The New York Herald Newspaper, June 8, 1872, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. es Volume XXXVII. AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. ROOTH’S THEATRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth avenue.—Ewocu ARDEN. Matinee at 153. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, léth st. and Brondway.— Fortoxio aNp His Girre Sexvants. Matineo at 255. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street.—Tax Loxe Stnixn. ” FIFTH AVENUE Anticue 47, Matinee at 1 WOOD'S MUSEUM, Bro: Ovu Covoren Brerane: SHBATBE: ‘Twenty-fourth * street— y. corner Thirtieth st.— BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Dick Tvrpix—Cau- vorniA; 08, Tox Hxatu NEE. THEATRE COMIQU' Fore Tus Fire, DURING THE Broadway. —Cntcaco Br- RE AND AFTER THE Fine, ‘wenty-third st., corner BRYANT’S OPERA HC 1AVOLO, Matinee’ at 1g. 6th ay.—EnGuisn Oren. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tar Batuer Pawro- ume or Huurry Dowty. Matinee at 2. MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN ‘Tux Nata Queen. A TUEATRE.— TONY PASTOR'S OPERA }OUSE, No, 201 Bowery.— Neauo Eecenrarernies, Bow & aK, dc. SAM SHARPLEY’S MINSTREL HALL, 585 Broadway.— Sam Suanruey’s MINSTRELS. CENTRAL PARK GARDEN.—Garpen Ivstromentan Concer. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— New York, Saturday, June 8, 1872. Page. 1—Advertisements. 2—Advertisements. 3—The Great Strike: The Movement Assuming Se- rious Proportions—Washington : Debate on an Enforcement Amendment in the Senate; A Pension Bill Passed Over the Veto; Joy to a Revolutionary Relict; The Sundry Civil and Fortification Bills Sent to Conference; Civil Rights Ku Klux Bills Again Ku Kluxed; Clear- ing By Business in the House. 4—Central Africa: Travels Up the Nile and Across the Nubian Desert; Dahabeah and Camel Travel Compared; Race on the Nile Between the HERALD, Snowflake and Griffin; Narrow Escape from Drowning of General Starring and a HERALD Correspondent; Reception at Korosko; Dreary Desert Scenery; A Pathway Paved with the Bones of Ten Thousand Per- ished Camels; The Commerce, Slave Trade and Elephant Shooting of the Soudan—Lord Gordon—Board of Police Justices. S—Sherman in Russia: His Arrival at Sebastopol in the Grand Yacht of the Sultan; The Mala- koff and the Redan; True Russian Hospitality ; Tecumseh Thinks It Would Be Easier to Take Sebastopol than Vicksburg; A View of the Black Sea from the Crimean Range; Meeting Her Majesty; The Trip to Yalta—The Sultan Speaks—West Point: The Military Annual in 1 Blast, But the Visitors Behindhand—Lo ! The Poor Indian! Reception of Our Red- Skinned Visitors at the Cooper Institute Last Evening—Trotting at Fleetwood Park—Pool Sales for the Jerome Park Races—A Missing Body Recovered—Killed on a Jersey Rail- road—A Hotel Thief in Hoboken—Another Drowning Casualty. 6—Editoriais: Leading Article, ‘The Washing- ton Treaty—Has a Solution of the Difficulty ssa Reached?”—Amusement Announce- ments. ‘W—Editorials (continued from Sixth Page)—The Treaty: Text of Schenck's Note to Granville— Cable Telegrams from France, England and Spain—Political Intelligence—A Remarkable | ystery: Singular Case of Mistaken Identity— ‘The International Jubilee—Personal Intelll- Ae gas maaan Telegrams—Business Notices, S—Cuba: The Havana Volunteers in a Ferment; The Plot to Destroy the Spanish Bank and to Murder Acting Captain General Caballos; A Spanish Journal on the Enterprise of tne |ERALD—James Gordon Bennett: Opinions of the Press on the Deceased—Seaside Resorts— The Reformed Church—Execution tn Georgia— New York City News—The Grand Lodge of Masons—The City Plunderers and Ex-Cham- berlain Sweeny—Bergh’s Society in Jersey— ‘The Riotous Communists. ‘@—Financial and Commercial: Another Dull Day; A Weaker Speculation in the Gold Market; The Supplemental Treaty Settlement “All Right” Finally; Advance in Our Bonds in London; Another Dividend to the Union Square Bank Depositors; Stocks Higher, Strong and Dull; Equalization of Central Stock and Scrip; Advancement in Virginia Consols; Erie Railway Matters—Statistics of Commerce and Navigation—The Recent Hom- icide in Twentieth Street—The Brussels Mur- der—More About the Linen Thread Under- valuation—Marriages and Deaths. 10—Washington (continued from Third Page)— The Schuylkill Boat Race: The Single Scull Contest Between Tom Butler an Billy Scharff—The Bridgeport Murder Case—West- ern Storms—The Ring Triuls—Shipping In- telligence—Advertisements. ‘—Interesting Proceedings in the New York and Brooklyn Courts—The Anglo-American Boat Race—Brooklyn Affairs—Arrest of Fat Melt- ers—Another Youthful Highwayman—Suicide at Hempstead—Advertisements. 42—Advertisements, Tne Grenaprer Guarps Banp is coming, after all, from London to gladden the hearts and ears of the expectant denizens of the “Hub,” and John Bull graciously nods to Gil- more, probably, with the hope that the musical bearskins may affect the question of indirect claims. The band is already on the ocean, and neither red tape nor fussy peers can de- prive us of Dan Godfrey and his gallant corps. ‘Tue Jenome Park Races To-Day.—Should ‘the weather only keep up to the encouraging standard that made the opening day so de- lightful there is every likelihood of an immense attendance at Jerome Park to-day, as the pro- gramme is one of unusual interest. The first race is for three-year-olds, one mile and a quarter, in which a pretty large field may be expected. The second race, one mile and three-quarters, for a purse of $600, will also bring out some choice specimens of horseflesh. But the event of the day, and, in fact, of t entire meeting, will be the race for the West- ester Cup, two miles and a quarter, in which fire horses will certainly start. These are ¢ aniel’s Harry Bassett, John Harper's Lyt- tleton and Joseph Donabue’s Alroy. The fourth race will be one mile and three-quarters ever seven hurdles. It only rests with the weather to make this a genuine field day at Werome Park and to add new lustre to the bright escutcheon of the American Jockey Club. ee Tue Prrrssurc Exorrement.—The old and oft-quoted adage that he is a wise son who knows his father was reversed in the | most singular manner at West Overton, near | Pittsburg, during the present week. As | set forth in our despatch published to-day, a young man was discovered in a dying condition in the vicinity of the town; and as he was considered to be fimply under the influence of liquor he was left by the people to die. After death some one suggested he was Hiram Christ, son of a well-mown townsman. Christ, Sr., came with his wife and daughters, and each at first their own. Doubts arose, how- ng the delay the body began to and was buried, followed to the grave only by the sorrow-stricken sisters, the Perents declining to participate in the cere- tummy. The real Hiram not appearing, the how sffrighted parents thought of exhuming the bedy again and rea remains placed in the family vault; and just as the grief was st ite height young Hiram appeared in propria Px The Washiugton Treaty—Has a Solu- tion of the Difficulty been Reached t Tf we are to judge from the proceedings in the House of Lords on Thursday a solution has been found for the difficulty relative to our claim for indirect damages under the Treaty of Washington. . Earl Granville read a letter from Mr. Schenck, the American Minister, stating that the supplemental article adopted by the Senate is clearly sufficient to exclude the indirect claims, and authorizing the state- ment to be made, as coming from Washington, that the article makes a final settlement’Of the disputed question regarding such claims. Believing this announcement, the Lords re- ceived it with cheers. Earl Derby, the leader of the opposition, immediately rose and said this put a new face on the matter and thought the debate ought to close. This was also re- ceived with cheers. Earl Granville seemed to qualify his statement, however, by saying that the American case, as prepared for the Geneva arbitrators, remained unaltered, though the acceptance of the supplemental article to the treaty effectually disposed of the indirect claims. The Peers were so satisfied with the statement that Earl Russell withdrew his motion. for an address to the Queen calling upon Her Majesty to refuse to go to arbitration before the Geneva Board. Pre- vious to these proceedings Earl Derby read a letter from Sir Stafford Northcote, one of the Commissioners who made the treaty, stating positively that the British Commissioners did understand a promise was given by the Ameri- can Commissioners that the claim for indirect damages would be withdrawn, Tho conflicting statements of Sir Stafford Northcote and Mr. Fish, as to whether there was any understanding or not that the claim for indirect damages was to be withdrawn, are of less consequence now than the prospect of a settlement by the new arrangement proposed by the supplemental article to the treaty. Still that will remain a curious feature in the history of this diplomatic imbroglio. Somebody's memory must have been defective, to use the mildest sort of explanation, of these conflicting statements. Our government has maintain- ed. all along that its purpose was to present a cldim for conseqtétitinl damages, and that the British Commissioners must have known that. The protocol in which this Matter was presented has been quoted to show this purpose. But now Sir Stafford Northcote asserts positively that there was an understanding that the claim made in the protocol was to be withdrawn. It seeems strange that such an important matter should have been left so ambiguous and subject to dispute. The truth is, no doubt, that there was a want of directness and plain dealing on both sides. In the anxiety to make a treaty and to get the credit for settling the difficul- ties between the two countries, each side appeared to be afraid of raising obstacles. Both compromised on a want of explicitness and ambiguity, and trusted to luck. The British Commissioners looked at the treaty from their own point of view, while shutting their eyes to the reverse side, and the Ameri- can Commissioners did the same. Hence arose the misunderstanding. We can hardly sup- pose there was either deception practised or an insidious attempt to overreach each other. Over anxiety, bordering on timidity, led toa want of frankness, and, as a consequence, the treaty was bungled. This, we think, explains the conflicting views and statements of Sir Stafford Northcote and Mr. Fish. But has the difficulty with regard to the claims for indirect damages been brought to a solution? The action in the House of Lords creates the impression -that it has. At the same time our Washington despatches reiter- ate the assertion that no modification will be made in the supplemental amendatory article acted upon by the Senate—that no further con- cessions will be made to the British govern- ment or for the sake of saving the treaty. In- deed, the assurance comes from high quarters that dissatisfaction is expressed at the explana- tory action of General Schenck in helping Gladstone out of his difficulty, and it is said that the government at Washington has become indifferent as to the fate of the NEW YORK HERALD, SA’ 2 -> Tuesday, there appeared to be no approach to a settlement on the question at issue. When Earl Russell made his bitter speech denouncing the United States and making offensive refer- ence to the Trent affair leas hope began to be entertained of an amicable arrangement. But immediately after that Mr. Schenck presented the letter of assurance to Lord Granville to which we have referred. Did Mr. Fish begin to feel weak in the knees? Was the adminis- tration frightened at the language of the House of Lords and the firm attitude of Eng- land? There is certainly something remark- able in the rapid changes which have taken place within the last few days, whatever may have caused them. Perhaps the bluster of England and the pretended firmness of the government at Washington were, after all, only for buncombe—a sort of byplay for poli- tical effect. England has not appeared to be frightened, and we can hardly suppose Gen- eral Grant and his Cabinet were. We must conclude, therefore, that concessions have rade been made and the treaty saved from pure friendship and the kindest feeling, notwith- standing the difficulties and apparent unpleas- antness that existed. The late obstacle with the British govern- ment in coming to an understanding appeared to be as to what our government meant pre- cisely by direct and indirect claims. Or rather it wanted to know exactly what would be tho limit of direct claims and what would be withdrawn under the term indirect claims. The language of the Senate amendatory sup- plemental article to the treaty did not appear explicit enough, though our government had virtually surrendered the indirect claims. Here was the hitch. The British government seemed afraid of being overreached by. some Yankee dodge. To people of ordinary common sense there would be no difficulty of understanding the difference between direct and consequential damages, particularly after such a full dis- cussion as there has been over these so-called Alabama claims; but diplomats are so accus- tomed to ambiguity that they cannot see as clearly as other mortals. However, Mr. Schenck's assurance, or Mr. Fish’s assurance, given through Mr. Schenck, that the claim for all consequential damages is withdrawn, must be very full and explicit, for it literally trans- formed, as by magic, the House of Lords. We may conclude the trouble is over and the treaty saved. ‘The condition on which our govern- ment has surrendered the claim for consequen- tial damages is the acceptance by England of the amended rule with regard to the obligations and liability of neutrals. The want of due dil- igence in not preventing a violation of neutral and friendly obligations when England is at war will only subject the United States toa claim for direct damages, just as such a claim against England for the depredations of the Alabama and her fellow cruisers are now lim- ited. The case has been wonderfully narrowed down, considering tho injuries we sustained by England’s unfriendliness during the war and the claims we made and persisted in making against that country; but, as the Queen has ex- pressed her regret, and as peace and good feel- ing between the two countries are so desirable, it is best, perhaps, to close the dispute. It would have been still better if our government had made England a present of the paltry twenty millions or so claimed for direct dam- ages, but which may never be accorded by the Geneva arbitrators, than to have gone to all treaty. There is a peculiar State Department odor in this pretended firmness and indiffer- ence. In these same despatches we learn, however, that any written or other assurance the British government may require of the ab- solute withdrawal of indirect claims in a man- ner less formal than would require the further action of the Senate, would be, if it had not already been, furnished through Mr. Schenck, our Minister at London. We suppose, there- fore, that the satisfactory assurance had been given in the letter from Mr. Schenck which Lord Granville read in the House of Lords, which created so much joy among their Lord- ships, and which caused the belligerent and waspish Earl Russell to withdraw his motion of address to the Queen. The government at Washington certainly instructed Mr. Schenck to give this assurance, and it is reasonable to infer that the very language of his letter to | Earl Granville was supplied from and carefully weighed by the administration. We are told that our government did not think that even this would be satisfactory to the British Cabinet. That, we suspect, is mere pretence. The administration did, we think, believe the assurance given would be acceptable to the British government. For what more would it desire? The word of a great government pledged through its Minister, under instructions from home, could not be repudiated. Mr. Schenck giving assurance under these circumstances that all claims for indirect damages would be withdrawn must certainly be satisfactory, unless the British government really wanted to destroy the treaty. If the administration had doubted the result of its overtures made through Mr. Schenck it must have been greatly surprised at the cordial reception they met with in the House of Lords immediately they were an- nounced. The peers of both parties vied with each other in their cheers over Mr. Schenck's letter and the result attained. Did not the ad- ministration at Washington anticipate some- thing like this? Did it not expect this formal and solemn assurance of withdrawing the in- direct claims would be hailed with satisfac. tion? It seems to us that all this pretence of doubt was only put forth to cover up in part such a decided surrender, while the effect of it was expected. The favorable turn in this treaty difficulty seems to have been as sudden as it was unexpected a few days ago. Up to the time of the debate in the wren’. } House of Lords, which commenced on this trouble and annoyance about them. As the matter is now settled, or on the eve of set- tlement, and as the country is utterly disgusted, we hope there will be an end of diplomatic palaver or whitewashing nonsense from the State Department. Let us try to forget the past and carry the treaty out in good faith. The Labor Question and the Striking Mania. At no former period in the history of this people has the antagonism between labor and capital been so violent as it is at the present moment. At no former period has the work- ingman revealed so much power. It has long been apparent that all that was wanted to enable the workingman to dominate the situation was well organized and well directed combination. Latterly combination has been more success- fully managed than in days gone by. The workingman has been rising in the social scale; his education has been improving; and now he finds himself in a position in which he can speak with something like authority to the employer of labor. We cannot object to the workingmen for combining to advance their own interests. We cannot object to them “striking” and standing out when milder means have failed. All this is legitimate enough; and so long as the workingmen, in their efforts to improve their position, fight their employers within the limits of law we have no choice but wish them success. We are sorry, however, to find that the strikers in this city are falling into the worst habits which have disgraced the so-called labor movements of the Old World. It has ever been the fault of the strikers in fe Old World that they have deliberately and per- sistently refused to recognize the rights of the individual. If the individual was bold cnough to exercise his own judgment and act on his own responsibility he did so with the full knowledge that he was putting his life in peril. ‘The history of strikes in England particularly isa history of fearful crime. Already in this city within the last few days there have been shameful attempts at intimidation and violence. The case of Brownlee has done much to alienate from the workingmen the sympathy and support of some of their best friends. If intimidation and violence are resorted to the law must be put into operation, and the interests of the workingman must inevitably suffer. As friends of the workingmen we advise the leaders of the various organizations to exer- cise the utmost caution and to pteserve the strictest discipline. We know how hard is the task which they have to perform. It is in the nature of strikes to call into activity the worst passions of human nature, and when the bad passions of the multitude are aroused there is always danger that individuals will rash into excess. We are willing to admit that violence has not as yet been encouraged by the leaders of the different organizations. But they must satisfy the public that they are resolved to keep the peace, and that itis their determina- tion to fight the fight within the limits of the law. We cannot afford to have trade riots in New York, and we must not have them. We call upon the authorities to be on their guard, to be ready to act, if action is necessary; and if any attempt at vio- 'URDAY, JUNE 8; 1872—TRIPLE SHEET. ee ann RARIR ERR maces eamemmmneemnaraneaneesnaMmeanURE STL? ST ee i sn EC HR TEP UENCE TT eee am ea a a9 peter lence is made it will be their duty not only to allow the law to take its course, but to mete out the severest punishment to the offenders. In this free country, where tho rights of every man are respected, where free speech is every man’s property, and where the ballot box stands open to every one not disqualified by crime, we must not have repeated the dis- graceful scenes which on the other side of the Atlantic have brought discredit on labor combi- nations. The workingmen on this side cannot but win if they keep within the limits of law and invest their cause with dignity. If they sink into the condition of incendiaries, and otherwise prove themselves the enemies of public order their cause, which has much to commend it, will be hopelessly lost. Our Commerce with the West and the Line of the St. Lawrence. The heavy falling off in the shipment of grain from the port of New York suggests con- siderations of great moment to the welfare of our city. Owing to causes which are not difficult to trace our trade with the great West, in at least two important products, has for some years shown a tendency to decline which cannot fail to exercise a damaging influ- ence on our commercial future. Only a few years ago almost the entire trade of our West- ern States in grain and lumber was carried on through the port of New York, but within late years these products have sought other outlets. Our Canadian neighbors have been the gainers by the changed direction of commerce, and at this moment they enjoy something like a monopoly of the grain and lumber export from our Western States. The primary cause of their successful rivalry is the advantage of water carriage, which they enjoy through the St. Lawrence. This magnificent river enables them to carry our products to the Atlantic ports ata much lower rate than is now charged by our railway companies, whose high tariffs have the effect of turning away the most important branches of our export trade for the benefit of foreigners. Apart from the injury inflicted on the community by turning trade into new channels, the railway monopo- lies are inflicting considerable loss on thom- selves, for by a more liberal and “far-sighted policy they could secure the immense carrying trade that is now enriching the Canadians. The experiments made in England, Belgium and Switzerland place it beyond doubt that the lower the tariffs adopted on railway lines the greater the average profit resulting, because the increased use made of the lines for transport more than makes up for the deficiency caused by lowering the rate of charge. If any proof were wanting of the inadvisability of main- taining high rates for the transport of mer- chandise it would be furnished by the present state of our grain trade. It is certainly not creditable to'a great commercial metropolis like New York to allow itself to be outstripped by insignificant Canadian ports without at least making o serious effort to retain our carrying trade in its natural channels. There ought to be sufficient intelligence among our merchants to enable them to recognize the danger of allowing our export trade to fall into the hands of a foreign people, and to sug- gest a remedy. Indeed, the remedy is so clear that it requires no special knowledge to dis- cover it. Exports naturally flow out through the eagiest and cheapest channels, and our merchants at Chicago, Toledo and Milwaukee find it cheaper to send thYir grain and lumber down the St. Lawrence to Montreal than by rail to New York, and they avail themselves of the cheaper route. This is very natural, and no doubt New York merchants would do the same thing, because they manage their busi- ness for their private gain and not for the beneflt of the community. But the business men of New York have an interest in preserv- ing the commercial supremacy of their city, and they ought to take such steps as would make it the storehouse of the West. This can only be accomplished by securing the trans- port of produce at the lowest rates to the port of shipment. The present policy of the railway companies inflicts incalculable damage to the interest of our trade, and calls loudly for reform; for there is no concealing or evading the fact that the high tariff which they levy on merchandise passing over their lines is the primary cause of our losing the Western trade. The attempt to remedy this evil by means of the Erie Canal we fear must be set down as a failure, and we must look in some other direction for relief. If the railway monopolies would listen to argu- ment we might hope to convince them of the injury their short-sighted policy is inflict- ing on themselves and on the community; but corporations, as arule, are not very clear- sighted, and are ever ready to sacrifice possible advantage to immediate gain. This narrow- ness of thought is especially marked in the case of our American railways, and we fear that it will be necessary for the people to make their power felt through the Legislature before we can hope for any amelioration of the abuses that are strangling our commerce. If the existing lines were unequal to meeting the demand for transport it would be desirable to build others, so that the communication between the Western States and New York should be as rapid and cheap as the circum- stances of the case demand. This is the only solution of the present difficulty, as, unless steps are taken to secure cheap and ready transit to our port, the commerce of the West will undoubtedly flow into other channels. The fact that nearly one-half of the whole grain export of the West for the week ending May 31 was shipped through Canadian ports ought to warn us how mpidly this branch of commerce is departing from us, while it flourishes with our neighbors. The lumber trade, of which at one time we enjoyed a monopoly, has also almost completely passed away from us, and while Quebec is crowded with shipping loading for foreign ports some half a dozen vessels only are engaged in the foreign lumber trade in New York. As the cause of the decrease in our trade is patent, and the remedy suggests itself, there ought to be no delay in applying it. It is impossible for us to allow the immense and daily increasing trade of the West to pass into other hands and enrich a foreign people simply because those who control tho railway communication of the country are too stupid to understand their own interest or too cor- rupt to care for the well-being of the public. If they continue to levy blackmail on the com- merce of the country to such an extent as to drive it into other and safer channels it will become a question whether the people, for theix own vrotection. will not be comnelled to take'the control and direction of tho railway system into their own hands. Certainly the abuses and obstructions maintained by the Present monopolies have created a large party in the country who are in favor of placing the railways in the hands of the government for the benefit of tho nation, as has been done with such signal success both in Belgium and Switzerland. As tho people of this coun- try have contributed so largely out of the public domain to the construc- tion of those lines of communication they, of course, have a peculiar right to assume control of them, and we have no doubt they will do so unless the present system is con- siderably modified, so as to meet the wants of tho people. In the matter of communication with the interior we aro much in the condition of Mexico. Every bale of merchandise en- tering or departing has to pay toll for the benefit of some band of monopolists. Here we are robbed by privileged and chartered bodies, while our neighbors, not having advanced so far in civilization as we, are subjected to the rader and more primitive form of highway robbery; but the result is the same. The lords of the road assert their right to levy a toll over and above the legitimate cost of transport, and to that extent they rob tho consumers; and it matters little to the victims by what process the wrong may be accomplished. The result is the discouragement of trade and the turning of commerce into other and safer channels. This is a question which intimately affects the future welfare of New York, and ought to receive prompt and effective attention from all who are interosted in the progress and well-being of tho metropolis of America, General Sherman in Russia. Our last mail accounts informed us of the magnificent welcome and distinguished treat- ment accorded by the Sultan of Turkey to General Sherman. So gratified was the Sultan with his visitors that in acknowledgment of the pleasure which the visit afforded him, His Majesty placed the famous yacht which had been presented to him by the Viceroy at the disposal of General Sherman, to convey him to Sebastopol. The welcome which Old Tecumseh received in the land of the Czar was all that could be desired. All the Russian officials there extended a hearty greeting to the famous old soldier who had come to visit the scenes made famous in history by the events of seventeen years ago. The terrible struggles of the Crimean war have nearly faded from the memory, yet Sebastopol stands to-day in pretty much the same condition as when the tri-color of France and the Union Jack of England proclaimed from the battered forts that the Malakoff and Redan had fallen and the power of the Russians to hold them had failed. To General Sherman the scenes of the struggles in which the armies of five nations had contended were indeed of. interest. The fields of Inker- mann and Balaklava possessed an attraction for him which a civilian could not appreciate. The Heratp correspondent who accompanied the General says that he showed a thorough acquaintance with the famous grounds which he trod for the first time, but which study must have made him familiar with. After visiting all the places of interest in and round Sebastopol, the General, accompanied by his friends, set out for Yalta. On their way thither, where they arrived after a pleasant journey, they passed through the demesne of Prince Worongloff and the grounds of the summer palace of her Imperial Majesty of Yalta. Philadelphia Presidential Plat- The form—Is the Millennium Near at Hand? A party platform, especially for Presidential purposes and on delicate questions, is like one of those ingeniously constructed pictures which, looked at from the front, may give us George Washington, while viewed from the right it may be General Butler, and from the left Jeff Davis or any other man; and such on the issues presented, requiring skilful hedging, is the republican Presidential platform ema- nating from the late Philadelphia Convention. It sets out with a brief recapitulation of the great achievements of the republican party during the eleven years through which it has controlled the government and the destinies of the country, and declares that ‘this glo- rious record of the past is the party's best pledge for the future,’ which is true. This, however, is in the past; but for tho future what have we? Let us see. We have a resolution in favor of equal rights all round, and against any discrimina- tion on any account of creed, race or color. This is a ‘glittering generality,” which may mean anything or nothing. The next resolu- tion, which is in favor of the enforcement of the spirit of the new amendments to the con- stitution, is more to the purpose. The next, in favor of honorable peace with all nations, and of sympathy with all peoples striving for greater liberty, while looking to England, does not forget poor old Ireland, which is a good idea. Then we have a resolution for civil service reform, which cuts the ground from under the feet of Carl Schurz as a civil service reformer; and then a declaration against further land grants to land monopolies, which is all right. On the great question of national taxation this Philadelphia platform declares for the abolition of all our internal revenue taxes ex- cept those on liquor and tobacco, and on the tariff it declares with a subdued voice in favor of the protection of home industry. The reso- lutions on the soldiers and sailors ‘‘whose valor saved the nation,” &c., and on the protection at home and abroad of our foreign-born citizens, are first rate texts for republican campaign speeches, while the declaration in favor of the abolition of the franking privilege, we suspect, was merely intended to throw dust into the eyes of Mr. Greeley. On the labor question we are told that ‘the republican party recognize the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest op- portunities, and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great servants of civ- ilization,’’ which is all very fine, but very in- definite, as, for example, on the eight-hour question. But this resolution shows that the republican party sees the drift of the wind on this labor question, and is trimming its sails to catch it. The Ku Klux resolution is a con- cession to the Southern blacks; the denuncia- tion of repudiation is a good-will offering to the “bloated bondholders,” and the hearty ap- proval of the amnesties extended by Congress to ox-rebela is a bid for the Southern white vote. And who can object to the maintenance of national rights as well as State rights, which the republican party proposes, or to the en- couragement of American shipbuilding ? But the last resolution of the lengthy budget is the simplest and the best, in attesting and endorsing ‘the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity and the illustrious services of General ‘Grant.”’ All this the honest masses of the people under- stand, and herein lies the strength of the re- publican party. Otherwise theirnational plat- form must be taken in many things as mean- ing something or nothing, but good for bun- combe. Ticket and platform, the republican party is before the country, and itis pretty well guarded on all sides. But still the final shaping of the great battle depends upon the action of the approaching Democratic Na- tional Convention. The Crossing of the Nubian Desert The Herald Correspondent En Route to Join Sir Samuel Baker. We publish on another page of this morn- ing’s issue another letter from the Heraup correspondent sent out to join the expedition of Sir Samuel Baker in the interior of Africa. The communication is dated at Berber, and is most interesting in details of travel up the Nile and adventures during the crossing of the Nubian Desert. About the middle of January the party accompanying the Heratp corre- spondent disembarked from the Nile boat Herald and prepared to set out from Korosko for Berber. Between the two points lay the Nubian Desert, and this had to be crossed. It was a task not easy of accomplishment to those unaccustomed to the fierce heat and burning sands of interior Africa. Yet the duty had to be attempted, and the attempt se- cured the successful achievement of the under- taking. After a twenty-four hours’ stay at Ko- rosko the cavalcade, consisting of the Hrraup correspondent and a party of American gentle- men, and fifty camels, forty-two donkeys and nineteen servants, started, amid the wondering gaze of the sparsely-clad Koroskoans, on its perilous journey. Before the adventurous party lay the dreary waste which had to be crossed ere a halt could be made. Entering the northern gate of the desert, about half a mile outside the town, the prospect presented was as bleak and as barren as can well be imagined. Hills of dark rock, deep ravines, paved with fallen boulders; shifting sands and the remains of dead camels met the eye on every side. Scenery of this description was anything but cheering. At the close of the first day out the party halted and went into camp for the night’s shelter. Tho gossip during that night consisted chiefly of the achievements of those who on former occasions crossed this desolate waste. The difficulty of the task deters travellers from attempting it. It is truly no thoroughfare for Europeans or Americans. The strongest constitutions in most cases suc- cumb to the effects of the intense climate. Some idea of the rigors of the journey may be formed from the fact that on several occasions this desert highway was closed to travel by the Egyptian government on account of the terri- ble loss of life to those who attempted it. In years gone by Said Pacha accomplished the journey and made himself acquainted with the rich regions which lie beyond ; yet he, the first and only Egyptian Viceroy who undertook the task, prohibited the passage of the desert. As time wore on and the demands of commerce became greater the path was again reopened, and at this day the Nubian road is perhaps the most extensively travelled desert highway in the world. All along the route, according to the information forwarded us by our correspondent, caravans laden with gum, ivory, and other products of the Soudan, were passed, bearing their rich freights to Korosko. The remains of camels which had perished in the journey bore testi- mony to the intensity of the heat. The faith- ful animals, inseparable from desert travel in the East, fall a prey to its influences, Some estimate of the annual traffic may be had from the statistics furnished by the Heratp correspondent, which show that over one hun- dred thousand camel loads of rich freight are brought across the Nubian highway every year. Yet with all the hardships of the jour- ney, it is not without its attractions. Life on the desert is not devoid of interest, and the sufferings undergone by travellers are fre- quently forgotten in the strange and varied scenes which meet their gaze. The third day out brought the American cavalcade to the shores of the mirage seas of the desert. One of these extraordinary atmospheric phe- nomena is described in the letter of our corre- spondent. The night of the third day was passed at Bahr bela Ma (the Sca Without Water). Atthe Moorad Wells the party re- plenished their water skins and pushed on for their destination. Various caravans were interrogated regarding Sir Samuel Baker, but all the answers received were about as varied as are those gene- rally given to travellers making inquiries on the road. Before approaching the Moorad Wells the Sheyk Mahomet, or the Sheyk of the Wells, as his title goes, joined the party and treated the members with Oriental considera- tion. Parting with the desert chief, some dis- tance further on, the Sheyk Mahomet Hasseen was encountered, and at his solicitation the party accepted the hospitality of his palace. One hour from Berber the United States Con- sul at Khartoum came: out to welcome the travellers, and close behind was the Governor of Berber, who, accompanied by his equerries, had hurried forth to greet his visitors and invite them to his palace. As may be supposed, the Americans were not sorry that the haven for which they started was near at hand, for a passage over four hun- dred miles of burning sand is not such as one would care to prolong. Berber was reached in safety, and the Arab hospitality of the venera- ble Governor banished all recollection of the dangers experienced on the trip across the desert. Tue Srreet Cieantna Bureav.—Instrue- tions have at last been issued to the Super- intendent of the Street Cleaning Bureau to set his department vigorously to work on Monday next. It is time that action should be taken, as the state of some of the streets in the poorer districts, unless soon ameliorated, cannot fail to develop some form of contagious disease. Too much time has already been spent wrangling with Brown about the pur- chase of his useless old brooms. We have had enough of Brown. and think that the Police