The New York Herald Newspaper, May 11, 1872, Page 4

4 INSIDE THE CONVENT - + PRESIDENCY-MAKING How Belmont, Halstead and Wells Spoiled Adams. How the Washington Putriot and Tis Congressmen Killed David Davis. THE ACCIDENTAL CHOICE THE BEST. The Rupture Between Schurz and Brown. Perils of WPolitical spectability. Re- GROESBECK GROANS. WASHINGTON Crry, May 8, 1872. ‘The subject of Greeley and the inside operations of the movement which nominated him and serious- ly threatens to elect him still are the talk of the hour. As the Democratic Convention will meet late, and as the Philadelphia Convention has to look inthe face the possibility of Grant’s non-nomina- tion—either by his persuasion into retirement or the substitution of astronger ¢andidate—the names of Gree and Brown will be before the country nearly two months to come—a formidable period to we left to two such energetic men and the revolu- tionary party which they now lea OTH ITRY OF FE Lt Look at what is passing | ‘The great municipal ris- ing of New York against Tammany overwhelmed the Northern democracy, and the reform fever, extending to national politics, has overwhelmed the republican party. A few democratic Congressmen at Washington, assuming to make Justice David Davis President by the use of the Cincinnatl move- ment, and failing, have set the whe democratic party on the run to support Horace Greeley, who was nominated there. Nothing seems to stop the current, spaper after ne paper of the old stamp comes over. The oldest Bourbon Hail, Hora ae jot helped to kindle a fire t xtin nh. For all the democratic i die cry:—"“Why is not all you had to say of Di rood for Gr Both were whigs; both Lincoln men; both amnesty men; both justice me and Greeley is besides 2 merciful and liberal man, yond its loc: rank and known everywhere in the land, while Davis is little known and penurious!? Let the Patriot answer this a best it can, and let the New York Wérla expound the difference between, its favorite, Adams, and Greeley, to the same leng They made the argument for one application, and their readers en- dorse it and apply it to another one. The demo- cratic journal is not yet a success on the inde- pendent principle. It must either come over toa fusion with blu good will, like the Missouri Repuh- dicon or Cincinnati Enquirer, or stand out and never take a bid, like the Cincinnati Commoner, But its trimming and gallivanting are not appreciated in the democratic family. No journal can afford to be independent which cannot aiford to bolt, as the independent republican papersdo. And if both the World and Patriot threaten to-morrow to bolt Greeley they cannot make the Greeley fag come down from any democratic masthead which has raised it. Parties have been taught the uses of in- dependence as well as of dependence rapidly in this country. THE SOUTH AND THE FREE TRADERS. ‘There has been for years a growing revolt against the New York directory of the democratic party, and the shrewd Willian M. Tweed once sought to avail himself of it and become the executive head of the whole party in the Iand, The alleged at- tempt of M felmont to make Adams the Cincin- nat! nominee awoke again the fecling among West- ern democrats, This feeling, detined, is that the Now York directory is not honestly, but selfishly democratic, and that it cannot erect an organ here or there whose utterances or men shall bind demo, cratic voters, The Southern democrats are re- solved on fusion this year, no matter how probable Separate democratic chances may be, because they tried the democratic chances in 1868 and got for their fuith four more years of carpet-baggery and Ku Kiux legislation. ‘The free traders have nosuMicient reason to make a bolt and they can command no vote upon any- thing but a proposition. Free trade is an economi- ton, not a candidate for the Presidency, and after the free traders agreed to the Cincinnati platform they had nothing to do but to support the candidate. “Otherwise they are no better than $ American republicans, who raise the stand- al volt after submitting to anelection, This position Uiey cannot take and ever again command confide in any political convention, and nobody would propose to do it not temporarily afected with an attack of the high-striker. The power of economical reform has always lain in combinations and not in political con tions. What business has it struggling down in the cockpit with its gospel, among the gaffed and clipped birds of the blood ¥ NEMESIS, Thus we may presume that the free traders can- not make any revolt of consequence, and probably they do not want to do so. And unless the New York and Northeastern politicians make a combina- tion and again cozzen the democrats of the South and Southwest, there will probably be no demo- cratic candidate against Grecley, The chances, at any rate, point to the democratic party being in- vited to half the patronage of the country it Greeley be elected. Such was the expression in the Cincin- nati Convention. Mr. Greeley will not now say as much, and his stake Is saying nothing; but every- body knows that the people who put up the liberal republican movement were sick of the federaliza- tion of all our politics two or three years ago, and GRANT AND HIS RIVALS; that they are not more weary of the non-elastic rule irant than of the head centres of republicanism. The success of the eley ticket will break up for a time Mortonism in Indiana, Shermanism in Ohio and Camerouism in Pennsylvania. The whole char- acter of our polities has ‘n slowly changing by the institutions of the war. Men are seeking out new affinities, and the times have required less rigid parties and a President with a more tractable na- Who can the Philadelphia party set up in place of Grant more wating: this spirit of the period’ Not Boutw Whom Grant is said to in- cline toward as the exponent of the best vindicated feature of his administration, Perhaps Blaine, who is more dashing, pliant, shrewd and showy. Cer- tainly tie souls of the regular party are disturbed, Gold moving up three per cent on account of the failure of the Alabama ‘Treaty; and yet the compli- ment of this ascribed by the adininistration to Gree- ley’s nomination |! The Mormon prosecutions by a united Supreme Court thrown to the ground aa ille- gal, although supported solely by the President against his own legal advisers ! The Spanish ques- tion disgraceful and the President requesting of Congress the war-making power to get out of it somehow ! Every other department in a mess and under investigation, Finally, Grant himseli sated, almost disgusted with things, And upon this mess the revolution rushing up, headed by an old white hat and Gratz Brown’s red head. GRATZ BROWN’S COUP DE MAIN. Gratz Brown has been censured on all sides for the action he took at Cincinnati. Some of t) young boys, like General Brinkerhoff, and the pou ing girls, like Mr. Hoodley, who think that the United States ia bound up in one small topic of po- litical economy, cried out immediately after Gree- ley’s nomination, “We have been sold !’’ General Brinkerhof, of Mansfield, a chatty and cheerful lecturer employed i? the Free Trade League, rushed into the Burnet House just after the mecling of the malcontents of Ohio and said, “We have done a glorious tuing; we have repudiated is ain and sale between Gratz Brown and eG ; We mean to vote for General Grant, and not for any such bargain.” Now, as General Brinkerhoff had been stating at Cincinnati for three days, that unless Adams or Trumbull was nominated, he was for Grant anyway, his opinion will pass for’ little with men who at- png bead be: Convention for business pur- and Who meant to abide e re! stand by the cautiaater abide by the result and is “astonishing how, in a to: every cilizen grows to be of onoranes amenities hold'@ national convention there, Mr. Halate Mr. George Pugh, the Hoadleys, the Brinkerhois the Btallos, &c., €e., at once began President-mak. ing, aud When they bolted they thouglt the king o el | helped’ by « The little Wash- | | NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, MAY II, 1872—TRIPLE SHEET. pin had come ont. Probably no peraon who ex. ly Hike Brinkerhow fools satisied now was not ve ow work to aeccom- E aleous spirit he bad stepy ranks and proposed (o enfianc! eVon at the tisk of b in half, to which party ri Seharg and ONTL MOVE fomination in the i restored to the democratic rnor, 80 was Frank iy, the ats of movements on a of evenia gre 13 of Missouri, , back into. the In a short time Governor Bi follow his constituents into the demos part out of public life, or by some powerful rifice und new course of action, like that which $ adopted, bring the démocratic masses a higher plane, Ne found at Cincinnati a d wrangle going on between the protectionists rectvaders, and the freetraders were the most ¢ of the two, When he arrived in the city the platform was not arranged; it looked as if the liberal movement and its higher purposes might be shattered by an affected prominence of the smuiler issues. So Gratz Brown lene in and saiv “The great issues of this Convention are, first, the reunion of all parts of the country, and second, a popular revolt against all mere party ties, long worthless, and dividing us as neighbors and coun- trymen. i will split this thing by coming out for Horace Greciey, who, protectionist as he is, is a Square man, cious man and a protestator for amnesty and against caucus government.’ BROWN AND SCHURZ MISUNDERSTAND EACH OTHER, Another process of Gratz Brown's mind, tendin; towards the above course, will perhaps give th man less standing with idealists and more with pol- iticians, He found that his old associate, Carl Schurz, was not for him as the candidate for the first place on the ticket. Schurz had not struck his colors for any reasons of vacillation or any in- constancy, but the last year or two have made Schurz a power in this country, and have given him associations with the richest, the most conser- vative and most prudent people init. Froma tine young man, friendly to vague republicanisms and popular movements of ull sorts, Carl Schurz has come to be a trained man, favoring the government of large countries by the best experience in them. The best ma yhom Schurz knew for this purpose was Lyman Trumbull, who keeps his head clear all the year round, looks’ with coolness and incision into public questions, and will at all times keep a constituency better (han be can gain it. In the old Belleville district of Minois, where Trumbull has spent so many years as a’ lawyer, citizen and Jadge, he still Kept the affections of the people, as Schurz well knew. Around Sprivgtield, Ii,, democrats and republicans were all attached to Trumbull, The large organs of the independent movement throughout America had conidence in Trumbull, and all that could be said inst him was that he was a cold man and not ardent in his manners. Schurz got to esteem Trumbull. He found that gold-spectacled gentieman to be a good guide, a good father and husband, and, after all, with the best twinkling o| that Schurz personally kn Brown, on the other hand, Honors being ¢ paler demo- nust hurz sa n with &@ warm many other traits were ¢ aswell as to the Bla and Browns, tion und decision took a new turn. pprehended that Trumbull was most deserving the suifruges of the nation for the highest office, and yot we came to Cincinnati with xed promise” io support Mr ‘Trambull. Schurz knew, probably, as all men at, Cincinnati felt, that he was the flaming sword of the liberal epublican party. Farnest for its success. and troubled with tht i as unwilling to decide, but when he came to Ciicinnati he found a way to pass between his judgment and affections— between Trumbull and Brown—and he supported Mr. Charles Francis Adams as a respectable and eminent compromise candidate, for whom much local feeling had been worked up in the Queen C! at the Missouri headquarters and at the St, James Hotel everything was sixes and sevens, Not half the Brown men were more than half Brown men, | They had found out that Brown had some strength in Kentucky, Teunessee, Virginia, Missouri and in some one or two other places, but there seemed no chance of nominating him. Grosvenor, who started in for Brown in good faith, was dis ‘bed in his mind, because his all was in the success of the Con- vention. If, at this moment, Carl Schurz leaned any way, it Was toward Charles Francis Adams, with a reserve feeling to support Trumbull ane a regret that he ought not to support Brown. THE SORROW OF SCHURZ. This splendid orator now felt in all its magnitude the weight of a Convention catied out of mere popu- lar impulses and composed of thinkers, each of whom valued his particular thought more than the general purpose of victory. At the same time, Schurz knew that in deciding against Brown he wi cutting loose from the local associations of seve! years in Missouri. Probably no man in that Conve tion more clearly apprehended the private sorrows which it would entail upon himself than this young German-American in the height of his illustrious career. Partisan animosity had not changed the color of his hair, Falsification of his motives had not distressed him. Conscious of his powers in the presence of inasses of people, he feared no compe- tition there. there were the old friends of the free State of Missourl about to fall apart, because the duty of ole man and the ambition of another were uot the same, BROWN'S RES! On the other hand, Mr. a Of action, like his kinsman, Mlair, appeared to feel that Schurz had not given him that hearty support which their past ac- quaintance might e suggested, With fiery promptness, therefore, he decided to sink the free trade question in the campaign, and to commit himself and such Western free traders and Southern STMENT. Gratz Brown, who is a ‘rank | republicans as he could command to the nomination of Greeley, T have no notion at all that Brown conceived him- self to be certain of the next piace on the ticket If is candidate (Greeley) should get the first; but Gratz Brown did feel that ut the same time he could resent Carl Schurz’s abandonment of him and save the liberal democrats of the South from inevitable conjunction with the old Bourbon party, which would swallow them up and wipe out the work of the last fourteen years. Therefore, with Schurz as presiding officer—where he behaved beautifully and with dignity—and with Gratz Brown climbing the front stairs to the stage, which had been built by Halstead’s advice to the architects of the Conven- tion building, there ensued a dramati ene in politics hatdly eve: Up Hals 3 fatal steps Gratz Brown passed as a politician to ex- change deflance with Schurz aud change the issue of the Convention. HAMLET AND LAERTES. Ido not know whether to credit the story or not, that when Brown was making his speech and about to declare for Greeley, Schurz said behind him, “Don't do it; and Brown resentiully declaimed, “f stand by my friends and not by my enemies.’ But, at any rate, the scene was for a time touching, and it is tobe hoped that, like many similar ts porary ruptures, old fellowship will be resto etween this twain; for perhaps each acted from the highest impulse. from Lyman Trumbull, who, with all his chances of enriching himself, isa poor man, with nothing but a character, Independence and sagacity? What had Schurz to make in a private way by espousing the cause of Charles Francis Adams, who had but two or three days before called the Convention “a crewd,” as if he, Adams, doubted whether a large movement of individuals for large purposes could ever be equal to an organized party. On the other ‘hand, there were linpulsive, gene- roua reasons in Brown's mind. He held the cause of paciication and reunion higher than Schurz held Tespectable conservative candidacy and economical reform. Brown's heart spoke out for the best good of the South and Missouri. Schurz’s heart spoke out of his cosmopolitan and yet republican nature, and his desire to see economical reform not crusted underneath by the triumph of patriotic reform. Brown wanted the nation back and liberalized and both parties destroyed. Schurz wanted these things aud the very best old chaps and principles put Jorward. QUEER ISSUE OF THIS QUARREL. Both men were disappointed in their influence upon this extraordinary mass of delegates. Brown supposed that when he made a speech for Horace Greeley a fabulous number of his friends would cross over to Greeley. Here he made a mistake. For a littie while there was no change at all. It is a good instance of the individuality and independence of these delegates that even Brown's friends revolted against his au- thority, and a voice cried out from the Missonri delegation, “Gratz Brown has sold us, but not delivered us. It was not until after the reflection made by several ballots and good feeling generally prevailing for Greeley, that the young spirits and cheerfal folks of the Convention rose cS and proclaimed Horace Greeley and nominated him, On the other hand, Carl Schurz must have felt that over this fine body of self-asserting spirits he Was no dictator, for Mr. Trumbull, receiving a re- spectable number of votes, ver Ls pee quite formidable; Mr. Adams, the compromise candidate of the respectabilities, could not hold his way, and in the end many free traders somehow, feeling that there were higher objects to be subserved than their own, sprung into line and charged for Horace Greeley. ‘The nomination of Gratz Brown as Vice President fell as a natural result. He was the second choice | any way; Trumbull and several other men had re- fused the use of their names for the second place on the ticket and Brown took it. In fact, both were surprised, Schurz of the fact that Greeley could be nominated at all and Brown at the roundabout pro- cess by which it was done, THE MISSOURI LEADERS COMPARED, The great Missouri leaders, who have thus filled so large +> in the Western country, are not unlike men. uré, Frank Blair and Gratz Brown all seem to be a little below the middie age, and all are ardent fellows, practical and talented ‘in like de- gree. They are all good politicians, No two men in the United States make so near the same speech as Brown and Schurz. Brown's speech is generally @ clear, springy declamation against the resent- ment of parties, and an appeal to the folks of his own temperament to be calm—which he never is— and to come round and treat old feuds chivalrously, On economical subjects Gratz Brown's speeches are the protests of a revolutionary mind against the in- equalities of burdens, Carl Schurz has perhaps as much inflaence in America as Gratz Brown on these very questions. Schurz found Brown established in Missouri in the very positions which Schurz has since — ti up. Schurz appeared in Mis- sourt in the light of a supporter of ‘atic | What had Schurz to expect | | Brown's proposttions, with the reinforcement { 0 Gr an ent ‘© carry them out. le was the to Wellington on Waterloo day. | But things have changed, ‘The German has taken j & position In t a8 splendid in many re- | aa achieved by Hayae or Clay or r 8 to-dy in the estimation of milhons » & higher cxemp! intellizence ‘ven upoa economical topl . Gratz Brown, wito ticks the phlogmati ment of Schurz, the tigher cultivation, and cannot at indnuge himself paysically or in debate. The | Bominal victory is with Brown at Cincinnati; the | moral victory still rests largely with Garl Sehura, | = uuess the citference between these gentlemen philosoptic tempera: s deep, Schur 1b bandsomely he and retain tie highest nassume under our coustitution— | an Ame: ator, whose views conynand the | respect ns ts language dolights the people of all parties, nce W, | ‘THR ADAMS BLUNDER. | A question asked in highly moral quarters is. this :— Grecley, who wea a white coat, a soft , white hat, and tucks one end of his trousers in his boots # jains Was not the personal choice of anybody. ‘The number of votes he got on the highest ballot was the high wa mark of a ver to be gained in this country by fright spect nbility. Senator Lyman Trumbull said in Washing: | ton yesterda: “Now that it is done and all is over, and nothing lost, in my judgment, let me ask how did that Adams movement ever go so far’ Why, in the Western country Mr, Adams could have done nothing. Allover the prairie States, on both sides of the Ohio and Mississtppi, his name would have been like a frost, I think,” finished Mr. Trumbull, “that the gentlemen who supported Mr, Adams appreciated tine accomplisiiments and conservative character more than they knew the voting popula- Chief Justice Chase said nearly the same thing. Both think Greeley’s nomination the right ticket. The movement te make Adams President started | not far from the footstool of a Mr. Groesbeck, of Cincinnati. HOW GROESBECK MADE ADAMS. This man is one of the wealthiest citizens of the Queen City, and he has enjoyed several honors during his life. He came from New York, either of High Dutch or Low Duteh adopted State he has acquired a ve fortune, sometimes estimated to aiionnt to mo than a million of dollars, One of his daughters married a member of Parliament, and another son- wisafine-toned New England m At rialof Andrew Johuson Mr. Groesbeck made a | which gave him nearly an in the Ohio Vatiey. “Mr. | ML 19 other vaati could | d the orator | gn to see | thet very impressive speec illustrious Halstead heard t man within a radi have made tt. his reputation will come in to the support of the | lid not Mr, Adama, the ehoice of the re- | democratic ticket. men in so respectable a Convention, lead | that the Lrish would refuse to vote for Mr, Adams, | the choi 8 many a8 one-half of its votes for the Vice Preai- dency. Had there been a bargain under Governor brown's performance, one sign of it would neces. sarily have exhibited itself in New York’s solid vove | for the Missouri candidate. The trebie is, there waa no bargaining, except among those who were afraid of the overwhelming popularity of Mr, jroviey. Ail the arts of tmirigue and persuasion | were resorted to by adherents of Mr. Adams and | Judge Davis, and it was evident that in their behalf money had been freely (we do not mean iimprop- erly) spent. Nothing, however, engineered for Mr. Greeley except the inherent force of his own popularity, which constantly worked him ahead, and which’on the sixth ballot, a8 we have said be- fore, burst ail bonnds and carried ium in with a | te tof applau: ddous an politician type, were ‘ery able efforts, but of the pure or Judge Davis and for r, Adams; but the former advocacy had more noise than heart in it; while the latter was mainly a democratic eff it was craftily concetved, and was intended to result in the eut of tae Conven- tion, and the subsequent nomination of a straight It was known to the democrats conceived that the future development of would justify them in not giving him the endorsement of their National Convention; where- upon, they felt they might reasonably expect, that the liberal republicans, having hopelessly broken with Grant, would be recruited into the democratic foi and go for some compromise reform candi- date of the mild form of Groesbeck, Tilden or Hen- dricks, But tricks seldom succeed in matters of great moment, and never when measured against the instincts of a people. There was no reason in sight why Charles Francis Adams, with his aristo- cratic inclinations and freezing scholarship, should be selected to champion a popular emotion, or to represent a party so terribly in earnest as the liberal republicans—especially in the face of the declaration of his letter of the 24th April, that he was entirely “isolated from all political associa- tions.” In addition to these obvious incongruities it was decidedly against Mr, Adams’ chances that two of his family tad been Presidents before him, with a fourth busily in training, who had been baptized for the succession, under the patronymic of John Quincy. With these facts in view it was freely said that if the Convention should take Mr. Adams, it might as well decide in favor of primogeniture and entail, and likewise declare for family succession, It was generally feit that eof a2 man of such characteristics and surroundings would not only be out of sympathy With an ardent, popular and progressive moye- ment, but that the mer of the count being ac obliged to go three times in its short polit his- tory to the fountain of a single family and within the circuit a single State for # chief magistrate, would reg but little credit upon intellectual We of a republic, e thus sp giving the character of Mr, Adams’ candidacy, in order to justify our state ment that, notwithstanding arzencss of his vote during the first five ballots, he cont | chook to make Pip t | on the whole, approved of the propos | one of the men, undoubtedly, against whom M Adams raised warning in’ lus letter to crowd,” wherein Mr, Adams said that “no man aid think of the Presidency without soul disturbed for the remainder of his Ii Groesbeck, | on. He was | Groesback’s soul is disinrbed, Haistead ht | a cont ehim a President, but Hs | | are y from the idea, after he | | the jon of an entire ticket to be ma | by the Commercial nowspap | is Pre and Gro dent. | | Ad | “When a man conceives thing like this, and | | tries it all of himself, he gencraily ialls in Jove with | bigger nd of his'bargain, and soon M | beck percvived that Mr. Halstead, in his enwray admiration of Mr, , had ‘Somewhat cooled in his wteetion foi Mi It soon became | apparent to Halsted Such very respect- abie men put on the same ticket would not do at all. He therefore quietly dropped Groesbeck out of his mind, and thought it would be glory enough for one day to have the especial candidate of his news- namely, Adams, put at the head of the lib- Ket. fe of the story we dismiss Groesbeck, he has forivited any respect in him? self, but because Mr. Halstead had already dis- | missed him, We will presume Mr. Groesbeck to be playing billiards, with a moody countenance, every night, under the Burnett House, or dtting up that splendid home in the count Which, alas! he will never enjoy, since the FE. Mansion has over- shadowed it in his mi easy is the head that has dreamed of the Bast Room! ! ADAMS FIASCO, the king maker, Tal- Stead’s paper circulates everywhere. It goes sev- eral miles up the Licking River, and several hun- | dred miles up the Wabash. It is printed every day in the week, fighting days ex ed, The idea of Adams had now reached every region of this extra- ordinary editorial mind. The Ohio country papers all came to time. Overlooking that gentle and pleasant-speaking candidate of their own, J. D. Cox, of the Buckeye State, the country press and the Country people all is the cheese for us! He is suitic! All at once a gr ame to Cincinnati. August Belmont, ‘on the way West to shoot snipe’ in the chimney of ‘om Hendricks and at the tire- place of Dan Voorhees, called m at the Commercial omice and sais “Adams is wisdom; go it for Adams! Not five minutes clapsed, less or more, when the great democratic mouth organ, publish in New York for private circulation among its con- tributors, responded by telegram :—"We are out for Adams; he is the only cheese we can eat.” Thus it appears that the gigantic minds of Hal- stead and Belmont conceived Adams, and that he died a few minutes betore safe delive There were | many tears shed for him by those who had never been seen, and several respectavle handkerchiefs were seen ral to respectable eyes, ing, “It might have been The Adams movement seemed to strike the notions of some freetraders, of Mr. Bowles, and of two or three Bluegrass politicians like Cassius M. Clay. Mr. David A. Wells helped to kill Adams somewhat by publishing Adams’ letter, where that great man appeared to hold that the United States must come to him and be inconti- nently kicked before it could deserve a nomination from three Adamses of the same fat There was but one way at any time to make Adains President, and that was to secure all the strength of Trum- bull for him at the outset. It was the expectation of the Adains men that the friends of Palmer, Trumbull and Brown would ail go over to Adams without any agreement to | that effect. The Trumbull men i and the Brown men wanted Gri crowd” took up Chappaqua bou ‘3 instead of | | Quincy granite, | | Mr. Charles Francis Adams is a dead cock in | | Presidential politics. He ts too air, his country. p afterthought now is that his nomination would ‘n folly and that the fortuitous choice at Cinciunati wae the best. | Governor Palmer's friends behaved first rate. | They had no force and made no influence, but in | good time they joined hands wita Trumbull. Mli- | nois would probably have made the next President but for the Davis movement, which began by con- | vinelng everybody that it would go through with a rush, and ended by proving a transparent fraud, | Such are some of the points in the pending canvass. | Would it not yet be astonishing to see a desperate | effort made to nominate Horace Greeley at Phila- | delphia and leave the democracy out in the cold, so | ag to reconcile again the wings of the republican party? GREELEY VERSUS GRANT. A Liberal Review of the Presi- dential Situation. (From the New York Spirit of the Times, May 11.) Already responses have been heard from all por- tions of the Union in evidence that the first choice | of the Convention was the result of no accident or bargain, but the ripe fruit of an established wish—a national wish, which exhibited itself during the entire week at Cincinnati in the unmistakable sign “that Mr. Greeley was the expressed second choice of almost every delegation. And we do not hesitate to declare, on our own personal observation as a delegate, that at no time from Monday morning until Friday noon had any of the candidates cven the shadow of a chance for the Presidential nomina- tion except Horace Greeley. It i# true that the name of Mr. Adams led the balloting, and at one time was within forty-nine votes of an apparent victory, but every delegation sat all the while with pencil anxiously in hand ready to record a change of vote the moment the Adams tide should rise too high for Mr. Gree- ley’s safety. The decisive action took place on the sixth ballot, at which period the impatience of the Convention could be restrained no longer. It was then precipitated by the Illinois delegation, which on this ballot recorded, for the firat time, fourteen of its votes for Horace Greeley. This was the key- note of the true expression. A stampede took place at once among the other votes. Screaming chairmen sprang to their feet in all portions of the hall, anxious to place their delegations well on the victorious record; and then the Convention got its choice. And, as we have already said, this decision was not the result of any accident or bargain. Had there been any bargain to that effect it could not have been accomplished without the aid or privity of the New York delegation, which was the chief representative of Mr. Greeloy’s candidacy; and We, a3 & member of that delegation, who had full cognizance of all its wishes and proceedings, de- clare that it not only kept itself aloof from all bar- gains or compromises whatsoever, but it did not know of any. We were even ignorant of the in- “that | M ver bed a chance for the nomination from the + position was carefully worked up, but it ificial, and when it collapsed it eto t few earn such the Conneeticut and Jegations; but, like the demo red him, they were chiefly of the silk ng stamp—gentlemen who de isto: *, long haired, long ey court at Washington, and who, having experience in training candidates, feel it to their wealth and position to have 3 who moves within their velvet-footed se Mr. Greeley, on the other hand, was a syinpa- thetic man of the people. He had endeared hismseif to the masses of all parties by a life conspicuous for industry and honor and truly illustrious for its ser- vices to mankind; and they hastily mbled in all rts of the country to send delegates to Cincinnati him to accept.of an important trust, which, jer the nece: sof the crisis, required above ail things an ho ‘a homely phrase, “he filled the bill’ of the occasion, and nothing but a sense of decorum and pect for the other can- all of whom deserved weil at their hands, ed his nomination on the first ballot. The * bulk of the Convention, republicans supporting Massa- chusetts ¢ New York H with its usual sagacity, recog- nized the fact that he had the heart’ of the Convention early in the week, and had the re- porters of the other journals represented in Cincin- nati been equally as fran! not far-sceing, the final result would not have taken the politicians of the country by surpr Mr. Grecley’s nomination was no surprise to the people, for they ordered it, and it matters not what the politicians or party rings may do, in the way either of endorsement or repudiation (passive or active), the people intend to stand by him, The unmistakable response which is now peilipg from all parts of the country, par- ticularly frof the entire South, and conspicuously from the Irish and rmans, deprives us of all un- easiness upon this subject. And here we will embrace the opportunity to make the explanation, that the reason why we did not introduce the name of Mr. Sumner to the Con- vention, after having so long advocated it as our first choice, was, that the distinguished Senator, though sympathizing with the Convention and its purposes, declared to us, in a personal conversa- tion held with him a few days before we left for cinnati, that he did not desire to have his name put in nomination tor the Presidency. We. never- theless, took the liberty of continuing to urge his candidacy in the numns of The Spirit, in order that the democracy, after being familiarized with the fear of our extremest candidate, might enjoy a feeling of relief in the less objectionable name of Mr. Greeley. Sumner, therefore, was to practically advocate choice of Mr. ley, for both gentlemen he equivalent positions in’ a party point of view, and one was consequently the natural inheritor of the other's votes. We obtained, at least, our second choice, whi choice we now believe was best adapted to the canvass: and we feel an especial gratification that it was arrived at, in strict adhe- sion to the programme we had advocated. That programme, it will be recollected, was to regard the Cincinnati movement as a _—_repub- Hcan — problem _ solely, which, however much it might invite the sympathies of the re- form elements of the democratic party, must, for due Success, be played strictly within the republican lines. That, in order to attract the republican vote from its false representative in Washington we must choose candidates of the highest authority with the republican party, whose very names, in- deed, would be a bugle blast to the radical substra- tum, gathering them to the liberal standard, and crumbling the thin shell of the pretender’s power, like the walls of Jericho before the trumpet of the ancient Joshua, Equal in importance to the selection of the candi- dates was the formation of the platform, and de- cidedly the most important feature of that declara- tion was the cnunciation of the one term principle, That 'berated our future Presidents from the temptation to misuse their patronage; and it is in itself a civil service reform, fully adequate to the correction of the worst of our abuses, So essential is this prime reform, asacheck to the President against corrupting his subordinates, With a view to nis. re-election, that General Grant deciared, previous to his nomination at Chicago, “the liberties of the country could not be preserved without a one term amendment to the constitution,”’ We would here remark that the phrase of the Cincin- nati platform which asserts the one-term principle might, through a loos 88 Of expression, be made to misrepresent the obvious intention of the Con- vention, and be construed into an allowance of a certain form (and the worst form) of the re-elective principle; but the first application of thé phrase is happily to fall upon a straightforward and_ thor- oughly honest man, and we feel that Mr. Greeiey will be sure to set himself right upon ‘that principle, as soon as he is re- quired to express himself about it. We have only to add upon this point, that the declaration of this vital republican principle, was first made by the Columbus Labor Keform Convention and its af- filiated societies; next, by the Cincinnati Conven- tion and its State exponents; and is to be followed, as we have the best reason to believe, by a similar enunciation on the part of the Baltimore Demo- cratic National Convention. And this united au- thority will be, in effect, a preliminary pledisctte, in 3, against the pretensions of the Philadelphia lective royal candidate, In treating of the uominations of Mr. Greeley and Gratz Brown there is but one point left for this present article to consider, and that is, will the Cincinnati candidates be endorsed by the Demo- cratic National Convention? Our answer to this proposition is, that it {s not a matter of prime im- portance whether they are endorsed at Baltimore or not. We assume, of course, that they will be endorsed by the Baltimore Convention, however much some of the old democratic wire-pullers ma; shake their heads and express their sage forebo: ings to the contrary. The truth is the democratic masses have themselves taken up this question of endorsing the Cincinnati nominees, just as the re- publican masses, breaking from their old leaders, made the neminations in the first plac It is the movement of the democratic popu- lace, and not the movement of their heretofore so- called leaders; and all we have to say to those pretended democratic leaders is, that the boat is started which is to bear Uncle Horace to the Presi- dency, and unless they make haste to jump on board they wiil be left behind. Gloomy prognosti- cations and threatened opposition, with the view of Lakes | Cabinet positions and promises of lesser loot for the heads of their cabal, will be of no effect. As in the previous portions of this surprising can- vass, no bargains, compromises, or even “mutual understandings,” will be entertained. Horace Greeley represents not only the reform sentiment, but the revised political sentiment of the entire nation, and through his candidacy the country feels that it will commence a new era of national re- generation. " The liberal republicans understand the situation. |. They did not separate from their old associates to give democrats the lead, and they intend to cham- pion the present problem to the end. The present state of things is the prime opportunity of the democracy rather than of ours, for we chose to break the compactness of a republican dictatorship in order to give the democrats a chance. All that we have to offer them at the present juncture is the request that they consult their common sense, It must be clear to them that, as there was but one actual candidate at Cincinnati, there will be but one candidate for next President before the people; and unless they wish to part company with the Irish vote, which will go in mass for Mr. Grec- ley, and likewise with their portion of the German vote, which will do the same, they must endorse ournomination at their national convention. Let It satisly them that four years is but a brief trial of the patience of a great party, which has been under ‘To press Mr. r tended endorsement of Mr. ir eley by Grate Brown on the last day of the Covention; in evidence of which it will be seen that New York did not respond to tt by giving Mr. Brown foot for twelve, and which requires an armistice, under neutral conditions, of at icast four years, for the reorganization of its fortunes, RUSSIA. Baron D’Offenberg’s Career in Roumania. Reports of His Mischief-Making Not Truc—Alli- ances in General—The German-Austrian-Rus- sian-Italian-8panish-American Alliance in Particular, and “Why There Is So Many of It.” Sv. Pererspura, April 9, 1872, sce that a very curious and absurd letter about Baron d’Ofenberg, the new Russian Minister, has been going the rounds of tho American press. It 13. from the Berlin correspondent of the Cincinnati Volksblatt, and it warns American statesmen to be- ware of Baron d’Offenberg, giving, as a reason, that he is a slippery, unscrupulous, cunning and skilful diplomat—a second and improved edition of Catacazy, in short. ‘The cor- respondent then goes on to quote a letter from some other correspondeat at Bucharest, who as- sorts that Baron d’Ofenberg's career in Roumania was one of intrigue and mischief-making—that he was chosen by Gortschakoff for this post on account of his extraordinary skill in this branch of diplo- macy, and that he acquitted himself of the arduous task assigned him with wonderful tact and success, He says that d'Offenburg stirred up Moldavia to rise against Bucharest, excited the hostility of the boyars and reorganized the red rebublican party, which, he affirms, had previously overthrown Couza, He asserts that Gortschakotf opposed the formation and consolidation of an almost independent State with 6,000,000 inhabitants, on the mouths of the Danube, and the election of a Hohenzollern as Prince of Roumania, which had been the WORK O¥ NAPOLEON 11; and that when he failed in his opposition to this project he sent d’Omenberg to stir up discord; and | he further accuses the latter of having been the principal of the Strousbourg Railroad dimeulty. The writer of the letter in question is evidently a very good German—as good as Schurz may be; but Americans may not choose to be guided’ by his say- ings. There are so inany misstatements, not to call them by a harsher name, contained in bis letter, and he shows such an ignorance of Rouma- | nian history, that 1 am led to suspect that he is not at Bucharest, In the first place e against Bucharest, and Prince the most liberal and ive Roumania ever had, was not but supported, by the red republican part; uz Who abolished serfdom in Roumar allowed the peasarts to become pro- prictors of the soil, and who innugurated a variety of other progressive reforms, which would in time have made Roumania a civili: country, and it was these Ifberal measures which caused , or boyars, to unite against him, and in the end to his downfall. Baron @Offenberg was not sent to Bucharest upon the accession of Prince Charles, but ten years before his candidature was ever thought of The asser- tion that Napoleon IIT, was instvumental in having a Hohenzollern chosen as Prince of Roumania when he declared war against Prus to prevent a Ho- henzoliern coming to the throne of Spainis very pleasant fooling on the part of the intelligent cor- respondent of the Volksviatt, As to the Russian Minister having been the prime mover in the Rou- manian Railroad difiiculty, When we remember that. the whole trouble was caus by two very good Germans, Julius Ambron and the famous “EISENBUHNKONIG’? DU STRASBOURG, WHO CHEATED the Roumanian government out of about thirty million dollars. ‘The assertion, coming from a Ger- man, that Baron d'Ofenberg, who was in no way connected with it, was the cause of the difficulty, is, to say the least of it, rather cheeky. The truth is that Baron d’Offenberg, who has been about fifteen years in Roumania, was, perhaps, the most popular member of the diplomatic corps there, and all the Roumanian papers—and their name is Le- gion—spoke of him upon his departure in terms of the highest praise. e is not Known in the diplo- matic world as a cunning, skilful, unscrupulous diplomat, but, on the contrary, he is considered a plain, straightforward, outspoken man, with little or no pretensions to diplomatic finesse, and it was tor these qualities and his well known admiration for American institutions that he was chosen to re- lace Catacazy, The writer of the letter above re- ferred to asserts that i GORTSCHAKOFF HAS ABANDONED HIS PROJECT with regard to Roumania, I do not think this is true. It has always been the intention of the Rus- sian government to recover the strip of territory bordering on Roumania, taken from them during the Crimean war, and their preparations on the Black Sea and the immense armaments they are making do not indicate that they have abandoned that project. The truth is that this letter, coming as it does from Germany, gives some color of prob- ability to a report circulated here that the GERMAN CABINET 1s using its utmost endeavors to prevent a recon- ciliation between Russia and the United States. Whether there be any foundation for the report, or whether it is only one of those rumors that come into existence ponay knows how and float about through the air as it.were, without any known cause, os wore ash hr the mistrust wi whic! Germany is regarded here, and the belief in the intentions of Bismarck to py, fastand loose with Russia, as he has done with his other allies, There never was any sympathy here for Germany except in govern- ment cireles, and even there. tt seems, feclings of distrust are insidiously creeping in and suspicions of the good faith of the German Cabinet beginning to be entertained, ‘The reason of this probably is that Germany has just now too many friends, too many allies, for her professions of friendship towards all to be serious, First, we have the meeting of the Emperors of Austria and Germany at Gastein last summer, and the German press was in ecstasies over the firm and lasting alliance for peace purposes, of course, that had been made with their enemics of only five years before. Then Prince Frederick Charles came to St. Petersburg, and again there were rejoicings among the German newspapers and assurances of their profound love and esteem for Russia, and ANOTHEIE ALLIANCE was formed (with the view of keeping the peace, of course,) with the Czar, Prince Frederick Charles went to Italy, and Shar we have a German- Italian alliance manufactured by the German press upon the instant, over which there are more re- joicings and more rubbing of hands. Prince Frederick Charles went to Tunis, and some of the German papers are beginning to talk of a treaty with the Bey, by which THE FRENCH ARE TO BE CHECKMATED IN ALGIERS. He has now gone to Greece, without doubt to negotiate a treaty with that mighty kingdom, and we shall certainly hear of him at Constantinople en- gaged in the same business, ‘had almost forgotten the latest one, known as the Italian-German-Spanish alliance—for there have been so many that it is almost impossible to keep them all In one’s head—which is also a result of the diplomacy of the German press. ‘in hearing this German-Austrian-Russian-Ital- ian-Spanish—I had almost said American—alliance talked about with so much gravity one cannot help thinking of poor Artemus Ward's lecture on “Brig- ham Young's mother-in-law, and how there came.to be so many of her,” which was scarcely more hu- morous in its way. But, seriously, are they not taxing our credulity too far? Are these rumors of alliances started by the German newspapers to be taken as an evidence of what men wish and think necessary to protect themselves against future projects of French vengeance, and do the Germans really hope to make us belleve they are uniting the whole of Europe in a league against poor, beaten, humiliated France? It is quite trne that Germans in general, and Prussians in particu- lar, have very moderate ideas as to,the intelligence feelings of of people not belonging to that favored race and very exalted ideas of their own superior wisdom; but I would submit it to them with all due modesty, id they, are not asking us to believe too much _ and if they are not underrating our intelligence somewhat? If they would be moderate in Cie? ing their alliances we might believe in them; but if things go on at this rate we shail not be surprised to hear of Prince Frederick Oharles negotiating with the Hottentots of South Africa, or even en- tering into a compact with the Man in the Moon. Alliances, to be effective, should, like other good things, be indulged in moderately, but the Ger- mans, it would seem, are not satisiled with a mod- erate and reasonable number, they must needs ke the whole of Europe against their late enemy. tis A SIGNIFICANT FACT, and one which speaks volumes, in view of the im- mense military preparations M. Thiers is making, that they should think it necessary to thus see! allies inthe four quarters of the globe, and that they should try to make us believe it possible to unite the whole of Europe against France. The idea is too absurd to be entertained for moment, In the first place, the sympathies of mankind are always with the vanquished; and al- though the action of France in undertaking a war for conquest was severely reprehended, that of Ger- many, in continuing a war for conquest, put that Power in exactly the same moral position as France had been in the beginning, and she consequently lost all the sympathy her purely defensive action had given her. Inthe next place, she has nares great and powerful, and her treatment of Denmark, of Austria and of France shows that nothing y hod be expected from her magnanimity or mercy. e is, consequently, mn Abb SIDE, FEARED ON Al and [think T am safe in saying that es Latte Austria, Italy, Spain, Russia and Turkey, The (rq three friends where Germau; nta, and it hatural consequence of the logic of events, ala} will effectually prevent any serious alliance ge entered into, especially when there are so many them that the different parties cannot BvOIS wening, ust rayed. A Prussian- fit, w atienee is not moracticablo, for the reason v ‘1 nel cannot stay In Rome with- tant te nels of Prussian bayonets he is no better than the Pope, who had to bo sustained by a French army. An alliance with Spain is not probable, be- bo the sympathies of that country are with — ce, & kindred race, and an alliance With Russia on Austria at the same time is about a8 absurd @ that’ as could be easily imagined, for the reason r those two Powers are avowed and bitter ene- mics of each other, will ad her ree ma fol binations by Franee ‘unt minates in owerful as she may be, zed for continental com- France until their mutual hatred cul- Anotuer | triat of strength, nd France is J ctoriois—a contingen that will certainly arise within tie next few Fears, © begin to see, now, how foolish was the talk of crushing such a nation and utting it out of the possibility of renewing the contest for another fifty years; how short-sighted the statesmanship that threw away the occasion of taking a firm friend of @ chivalrous and warm-hearted People, who, what- ever their faults, have never been accused of ine gratitude or forgetfulness of a good turn; aud how wicked the ambition that changed a war of defence into one of conquest, aad thus. paved the Way for aserics of wars in the near future which will desolate the whole of Europe, Germany, and France too, many well seek for alliances, for ‘they will both need them in the contest which ts inevit- rips and which will sweep over Europe lifeta see Of tire, FOREIGN ORDERS. General Sheridan To Be Decorated by the Czar of Russia. A Number of Other American Gentlemen To Be Similarly Honored—Imperial Gratitude for indness to Prince Alexis—The Differ- ent Orders of Europe and America. ST, PETERSBURG, April 16, 1872. eneral Sheridan and several other persons whe had the pleasure of entertaining the Grand Duke Alexis when on his visit to the United States have been honored, or are to be honored very soon, by re- ceiving decorations from the Emperor, in acknowl- edgment of the politeness and kindness shown Alexis while there. General Sheridan will receive a decoration of the Order of the White Eagle, bat I am not in a condition to state what other ordérs will be given, nor to whom, and I, therefore, re- frain from mentioning names, as ldo not wish to raise hopes in the bosoms of my countrymen that may be cruelly blighted, and dreams which are doomed never to be realized, It is needless to state, however, that President Grant, Mr, Fish and Mr, Bancroft Davis are not mentioned as being among the number of the happy recipients. Ido not know whether these gentlemen will feel bad about it or not, but if they do they have the example of a certain re- nowned fox to fall back upon for consolation, al- though, to tell the truth, these grapes are usually considered exceedingly sweet by those who have tasted them. WHAT 13 A DECORATION? As there may be a great many of my readers who have never seen a decoration or anybody who ever wore one, I will state, for their benefit, that a deco- ration is a bit of ribbon, blue, red, yellow, green or variegated, as the case may be, to which is usually, attached a star, cross, medal or shield, made of gold, silver, enamel, or even iron, and worn on the breast, to the great delectation of the—wearer. They vary in size and color from a microscopic bit of red ribbon, worn in the buttonhole, as in the lowest grade of the French Legion of Honor, to a shield the size of a small dinner plate, flaming with all the colors of the rainbow, and often arranged in away that would put the rainbow to blush, as im some of the Spanish and Portuguese orders. NUMBER OF EUROPEAN ORDERS. The “Almanach de Gotha" gives a list of 150 orders, nearly all European, of which nine are Aus- trian, ten Spanish, seven Englisv, five Italian, seven Portuguese, eleven Prussian, eight Russian, three Turkish, four Dutch, two Belgian, one French, two Danish and six Swedish, the rest being distributed among the smaller German and Italian States. NEW WORLD DECORATIONS. The New World counts onl ine, of which six are Brazilian and three Mexican. These latter are doomed, it seems, to experience all the vicissitudes usually attendant on a Mexican government, and live and die and spring up again, perish, are re- newed and abolished tn a way that must test the patience of the staid and punctilious “Almanach de Gotha.” The first Mexican Order—that of Notre Dame of Guadalupe—was founded in 1822 by the Emperor Iturbide, was afterwards abolished, then renewed in 1363 by Santa Anna, again suppressed in 1855, and again renewed in 1863 by a decree of the imperial government of Maximilian. Poor Maxi- milian! le lived long enough to found two new orders, the decorations of which did not, however, prevent Mexican bullets finding their way toa brave and noble heart. HOW ORDERS ARE OBTAINED. When it is remembered that all of these orders average at least five ranks, each rank demanding a separate decoration, thus making about seven hundred decorations in all, it will be seen that it would require some years of hard study to master them all so as to know them at sight. The means of acquiring @ decoration are various, You dis- tinguish yourself on the field of battle, or you save somebody from ps or you make yourself re- nowned inthe world of letters or of art, or you perform your duties a8 a fanctionary of the govern- ment faithfully—or,ut least, you make somebody be- lieve you do so—or you are a good friend of some- body Who has decorations to give, and sometimes simply being polite to him is enough to insure you one. I knew a man in Brussels who got a decoration for the somewhat ambiguous reason stated in the decree by which it was conferred on him, of the “vote at the northern depot,” and another who was decorated because ‘he lived a pious life,” which, it Must be admitted, is a better reason than those geuerally given. The readiest and easiest means of procuring a decoration, however, is to avail yoursclt a a merit in being the possessor of a consider- able quantity of what the scoifers term “filthy lucre,” a kind of merit never, or, at least, rarely, overlooked in conferring them. The greater part of the orders have their prices, varying according to the rank of the decoration and the honorability of the order, and there is in Paris an agency where you may get, negotiate and obtain a decoration of almost any order, if you are willing to sacritice a.sumicient amount of money on this altar of distinction, A well-known American dentist, living at this side of the Atlantic, has, I believe, about a hundred, of which he is exceed- ingly proud: but as he cannot find room for them all on his breast he has had them nicely framed and hung up in_ his parlor, wearing them by turns, fifteen or twenty at a time. Some say he is making a collection of decorations, collections of any and all sorts of things, @ la mode nowadays, and the way ie gets them is this:—As is weil known he has a great many royal patients, whose decaying molars and incisors require mending, and when any of these crowned heads who have decorations to give ask him for his bill he answers, “I never take money trom royalty; but in case you wish to decorate me far be it trom me to refuse, American citizen though I be." Cynical and socring ere who, I regret to say, abound everywhere, ve a great many malicious and uncharitable stories to relate about decorated people, the way in which they obtain their decora- tions, and especially about the enormous number some of them have. Astory is told ofa famous Prussian oficer or general (Prussia more than any other country rejoices in decorated people) who has so many that, like the doctor, he cannot find place for them all on his breast, and so when he goes to an evening party he has his servant bring them in after him on a platter, and follow him around as he salutes the tt ral as though, like Dot’s baby, they were something in the nature of refreshments. Tremember a bon mot of Rochefort’s on this sab- ject during the Commune. While the Versailles troops were pounding away at the Porte Matliot and the Arc de Triomphe, and Dombrowski fighting from street to street and from house to house in the village of Neuilly, the news came that the gen- darme who had cut down Flourens with a blow of his sabre had been decorated as @ member of the Legion of Honor. ‘“Whata pity!’ exclaimed Roche- fort; “the avengers of Flourens will now never be able to find him.”’ THE MOST PRIZED DECORATIONS. A few of the orders confer, however, the highest distinction, as that of St. George of Russia, pond ‘Theresa of Austria, the Iron Cross of Prussia and ono or two others—decorations of the two former especially being ey, Cie: for real merit, and that of Ne ordirders, as. that of the Golden Fleece, + TS, aS ofthe ana arise of the Bath, of England, 4 certain number of members, the padge or decoration of each being returned to the society upon the death of the wearer, and they pass from hand to hand and from wearer to wearer, some of them for centuries. Thus the Count ol Flanders, brother of the King of Belgium, has the me collar and badge of the Golden Fleece once worn by Columbus, and, in Erland, the present Earl Cowley has the garter formerly held by Lord Palmerston, OF WHAT USE ARE THEY ? ‘There is, probably, much to be said for as well as against orders and decorations. One argoment urged in their favor is that bf this means govern- ments are enabled to pay off a quantity of debts, that would otherwise be very troublesome, in a exceedingly economical manner, and which appears to be periectly satisfactory to both parties. Of course for those who reason logically and cor- rectly a decoration has no raison d'etre; for it is ‘iven, ifgiven for sat bee to confer distinction. Now, if you have done nothing to merit distinction a decoration ought not and will not confer It, as the existing system certainly proves, and if you have distinguished yourself really you have no need ofadecoration. Is Moltke more esteemed for his decorations? and would Washington or Shak- speare have been greater for wearing a star on the breast or a bit of red ribbon in the buttonholet But then few people are logical, and so decorations are more prized tuan much tine gold.