Powers, and it is difficult to under- stand how the English representatives could have expected any other decision on their sin- gular application. It will be remembered that a report reached us from Geneva and Washington simultane- ously a few days ago to the effect that the Court of Arbitration had made a decision on tho subject of the indirect claims embraced in the American case, declaring such claims not to be admissible as growing out of the acts of the Anglo-rebel privateers. This was accepted asa virtual triumph of America, since we have contended all along for a decision on the subject of indirect claims that would afford a settlement of the principle for the future, and have not especially desired a money award. A special Washington despatch to the Henanp on Monday stated that this was not altogether the correct posi- tion of affairs; that the end had not yet been reached, and that the issue heretofore fought between Lord Granville and Secretary Fish had only been transferred to the Court of Arbitration. According to this version of the situation a difference in regard to the question before the Conference had arisen between the American and English arbitrators, Charles Francis Adams and Sir Alexander Cockburn. The former, it is said, insists that the con- troverted clainrs are within the treaty and properly before the Court; that a money award not being pressed on such claims by the American government it is competent for the Court to decide that they cannot be con- sidered under the seventh article of the treaty, but that, nevertheless, the decision must reach the whole subject of indirect claims as a principle and finally settle that issue between England and America for the future. The latter contends that the claims for indirect damages are not in the treaty or legally before the tribunal ; that the motion of the English agent simply asks the Court to reject and expunge such matter as the Ameri- can government admits is not properly before the arbitrators under the seventh article of the treaty, and that hence the tribunal cannot take cognizance of such claims in any form or make any decision of principle in regard to them, but must simply order their withdrawal as a matter foreign to the arbitration. We are inclined to believe that this gives nearly the true condition of the case, and our government has, no doubt, understood the singular position in which we are placed. Should the Court, by its judgment, recognize that the indirect claims are properly in the American case, but that such claims are not subjects for a money award, England has her ‘reserved rights’’ to fall back upon, and may insist upon her assumed privilege of retiring from the arbitra- tion, Should the judgment of the tribunal uphold the position of Sir Alexander Cock- burn, it is evident that we lose everything for which we have been contending, and remain bound by stringent neutral obligations exceedingly difficult of strict fulfilment by a country with an insufficient police and an extended sea const. In such an event would it be competent for America to retire from the Court without offence to the arbitrators and without injustice or insult to England? If not, on what principle of justice or equity does such a conflict between the rights and powers of the two contracting nations plead- ing before the Court exist? We conclude that the instructions now sent to our agent at Geneva, the receipt of which has been the cause of calling the Court together, are to the effect that we will not, under any circumstances, withdraw our claims for indirect damages from our case or from our argument, unless ao judg- ment as to the validity of such claims against a neutral Power in the event of a vio- lation of the obligations of a neutral, shall be rendered by the tribunal as a rulo for our future guidance. If Secretary Fish has at last firmly adopted this ground he has placed our government on ® proper footing and should not be again driven from his position. Cleared of the juggle of diplomatic sophistry, our right to demand such a settlement of the question of indirect liability under the Treaty of Wash- ington is undeniable. No more simple case could be presented. America charged that England, by her neglect of the obligations of a neutral, had allowed rebel privateers to be built, equipped and relieved at her porta, and was liable to our government for the damages thereby inflicted upon us. Eng- land denied this responsibility, and pleaded that the British government had fulfilled all its duties as a neutral. America claimed that England, if responsible at all, was re- sponsible to us as a nation for our indirect losses growing out of the acts of the privateers, as well as to our citizens for the damages they had suffered through the direct acts of the rebel vessels. The Geneva Court of Arbitration was formed, first, to find if England had incurred the responsibility charged by America, and next, to decide the measure of damages. The tribunal was empowered to award a gross sum in satisfaction of all our claims, or to prepare the way for their submis- sion in detail to a Board of Assessors. The con- clusion is irresistible that this authority to name & gross sum was intended to be exer- cised should the claims for indirect damages be maintained by the Court, in which event the award would be a matter of equity and not @ question of detail; while, in case the indi- reot claims should be rejected, the Board of Assessors would become a necessary tribunal for the adjustment of direct damages suScopti- ble of proof. The complication of these apparently simple issues commenced with the attempt of England to leave to the Court the power to decide the question of her liability, but to deprive it of the right to adjudge for what she is liable. Tho motives of England’s policy can no longer be doubted ; the details of the negotia- tions now before the world render them evi- dent. Her government had two points to se- cure by the exclusion of indirect claims from tho consideration of the tribunal—first, to guard against the risk of an adverse judgment asto their admissibility, and next, to prevent the adoption of a settled principle which would lessen the responsibility of a neutral Power in the future. England would thus escape the hazard of being called upon to pay damages so heavy as to break down the administration and create serious indignation throughout the country ; while in case of a war in which England might be a belligerent and America a neutral, our government would be bound by the strict ‘rules of neutrality laid down in tho treaty, and the limit of our responsibility, should they be violated, would remain unde- fined. In her efforts to secure these advan- tages England has proved true to her tra- ditional policy of selfishness and bad faith. In the cavilling and hairsplitting to which the English government resorted as an excuse for Yejecting- the amended supplemental article we recognize the determination of the Ministry not to meet us squarely on the set- tlement of a principle to define for the future the measure of a neutral’s respon- sibility; and in the position taken by Sir Alexander Cockburn in the Court of Arbitra- tion the same sharp practice is apparent. Our government is bound to resent the former and to resist the latter. The question of any alteration or explanation of the supplemental article is now settled and cannot be revived. The attempt to drive our indirect claims out of Court by a snap judgment must be resisted. We presume that’ our government has ex- plained to our agent at Geneva that we still demand a money award for our indirect losses under the seventh article of the treaty, and only imply that we would be will- ing to waive such award in consideration of a settlement by the Geneva Tribunal of the principle of a neutral’s liability for indirect damages. This being the case, the English plea raised before the Court, that the indirect claims, not being for a money award, do not come under the seventh article and cannot be considered, must fall to the ground. Our counsel and agent will now doubtless demand the consideration of our indirect claims under any circumstances, ang if the Court denies the English application for a long adjournment a few days must settle the fate of the treaty. At present, we are happy to say, the prospect of its destruction appears promising. Congressional Aid to Science. Tho success of the Agassiz expedition, of which the Henaxp published full intelligence afew days ago, is another demonstration, if any were needed, of the propriety of national aid in physical investigations. The tree of science, it has been said, has its blossoms as well as fruits, and we must not despise the former. A recent and animated discussion has been going on in England between the scientific press and some of the mouthpieces of the parsimonious ministry upon this subject; and certainly the conduct of the English government in doling out a few dollars to science has made us better satisfied with our own government. The ac- tion of the last Congress in this particular has more than half redeemed its legislation; and the people will forget many of its failures, in remembering the provision it has made for the continuance of physical surveys in the deep seas of the North Pacific, the observa- tions of the Transit of Venus, the improve- ment of the Hydrographic Office, the extension of the Coast Survey, the exploration of the upper lakes, and, lastly and chiefly, for the enlargement of the Signal Service and the ex- tension of its admirable weather reports so as to secure alike the interests of commerce and agriculture. Such enterprises can never be set on foot, much less successfully developed to meet the public demands, by any private agency. Science can now no longer be cultivated by the rude methods and ruder instruments of our forefathers. The astronomer cannot work with his pocket glass or table telescope, such as Galileo used. The chemist needs some- thing more than a Wollaston tea tray, and must have his extensive laboratory. The me- teorologist has learned the folly of depending upon the common market barometer, and, in order to get at the exact condition of the invisi- ble aerial ocean, he must have its fluctuations visibly recorded by costly self-registering apparatus. Besides the expense of all instrumental’ ap- pliances for the exact observation of nature’s secrets, the finding out, education and remu- neration of proper observers, gifted with the love of research and originality in ascertaining physical laws, are beyond the ordinary means of private individuals, When Faraday, after- wards the great philosopher of his age, was recognized and invited to some humble duty in the Royal Institution by Sir Humphrey Davy, its illustrious chief, it was well said that of all the latter's discoveries the greatest was Faraday. To give ample scope to the investi- gations of such men, in a legitimate way, is the whole nation is glad to render abundant support and encouragement. We rejoice that the time has come when our legislators, obe- dient to the anticipative behests of the people in this country, have seen the duty of securing to the people some sheaves of the golden har- vests of science, which have long been ripe for use. The time is not far distant when ‘not merely thousands will be asked but millions be eagerly given” to secure the countless ma- terial and other blessings now stored away for us in the bountiful lap of nature, to be gathered by the skilful and patient hand of science. The Strikers and the Employers— Friendly Arbitration the Best Solu- tion of the Difficulty. The Chicago Times (straight-out democrat) proclaims in a double-leaded article that the nomination of Greeley at Baltimore will ter- minate the organic existence of the democratic party, ‘and that the political creed adopted by the recent conference of liberals in New York’’ is in substance the political creed of the party of the future. The time for the organization of the party of the future is now." The Cincinnati Enquirer (Greeley democrat) expresses the opinion that its Chicago democratic contemporary is work- ing in the interests of Grant. The jumble is beginning. The Iron and Metal Workers’ Union yester- day, on the part of the strikers, forwarded a letter to the Citizens’ Association, asking that the employers may meet the employed before such an impartial tribunal as the association would name, and there argue out the differ- ences now existing between labor and capital. How the bosses may respond to this we can. not say. Capital often makes the error of refusing anything in the shape of compromise when it sees its antagonist apparently weak- ening. Arbitration in matters of dispute or serious difficulty is, at the present day, a mode of set- tlement generally favored. Though it has not proved up to this time successful in the case of the Alabama claims, and has, indeed, given rise to a prolonged controversy, it is, after all, @ safe and rational way of adjusting diflicul- ties. Individuals or bodies of men, like na- tions, are apt to look at their own interests exclusively; in the strong light of self-inter- est; and to lose sight of the reasonable claims or arguments of those opposed to them. In the excitement of a contention they may fail to see even their own interests. Sometimes, indeed, the interests of contestants are not inimical when, from hostile feelings engen- dered by controversy, they are supposed to be so. To force a result through the superior power or tact of one side over another never proves satisfactory, and leaves a thorn of bitterness behind. Impartial arbitration, therefore, is best and tends to give satisfaction. Looking at the dispute between the strikers and the employers in this point of view we have urged this principle of arbitration upon both. The London Saturday Review, while blaming the strikers in the British metropolis for being in some cases unreasonable, and not approving of the strikes generally, still calls upon the waasters to be considerate and to avert the evils of strikes by timely and voluntary and reasonable concessions. It says, ‘If the masters wish to counteract the influence of the unions (trades unions) they should make up their minds to anticipate demands which are certain to be made, and occasionally to give with a good grace and from a sense of justice what is afterwards wrung from them with a heavy fine in the shape of interrupted trade.” The London Times, as we have noticed, treats this important question of the day in much the same moderate way, and, while not sparing the workmen for certain untenable demands they make, urges the employers to make proper concessions. It considers, too, that arbitration would be best in solving the diffi- culty, and commends the proposition of the masters to refer the matter to Lord Salisbury and Earl Derby. The movement here in the same direction made by committees of the Citizens’ Associa- tion and Board of Emigration should be favored by all who wish to see an end to the conflict between labor and capital. It is to be hoped that oa conference may take place between the employers and employés through the mediation of these committees and may result happily. Though this is not exact- ly arbitration, it has something of that charac- ter. It is pouring oil upon the troubled waters. It is the friendly interposition of disinterested parties, who can view both the just and im- practicable claims of each side, and show the advantages of conciliation. Should, however, the projected conference of the masters and work- men not end as we hope it may, we would urge still a committee of arbitration, to be made up of both sides and an independent and impartial umpire selected by both. Then let all be bound by the decision. In this way the idea of being forced, which is always extremely re- pugnant, would be removed from the minds of both employers and employés. There would be no heartburnings left, and harmony would prevail. The laborers should remem- ber that the masters have their capital at stake, and that under existing contracts and market prices an increase of wages or reduction of hours of labor imposes an immediate sacri- fice. The masters, on the other hand, should consider the cost of living to the laborers and their reasonable aspirations to improve their condition, In the end the masters can make the community generally pay for whatever in- creased cost of production there may be and get as large a return for their capital as now, whilethe workmen have no means of improv- ing their condition but through enhanced wages or less hours of labor. We hope, there- fore, that neither will push matters to an ex- treme to the injury of the other, that a fair and just compromise may be made, and that our workshops will resound again with the hum of renewed and satisfied industry, Sherman’s March to the Caucasus.’ The details of Sherman's holiday march through the empire of the Czar, furnished by our correspondent and published in another part of to-day’s Henan, will be found as in- teresting os those of his visits to Spain, Egypt, Turkey and the other lands through which he passed. From Yalta along the Crimean const, through the straits which connect the Black Sea and the Sea of Azof, on to Poti and thence into the valley of the Rion, beneath the shadow of the Caucasian range, was a march one of the noblest of national works, for which | which must have awakened strange emotions in the breast of the American soldier, On ground which may be considered as the cradle of the human race, in towns which had a his- tory before the dawn of Christianity, amid people who retained the customs of their fore- fathers of long ages ago, Sherman must have experienced sensations as strange as they were unexpected. The shrill sound of the railroad whistle nowhere greeted the ear, and the tele- graph pole was nowhere to be seen in this far off portion of the Czar’s dominions, There were evidences, however, of the steady ap- proach of the progress which ere long will help to alter the present condition of things even here in the far East. The steady march of Russia since the Crimean war, the active development of the internal resources of the empire, the vast network of railroads spreading over its provinces and bringing distant parts into closer communion with the central head are exercising an influence on the future of the Colossus of the North which is fast becoming evident. Sherman in his peace- ful march cannot fail to have mentally com- pared the old life of the country in which he travelled with the fresh life of his own native land. In one he beheld cities and towns hoary with the age of centuries, and in the other he thought of the cities which had no existence within the century in which we live. Ringing the Changes on Our Ex- changes—Tho Political Clangor Rising. The Alta California (Grant) fears that Mr. Greeley has set out on the cbb tide and that he will drift to sea, and, from the midst of the ocean of political defeat, write another book, entitling it, ‘What I Know About Deep Waters.’’ The motto of such work might be— I’m on the sea—I'm on the sea, Tam where | would ever be, With the blue above and the plough below; Iam where I would ever be— 1m safe on my little farm at Chappaqua-we t The Albany Evening Times (democratic) re- fers to the fact that Grant was nominated on the 6th of the present month, and ‘yet there has scarcely a demonstration of approval, be- “yond the purchased tableau at Philadelphia, been made in any part of the country.” Per- haps the people are preparing for grand tableaux vivants which will throw all other po- litical tableaus in the shade. The free trade ticket is regarded as a side show, with the pantomime cut off. Frederick Law Olmsted is not inclined to be made a Pantaloon of in the current campaign. “They are coming, Father Horace, five hun- dred thousand strong,’’ if we are to judge by the following, which we copy from the Elmira (N. ¥.) Gazette (Greeley democrat) :— After Greeley and Brown are endorsed by the representatives of the national democratic party, and it becomes evident to all that they are to be elected to the two highest offices in the gift of the people of this country, there will be a lively stam- pede of the republican rank and file, from Maine to ‘exas and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, to the standard of reform. Now they are breaking loose one by one from old associations. After the 9th of July they will come by hundreds and thousands, The Albany Journal (Grant) says the liberal reform party is “‘a party which is nothing save @ corrupt coalition for the spoils.’’ Was there ever a party coalition in this country or, per- haps, in any other, but that was corrupt—a bargain and sale of principle for plunder and power? The old coalition party of Massa- chusetts, concocted by Henry Wilson, Burlin- game, Bird, Bartks, Butler, Boutwell and others, was a coalition between free-soilers and democrats for the purpose of obtaining power and the possession of the federal offices, the abolition of slavery being made a convenience rather than a necessity to carry out the pur- poses of that coalition. The Boston Post (Greeley democrat) wishes that the circle of listeners to Senator Wilson’s recent speech in Faneuil Hall had been wider. It may be, adds the veteran of the Post, ‘that the swoop of Butler down upon the Faneuil Hall meeting disconcerted the Senator and made him forget the only points he should have made.’’ Continues the Post :— An open union of liberal republicans with the democrats in Missouri was the suggestion and parent of Cincinnati, and that promises to lead to a similar desirable revolution in the administration at Washington. If Butler is permitted to rush in and carry off many more such ratification meetings it is not so certain that Senator Wilson will not be ready for co-operation with the democrats himself. Such questions as these are being pro- pounded by the anti-Grant and Wilson papers: — Did Henry Wilson say in the fall of 1853, “The time had come when the uniform of the State militia should no longer be disgraced by being seen on the back of a Catholic Irishman or an infidel Dutchman ?”” Here is an opportunity for the Natick cobbler statesman to explain himself without the danger of interference from Ben Butler— for Ben Butler, we believe, never encouraged Know-Nothingism ; he always had one eye, at least, to the main chanoe. According to a report in the Boston Adver- tiser (Grant) a democratic orator exclaimed in arecent democratic delegate meeting in Bos- ton, “If we puta third man in the field at Baltimore we are, to speak plainly, damned.” The democracy of Massachusetts certainly anticipate a resurrection and a quickening of the flesh under the gospel according to Greeley. What is the matter with the Grant papers in New England? Here are two of them—the Boston Advertiser and the Providence Journal— just at hand, that do not sound a single clarion note in favor of the ‘Hero of the Apple tree of the Appomattox.” The Journal, however, is slightly amusing in refer- ence to the Fifth Avenue Hotel bolt, which reminds it, it says, of Dean Swift's fleas :— So naturalists observe, a fea Has smaller fleas that on it prey; ‘And these have other fleas to bite ’em, And so proceed ad infinitum, The Journal cannot intend to say that the “Mitte flea’ was the creation of the Philadel- phia Convention, and that other fleas are preying upon it. Alas! how often it hap- pens that ‘The wicked flee when no man pur- sueth.”’ The Baltimore American (Grant) states that General Joe Johnston, of Mississippi, is against Greeley. It seems that he told Wigfall (how fortunate he did not fall at Sumter!) in Baltimore the other day that he would have nothing to do with him, and that to elect him “would only be to continue the radicals in power under another head.” The American adds:—‘General Johnston is remarkable as being the first man who gives Greeley credit for being true to any principle he professes.” The Washington Patriot (anti-Grant) has discovered the philosopher’s stone. It has found out why Wendell Phillips sings his palinode to Grant, and has no difficulty in swallowing the ‘‘great nepotist,"" and in dis- covering a quantum of backbone in the man who is so constituted as to “fall down in the presence of a glass of wine.’ The Patriot avers that the adroit friends of the President have been “tickling the harridan of Massa- chusetts with a straw.” If there had been # julep at the end of it the application to the prostration before a glass of wine might have been more pertinent, As the new reading of an old saw has it— Little straws show The way the juleps go, But the fact that Wendell Phillips goes for Grant is not much of a straw any way. His inclinations always pointed that way. The great jubilee times of the campaign will not be expected before the results of the Balti- more Convention are known. Then prepare fora clangor that will outdin the panjando- Tum at Boston. Pope Pius the Ninth and the German Savans in Rome. His Holiness the Pope received a deputation from the German Literary Club of Rome at the Vatican yesterday. He replied to an ad- dress which was delivered on behalf of the members, and took occasion, as is stated in our cable report, to refer to the situation of the Church in Germany and the relations of the Holy See towards the Berlin Cabimt. The Pope thinks that the Church is pers@uted in the empire. He is pleased with thy example of fortitude which is displayed by the faithful Germans. He is hopeful of an ukimate and complete triumph of the cause of the fold— says, indeed, that it has already triumphed. The Pope has entered into carespondence with Prince Bismarck on the gubject of the loyalty, as we read it, of the German bishops; but the case of the Premier in reply has not yet been received in the council of the succes- sor of the Fisherman. It will be, no doubt, an exceedingly pointed argument and doubt- less quite pertinent to the point on which His Holiness has asked for illumination. The Pope is scarcely charitable, however, for he is made to pray that ‘the stone may fall which will complete the overthrow of the colossus.”” Whether this latter term is applied to Bis- marck personally as a statesman or diplomati- cally to the governmental system which he has constructed is not explained; but we imagine, from his use of the word “stone,” that the Holy Father had just been reading the his- tory of the combat between David and Goliah, and that he, in his mind’s eye, endowed the plucky, stout-built Prussian Minister with an exaggerated development of physical propor- tion, British Rule in India. Since the days of Warren Hastings and Lord Clive British rule in India has at various times commanded the attention of the outside world. It has not been possible for those who Jeast admired that rule to refuse to admit that the system pursued by British officials in India has been attended by most wonderful success, Under Clive first, and then under Hastings, what had been but a commercial settlement swelled into an empire. The firm hold which these young and daring spirits took of India they handed over to the British government, and that hold, from that day to this, the British government has never let go. British India, from its vast and ever-increasing terri- tory, from its teeming population and from its enormous wealth, is now on all hands admitted to be the most important dependency of the British crown. It is the theatre in which Young England tests and develops her strength, and some of the best names in Eng- land—the Wellesleys, the Cannings, the Dal- housies, the Lawrences, the Napiers and the Campbells—have reaped on Indian soil both fame and fortune. It is a curious fact, however, that while England is much indebted to India for giving her bulk and for maintaining her great name and her prestige before the world, the British government has seldom been just and more seldom generous to Indian officials. The results of the labors of the officials, because the results have always been a gain to the em- pire, have been accepted; but the labors have often been condemned and the officials have not unfrequently been disgraced. Warren Hastings founded the British empire in India; but Warren Hastings, for his so-called abuse of authority, had to undergo a trial which, for its length and for the magnificence of its sur- roundings, must be regarded as the greatest State criminal trial in history. Clive, who established the empire which Hastings had founded, was, on his return to England, so badly treated by society, so distrusted and so abused, that he ultimately sought relief from a wretched life by committing suicide. As it was in the beginning so has it been in these later years. The case of Governor Eyre, of Jamaica, isa case in point. But the case of Governor Eyre and the Jamaica severities of British rule have been completely put in the shade by the Kooka affair, which is now commanding so much attention in England. This Kooka affair illustrates ‘the old colonial policy of Great Britain. In February of this year the Kookas, a robber and fanatical tribe, made an attack ona small Mussulman settle ment of Mulchr Kottuh. The attack, it is not denied, was brutal, as all attacks made by such people are brutal ; but the wretched creatures were repulsed without difficulty. The Deputy Commissioner of this petty State was a Mr. Cowan. His superior officer was Mr. For- sythe, Commissioner of Umballa, Mr. Cowan notified Mr. Forsythe of the attack and of the result, informing him that the whole affair was completely at an end, and that to send on more troops was unnecessary. He made about the same time a request by telegraph that he should be allowed to execute, by way of ex- ample, four men without trial. Mr. Forsythe, it appears, sent for reply that all the prisoners should be kept until his arrival at Kottuh, where he was coming with all despatch. If it was not safe or convenient to keep the prison- ers until his arrival Mr. Cowan was to send them on to a fortress called Sherpur. In spite of these instructions, and without waiting for the arrival of Mr. Forsythe, Mr. Cowan, on his own responsibility, executed forty-nine prison- ers, some of them already wounded and help- less men, by blowing them from the cannon’s mouth, While the barbarous work was in progress Mr. Cowan received a mes- sage from Mr. Forsythe to the effect that he should proceed only in ‘due course of law.” Some six men remained to be exe- cuted; and in spite of these orders, and with a desire, as Cowan said, to make an impres- sion, the horrid work was ordered to be pro- ceeded with, and the other six were blown from the cannon’s mouth. The day after the executions, Forsythe, having been in- « formed of the doings of his subnrdinate. wrote - 4 ’