The New York Herald Newspaper, April 24, 1872, Page 8

' ; i e* NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston sts—Biack Faipay. ‘WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner 30th st.—Per- formances afternoon and evening—Sxa or lox, FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street.— Apricin 47, Matinee at 134. ST. JAMES THEATRE, Twenty-cighth street and Broadway.—MacEvor’s New Hinexnicon. Matinee at 2. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—A Lost Lire—Srxctae Buipeoroom” AOADEMY OF MUSIO, Fourteenth street—Irauian Orsea—Wituiam Tei. ol PIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tax Bauer Pan- romun or Hurry Duatre. ‘Mauineo at 2 BOOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third st. corner Sixth ‘av.—Tux Iron Cuxst. LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE, 72 Broadway.—Ripina 1 4 Sraset Can. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th av. and 23d st.— Latua Rooxu. WALLAOK'S THEATRE, Broadway and 18th street— Lonvon Assurance, MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— “Tun Kina’s Rivat. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comto Vocar- isus, Nano Acts, &¢.—Tax Fixup o¥ TH CLorn or GoLp. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad- ‘gay.—Tnx Voxes Famity. Matinee at 239 ' TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery.— sNucuo Eockntarcrrms, Boruxsauxs, £c. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HALL, 585 Broadway.— Tus San Francisco Minstres. STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth street—Grann Con- eur. ROBINSON HALL, Sixteenth street.—Suaxsrxariay ravivas. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Peden anp Art. nacional QUADRUPLE SHEET. jew York, Wednesday, April 24, 187: AGB. F ImAdvertisements. *, @—Advertisements. 3—Advertisements. ‘ @—Adveortisements. 5—The Alabama Olaims: The British Counter Case and the Indirect Claims; The Geneva Arbi- tration; What is England Going to Do About It?—Letter of Mr. Cyrus W. Field to Hon. John A. Peters—The State Capitol; Rapid Transit of Railroad Bills in the See ODWG A Busy and Eventful Day—St. George's Day: Anniversary Banquet at Delmonico’s Last By ; Important Speech of the British nister. emt Cherokee Revolt: History of the Bloody Fight at Going Snake Court House; Indians and Border Ruiflans; Attempting the Rescue of Proctor, a Murderer of Eighteen Persons; ‘The March of Captain Peavy aud His Brave Posse; The Parley Between Indians and their Gutthroat Allies; Commencement of the Battle; The Old Indian Takes the First Scalp; The Scene in Court; Judge, Jury, Audience and the Prisoner Armed to the Teeth; The Battle Raging; The Dead, Wounded and Miss- ing—Catacazy's Diamiseal—Chamber of Com- merce—Art Matters—New York City News— More About Dr. Huston’s Alieged Villanies—A Brooklyn Church Scandal—Flight of a Cashier—Shocking Accident in Jersey City. Z—Congress: The Deficiency Bill and Cincinnati Shadows in the Senate; ex-Members as Lobby- ista in the House; the Yerba Buena Land Grab in the House; Burned in Effigy and Burning with Rage—Political Intelligeuce—The Bar As- sociation: The Committee on the Marine Court in Seasion—The ha in Blue Off for Europe—A Yacht Robbed—Political Shooting Piste ap tee Shae Reasons Why the Govor- nor Should Sign the New Charter—Fire ‘in eres Avenue. S—Editorials: a bn gee Ministry Anticipated—A Dissolu- mn =Expected”—Amusement Announce- ments, @—The War in Mexico: General Cevallos in Com- mand of the Jnarez Forces on the Rio Grande—Texas versus Mexico: A Grand Jury Recital of Mexican Depredations—Cable Des- patches from England, France, Germany and Austria—General Sherman's Tour—Perila of the Deep—Miscellaneous Telegraph—Business Notices. dia Sherman: Further Evidence Damagin, the Accused The Jewish Passover Festi- val—House of the Evangelists—Women in the Pulpits—Colored Methodist Conference—City Leases—The Garvey Muddle—Proceedings in the New York Courts—General Jail Delivery. i—Financial and Commercial: Gold 111%; A Glance at the Commercial and Political Infu- ences Operating to Advance the Premium; A Quiet Day in Stocks; The Legislature Buuling ‘lem and the New Direction Bearing Erie; More Manipulation of Money, with Chan; Rates; Prices of Stocks Of at the Close; Gov- ernments Fi Railway Mortgages Lee and Southern Securities Quiet; Another Ad- vance in Foreign Exc! ; Treasury Statis- tios—Real Estate Market—The Cassion Casu- sity Dsngerously Injured—Marriages and +4 * ths. . 12—Nows ‘aghington—Shippit Intelli- Mise Atverd vn a lew York Railroad Interests: New Roads, New Plans and New Prospects; New York State to be Gridironed—Aquatic Notes—Proceedings in the Board of Aldermen—Advertisements. 14—Advertisements. 15—Advertisements. 16—Advertisements. Wom] Tue Aupany Lopsy succeeded yesterday in passing through the Assembly Vanderbilt's delusive scheme for the settlement of the rapid transit question. The job was effected under the operation of the previous question. Of course no argument was considered neces- sary to convince the members of the House. The lobby despises discussion. Yet it is pretty certain that very few of the members were not aware that the measure on which they were voting was not the measure required by the citizens of New York. We shall have, we suppose, to wait until next year for the passage of an act authorizing the con- struction of viaduct railroads by the city, In the meantime, it is absurd to expect that any relief to this overcrowded city will be secured by Vanderbilt's short and expensive road through Fourth avenue. Ar tae Diener or Tae St. Gronar’s Socrery last evening Sir Edward Thornton made a briof but significant allusion to the Treaty of Washington. His language was evidently carefully studied, and its decidedly unpleasant firmness of tone, following, too, so closely the equally decided declarations of our own gov- ernment, gives little hope of a speedy settle- ment of the Alabama claims. Sir Edward went so faras to propose a specific solution of all outstanding difficulties between the two nations. His plan, however, will scarcely be immediately accepted, since it consists simply of an absolute and unconditional withdrawal by this country of her claims for indirect damages. Such a withdrawal, Sir Edward says, might be made without dishonor. No doubt; but General Grant and the country think that England may also, without dis- honor, commit her interests, as she solemnly agreed to do, to the decision of the Geneva Conference, Guwert's Houe-mx-rue-Sxy Rarroap Scuemx passed the Assembly yesterday, and, having already passed the Senate, now goes to the Governor. It has the start of Beach's bore arrangement so far, but whether Goy- ernor Hoffman will sign it remains to be seen, 4 holo-in-the-sky railroad on the east side of the city would be a capital offset to the one- logged road in Greenwich street. Article, “A Defeat of the. NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24, 1872—QUADRUPLE SHEET. A Defeat of the Giladstome Ministry Antloipated—A Dissolution Expected, According to the London Daily News, usu- ally a well informed paper on Cabinet ques- tions, there is a probability that before the close of next week the Gladstone Cabinet will be dissolved and succeeded by a conservative Ministry, and that a general election for mem- bers of Parliament will take place during the latter part of the summer, “‘It is certain,” adds the News, ‘that the government will be defeated in the House of Commons when a division occurs on Mr. Faweett's bill relative to the University of Dublin, which the govern- ment has made a Cabinet question.’ In spite of the Daily News we must be al- lowed to say that this picce of intelligence comes to us in rather a questionable shape. If the Gladstone Cabinet, in consequence of some fresh and damaging defeat, gives place to one composed of its conservative rivals, a dissolu- tion of Parliament and a general election will be equally unnecessary. It has not hitherto been the custom in England to dis- solve Parliament when Ministers, recognizing defeat, have resigned to the Crown their seals of office and yielded up their places to their opponents. In the event of the Glad- stone Ministry being defeated it is not at all impossible that the Prime Minister may feel himself in honor bound to regard the defeat asa proof that he has lost the confidence of the House of Commons. In such a case there will be two courses open to him. He may re- sign, thus giving place to Mr. Disraeli or Lord Derby or whomsoever Her Majesty may think, fit to call to her aid. In such a case there will be no dissolution of Parliament—at least not immediately. Or he may advise Her Ma- jesty to dissolve Parliament and thus give him an opportunity to ascertain whether the House of Commons as at present composed fairly represents the sentiments of the people of the three kingdoms. Should the newly elected members fail to give him a clear working ma- jority in the House, Mr, Gladstone, following established custom, would have no choice but accept his defeat with the best grace possible and resign. Such hitherto has been the prac- tice; and nothing has occurred in recent years to wartant the opinion that the ancient consti- tutional custom is about to be departed from. If it is meant that Mr. Gladstone is about to retire in order to give the tories the oppor- tunity or to place upon them the necessity of appealing to the country, we can hardly admit that the statement of the case is much im- proved. At the same time it must be admitted that this report, taken in connection with well known facts, encourages us in the belief that a fresh crisis has arrived in the history of po- litical parties in England. Mr. Gladstone and his friends have now been in place and power for three anda half years. During that time they have done some good work. It is not often that an administration can boast of car- rying two such measures as the disestablish- ment of the Church in Ireland and the radical alteration of the Irish system of land tenure. No such radical measures have been ander- taken and carried throngh since Earl Grey and his friends, in opposition to the wishes of the tory gentry of Great Britain and Ireland, passed into law the first Reform bill. Mr. Gladstone, who began life under the auspices of the late Sir Robert Peel, and whom the late Lord Macaulay, when re- viewing his work on ‘The State in Its Rela- tions with the Church,’’ described as ‘the rising hope of those unbending tories who fol- low reluctantly and mutinously a leader whose experience and eloquence are indispensable to them, but whose cautious temper and mode- rate opinions they abhor,”’ has, in spite of his early love and his early labors, proved himself one of the most radical reformers of England. No statesman in many centuries has so dis- turbed the relations of Church and State or so frightened the hereditary landholders of the three kingdoms. His ambition when he ac- cepted office as Prime Minister was to remove, as far as was possible, all causes of Irish dis- affection to English rule, to make Ireland really and truly an integral and contented por- tion of the British dominions; and if differ- ence of opinion exists as to the success which has attended his labors, even those who like him least must admit that he aimed well and that he bas accomplished much. Mr. Gladstone's success, if the truth must be told, is, in fact, one of the principal causes of an apparent, and perhaps real, decline in his popularity. His re- form measures have been so radical, and he has received for the last three years so much hearty support from the radical re- formers, that his enemies have found it con- venient to pronounce him a revolutionist. Circumstances within the last six or eight months particularly have favored his oppo- nents and tended to diminish his power. The education question has brought him trouble in England, in Scotland and in Ireland. The non-conformists of England have, in their ex- cessive zeal for denominational education, asked more than he can give—at least moro than he thinks is compatible with any system of education entitled to be called national. In the great populous centres of England the non-conformists are numerous, and, if they have not openly joined the ranks of his oppo- nents, their loyalty to him as their political chief has at least become lukewarm. In their judgment he has not come up to his high promise. A similar feeling, although to a less extent, prevails in Scotland. The Irish edu- cational question is a puzzle which, in its mys- terious complications, resembles that of Schleswig-Holstein. It is supposed that Mr. Gladstone is disposed to favor the measure of Professor Faweett—a measure which contemplates the conversion of Trinity College, Dublin, into a national Uni- versity. This measure, it seems, is not popu- lar with the tories, and, of course, it is not popular with certain section of Episcopa- | lians in Ireland for whose exclusive benefit Trinity College has hitherto been maintained. ‘Then there is the natural impatience which belongs to a great political party which is bur- dened with numerous dependants and office- seekers—‘‘soreheads,’’ if you will—whose de- sires it cannot gratify. Add to all this a cer- tain haughtiness of demeanor on the part of the Prime Minister, an unfortunate irritabil- ity of temper, and a general lack of those qualities which are indispensable to any one who in troublous times is called upon to lead the British House of Commons, and it will not be difficult to understand why Mr. Gladstone begins to be tired, and why Mr. Disraeli be- gins to hope, Mr. Gladstone's great reforms have not had time to produce their proper fruit, while his errors and defects are imme- diately visible; and the tories have deter- mined to take advantage of existing circum- stances, and make out of them what political capital they can. At an unfortunate time for Mr, Gladstone, ata most convenient time for Mr. Disraeli, a hitch has taken place in the proceedings grow- ‘ing out of the Washington Treaty. Mr. Dis- raeli has given us no reason to believe that he is more sound and sensible in his interpreta- . tion of that treaty than is Mr. Gladstone. In his great Manchester speech we seek in vain for one glimmer of light. If he was hard on the British Ministry, he was scarcely less hard on the American people. If he could speak of the bungling policy of the one, he had some- thing to say of the absence of honor on the part of the other. It is not to be denied, how- ever, that the Manchester demonstration was a grand success. On his arrival thousands as- sembled to welcome him at the station, and in spite of the heavy rain forty thousand persons attended the reception in the dancing saloon at the Pomona Gardens. There, enthroned on a platform, Mr. Disraeli sat like a king receiving deputations. No wonder the tory chief felt proud, and it was not without reason that he described his reception as ‘an honor unparalleled in the life of any public man.”’ The one great fact which the Manchester demon- stration taught the world was that the tory chief of Great Britain was not the head of the house of Cecil or the head of the house of Stanley, but the untitled son of a descendant of Abraham. Mr. Disraeli has good cause to be proud of his position. It is a position which no man working from the same begin- nings and by the same means ever won before. In the event of the Gladstone Ministry failing in bringing about an amicable settlement of the difficulties between Great Britain and the United States there can be no doubt that the force of public opinion would make a dissolu- tion or resignation necessary. If in either event the tories should succeed to power Mr. Disraeli will again figure as the Prime Minister of England. On a former occasion, and in the matter of a reform bill, Mr. Disraeli was suc- cessful in accomplishing a task in which Mr. Gladstone failed. It would not be wonderful if, in 1872, the author of ‘‘Conyngsby’’ and “Lothair’’ should win another and even greater victory. And it would be no small triumph to the tory party if they, not the whigs, should be successful in bringing this vexed Alabama question to an amicable and honorable con- clusion. Secession and State Rights—Important Decision from the United States Su- preme Court. Upon an appeal from the Supreme Court of Georgia, ina case of a contract imvolving the price of a negro slave, a very important deci- sion was rendered in the Supreme Court of the United States on Monday last, touching the rights and powers of the States and of the United States, under the national consti- tution, as it was and as it is. Before the Georgia Court the defendant (against whom the note for the price of the slave was held) pleaded that under the new State consti- tution the Court had no jurisdiction over ae judgment of the Gourt eh the defendant, and upon three propositions which rise to the wisdom of Dogberry. , Thus the Supreme Court of Georgia affirmed—first, that when the State constitu- tion of 1868 was adopted Georgia was not a State of the Union, but a conquered Territory, completely at the mercy of the conqueror, and that accordingly the constitution of the United States in reference to the obligation of con- tracts, as to all other things, would not apply to Georgia ; second, that her new constitution does not affect this contract (the note given for the purchase of the slave), but only denies jurisdiction to her Courts to enforce it; third, that this constitution was forced upon the State by Congress and is the act of Congress, ond not of the State, and that though a State cannot pass 8 law impairing the validity of contracts, Congress can and has passed such a law in this State constitution, and therefore the contract upon this negro sleve is impaired, and the note for the money due on his pur- chase goes for nothing, being reduced to the same valuo as the promises to pay of the ‘‘Con- federate States,"’ which is the valuo of waste The Supreme Court of the United States re- verses this Dogberry decision from Georgia, and against it affirms that the national con- stitution created not a confederacy of States, but @ government of individuals—in other words, a government of the people of ohe United States as a nation; that their ob- ject was an indestructible government; that the doctrine of secession is the doctrine of treason, and practical secession is practical treason; that the States in rebellion were never out of the Union, and never absolved from the duties, liabilities and restrictions al- ways incumbent upon them; that the present State constitution of Georgia was the act of Georgia, and was accepted by Congress, and that the action of Congress on the subject can- not be inquired into, the authority of Con- gress in such matters being conclysive. This decision is now part of the supreme law of the land, and in sweeping away all these fallacies that the Union is a confederacy of States, that each State has reserved to itself the sovereign right of secession, and that the rebel States were out of the Union during the war of their Confederate rebellion, it will, we hope, convince even Alexander H. Stephens that his State rights dogmas are really dead and done for—dead and buried beyond redemp- tion. In the single pungent declaration that “the doctrine of secession is the doctrine of treason,’’ the Supreme Court covers the whole ground, and makes all that has been done in | the work of putting down the rebellion and in the work of Southern reconstruction con- sistent, cohesive and good and strong. ‘Tae Barris Counter Case IN PARLIAMENT. — ‘The steamship Cuba, which arrived at this port last night, brought us English mails containing the full report of the discussion on the British counter claims and the Geneva arbitration, which took place before the Houses of Lords and Commons on the 12th inst. ‘The cable at the time informed us of the substance of the debate, which we now publish in detail, in another page of this morning's issue. The leading editorials of the London Times and Standard on the day the subject was before Parliament accompany the report of the proceedings, Mr. Wood's Bill to Regulate the Cur- rency and Money Market. The bill which Mr. Wood introduced in the House of Representatives on Monday, ‘‘to pre- vent the contraction and expansion of the money market and to give elasticity to the currency,’’ would make the United States Treasury a banking institution and assign te it functions and a business never intended. Congress may have the power to legislate for such a purpose, but the policy of doing so is questionable. The bill authorizes and directs the Secretary of the Treasury to set apart twenty millions in coin and to issue twenty- five millions of legal tender notes of a denomi- nation not less than one thousand dollars— forty-five millions in all—to be loaned out at a rate of not less than eight per cent interest per annum, and the loans to be secured by the deposit of United States bonds. Of the forty-five millions there is to be assigned to New York twenty.nine millions, to Chicago seven millions, to Phila- delphia five* millions, and to Boston four mil- lions. There is to be a certain, though not an exact proportion of coin and legal tenders to each city. The loans are to be made for not longer than one year, “to any and all corpora- tions or individuals who may apply for the same, on the pledge of United States bonds.’’ The bonds pledged to be received at ninety per cent of their par or face value for the legal ten- ders, and eighty per cent for the coin loans. If passed, the act is to take effect immediately. The loan of twenty millions of legal tender thousand dollar notes and of twenty-five mil- lions of coin in the way proposed might give some ease or stimulant to the money market for a time, but the whole would soon be absorbed. After this We see no provision for regulating the money market, or, in the words of the title to the act, to prevent ‘the contrac- tion and expansion of the money market.” It would be simply an expansion at first, whereas the professed object of the bill is to prevent ex- pansion as well as contraction. The government would derive an advantage to the amount of three millions six hundred thousand dollars a year in the eight per cent interest it would re- ceive in the loans; but is this a legitimate and safe business for the Treasury to engage in? It would turn the ‘Treasury Department into a banking house. It would bea new feature in the financial operations of the government and country. Heretofore we have regarded the proper financial functions of the government as limited to raising revenue, paying the dues and expenses of the United States out of that revenue, and providinga currency for the country. The government has never yet, we believe, gone into the loan business on inter- est the same as our banks do. Such an enlargement of the powers of government interference with private business and extension of the functions of the Treasury Department mag be productive of more evil than good. Butif the government is going into this loan or banking business why limit the amount to forty-five millions? Such a sum would not go far in the vast commercial transactions of this country. But few individ- uals or corporations, comparatively, could be accommodated with loans. It strikes us that the proposition is crude and ‘mpolitic, if not fraught with danger in the end. The least the government interferes with private business or the money market, except to disgorge the Treasury of its enormous and superfluous money, the better. Catacasy’s Retirement, ¥ The rumor regarding M. Catacaty's tregt- ment by the Ozar's government, which has been going the rounds of the papers of late, appears to have been made upon good founda- tion. The imperial commission appointed to investigate the acts of the fallen Minister con- cluded its labors after hearing his defence. Strange to say the revelations made by M. Catacazy did not favorably impress the mem- bers of that body, and he failed to convince them that he was more sinned against than sinning in the United States. The truth is, Catacazy hada bad case, and all his talking and letter writing i} bi when judged inetalh he hs ooh See men. His name, we are informed by our St. Petersburg correspondent, is erased from the rolls of the Foreign Office and he himself cut off with a pension of two thousand dollars a year, with the understanding, moreover, that he must not have anything further to say in printon the subject of his difficulty with the American Secretary of State. To be pensioned off and thus humiliated with an injunction placed upon his pen is an infliction ‘which a less energetic worker than the little mercurial ambassador would find it difficult to bear. He looked forward to his defence to vindicate his course abroad and pave the way to new honors at home, but his efforts ended in failure. He cannot even now tell his story to the world save at the expense of imperial displeasure and the loss of his pension. This is the worse cut of all. Ifthe imperial government desired, it could not have inflicted a more severe punishment onhim. Aman afflicted with cacoéthes scri- bendi cannot be tortured more than by being prevented from gratifying his desire to write. Poor Catacazy’s fate is a sad one, but he has himself alone to thank for it. Trouble Among the Labor Reformers. Trouble seems to be brewing in the camp of the labor reformers. The New Haven News— which speaks for the workingmen—does not like the idea of calling the Executive Com- mittee of the national labor party at Cincin- nati two days before the meeting of the Liberal Republican Convention, regarding it as ‘a piece of political jugglery too transparent to deceive any one,"’ and the delay of formally presenting the nomination to the candidates until after the liberal republicans have nom- inated is supposed to be another shrewd move, but that the motive is apparent. In regard to the meeting of the committee it is asserted that the State committees of Massa- chusetts, Connecticut and New York refuse to have anything to do with it, and that probably not half a dozen of the committee will be pres- ent outside of those who are in sympathy with the liberal republican movement. It is stated that Governor Baker, who received the labor party nomination for Vice President, has for several weeks been ready to receive a formal visit from the committee and was prepared to write a letter giving his views; but he has been prevented from declaring himself, al- though it is understood he endorses the labor platform entire, because the committee did not carry out the instructions given to them by the Convention and notify him of his nomination, The News sums up the labor reform situation by declaring that it “looks as if the men who are attempting to run the labor machine are a lot of disappointed politicians out of office, figur- ing some way or other to get in.”. That trouble is beginning to show itself in the ranks of the labor reform party is evident, but perhaps a “balm in Gilead’ may be found in the action of the Cincinnati Convention next week, and all the sore places be healed over. The Carlist Movement for Revolution in Spain. The despatches from Madrid and Paris go to show that Spain remains deeply agitated by reason of the efforts which are being made by the Carlists to revolutionize the kingdom against Amadeus. Bands of peasantry have organized in arms in some few of the provin- cial districts. Collisions have taken place between the military and the people. ‘Charles the Seventh” and ‘Death to Liberals” have been vociferated here and there, and the stereotyped phrases which obtain in vogue with unreasoning rustics when excited by poli- ticians are reproduced. The King’s officers are vigilant and active. Don Carlos’ per- sonal movements appear to be of a very uncertain character. It is said that he is advancing cautiously to the border of Spain for absolute return to his country, and it is also alledged that he has not taken his departure from Geneva. Many arrests have been made by order of the government, and among -the prisoners were some surpliced agitators. It is reported that one clergyman has been shot. The French government maintains its neutrality towards Spain by the exercise of a most watch- ful police system on the territorial border line. Amid all these facts’ and rumors of plots and counterplots we find a parliamentary party in caucus in Madrid for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the Presidency of the Cortes. This affords a melancholy ex- ample of the spirit of Neroism which moves the modern politician; it is the fiddling, with Rome burning. Unhappy Spain! Is the war blight of your olive branch permanent for evil to the nation? The Border Rufians and Semi-Civil- ized Indians—Lessons from the Tala- quah Tragedy. The bloody affray in the Indian Territory, of which an outline was published on Sunday, will be found fully described in another column in our special despatches from Little Rock. It will be found to give a startling confirmation to our remarks upon the state of things which has been allowed to grow up under the hybrid government, half savage and half-civilized, which exists by the sanction of Congress in the immense tract known as the Indian Territory. Possessing forms of law over which thg United States government has, no real control, these tribal organizations of red men offer the greatest possible induce- ments to the same desperado scum of white men, which, when it finds itself in the wild, becomes savage again, with all the vices of civilization superadded to the worst instincts of barbarism. The “border ruffian” is not an animal in- digenous to the line between the State of Arkansas and the Indian Territory. During the building of the Pacific Railroad he was found as deadly, as brutal and as desperate where the rails were disputing with the wilderness ond its red guardians for the advance of civilization. He flourishes between the opposing lines, and will ‘ght at elke side. More & Titich of the bulldog in him, “good goa] of the cur, and none of the hero. He is an absconded orger, thief or murderer. His present condition is no criterion of his past. He may have been delicately reared in a home of luxury or Kicked into manhood on a canal boat. It makes scarcely any difference in the ruffian, except, perhaps, that the better the early rais- ing the more monstrous the aftergrowth. Against anything that represents the law they are at daggers drawn. Further north, where the Northern Pacific Railroad is about to atrgteh, opt its iron arms, there is ample et it strong precau- tions be taken the history of the Union Pacific will be repeated—the Indian fights, the barroom slaughters, the resistance to authori- ties who endeavor to make arrests, the indis- criminate murder of all who in these times stand up for the cause of order. This is worth thinking of. The Indian nations located in the Indian Territory have been the pets of our philanthro- pists, and it is true that a certain degree of progress has been attained; and it is scarcely necessary to refer to the Talaquah atrocity to indicate how one-sided it has been. The Cher- okees and Choctaws, chief among these tribes, have learned farming to a moderate extent, possess schools and churches; but in their proud isolation, while learning of civilization, have forgotten nothing of barbarism. Then, too, while missionaries have been labor- ing assiduously among these, teaching them the beauties of self-denial and goodness and a future happy state, the sinister apostles of viciousness have been supplementing the Bible with the whiskey bottle and the spelling book with a greasy pack of cards, The preaching in the meeting ‘house, of obedience to the higher powers, has been supplanted in the In- dian’s heart and his savage imagina- tion fired more with the stories of fights and escapes than the lessons of love. From this base of existence it is easy to see how the officials of the government have been regarded with increasing distrust, until o chance spark ignited the combustible materi- als, resulting in a tragedy whose final lines of blood may yet cover many a hideous page. The steadfastness of the brave Deputy Mar- shals Peavey and Vannoy is deserving of special recognition, and it is to be hoped that the presence of the troops despatched to Fort Gibson will have the effect of restraining further outbreak and of bringing the murderers to justice. The band of armed citizens who started to relieve the be- leaguered marshals report the assailants, “ruffians’ and Indians to have fled, carrying off their wounded, and pursuit, under the cir- cumstances, they rightly deemed useless. The whole story, from the murder of the woman Kesterson, the trial of the prisoner (?) Proc- tor, armed with o Spencer rifle and two revolvérs, jury armed to the teeth, reconnoitre, the onslaught and the terrible de- tails of the fierce slaughter, as described else- where, point a moral, which is that the attempt to civilize the Indian under a plan of isolation, which lets in the wey worst pa, mens of white vice, is, in spite of humanitarian ° hopes, a ead failure, —_ A The Past Winter im England the Mildest*om Record. While we have been ha Severest winters on record sy Mel — to March 18, ult., the temperature aegis’ British Islands was above the @verage on eighty-nine days, and below the average on only eight days, and the mean excess of heat for the whole period was over five degrees, Fahrenheit. During the whole of this time the thermometer fell below the freezing point only four times, viz. :—on the nights of January 15 and 16, and March 10 and 11, The lowest temperature recorded was above twenty-eight degrees. February was entirely free from frost, the lowest thermometer not quite reach- ing thirty-two degress, Very strange to say, the warmest period was from March 1 to 8, during which we had on this side the Atlantic the great March frost and the lowest thermo- metric readings of the year. “It will be inter- esting,"’ says the Nature, “to know whether so long a period of fifty-three consecutive days, entirely free from frost, has ever been recorded before in the depth of winter;’’ but diligent research in English meteorological annals reveals none such. The coldest weather of the winter in England was in the early part of this season, and, in this respect, as in many others, this English winter strikingly corresponds with that of our favored Northwestern Territories— Montana, Idaho and Washington—and the Pacific coast. These facts corroborate the Hurarp's recently expressed views as to the climatic agency of the Atlantic Gulf stream and the great Japan stream of the Pacific as factors, with the southwest (equatorial) air currents, in producing these mild winters on the windward side of the great continents; and they also confirm the statement of geographers of the freezing up in winter of Behring Strait and the consequent diversion of the Pacific Gulf stream over upon our Western shores. These facts and researches are of great sig- nificance, when we remember the connection between the death rates and cold winters (the latter being more destructive of life thana cholera epidemic), and also when they affect the crops of the subsequent season. ‘‘A cold? dry March never begs bread’’ is an old adage that would seem to be applicable for this year on both sides of the Atlantio. Tae News From Mextoo, as reported by our special despatches, indicates a turning point in the fortunes of the war between the two fac- tions. The revolutionists have lately sus- tained several defeats and lost ground in the important State of San Luis Potosi. A revolu- tionary force which had by a coup de main captured Zacatecas was again driven out and the city occupied by the troops of Juarez. This intelligence emanates, however, from Juarist sources, and ought to be. re jyed with some reservé. Tho same may be ait aT th eet from the city of Mexico announcing a sudden return of confidence in the Juarez govern- ment. In the Northwest the revolution- ists under Trevifio and Quiroga have received a severe check by the timely arrival of Gene- ral Cevallos with reinforcements for the de-, fence of Matamoros, which is no longer in Tataat danget of being captured, to judge from the report that more government troops were on the way to that city, and that General Cevallos wag about to assume the offensive. ‘Tne Sroox Raiszns or Tzxas have expressed grateful recognition of the efforis of the Herald for their protestion against the Moricin’ banditti. The military meadtires lately adopted by the government are ascribed to the agita- tion produced by our special despatches. Our correspondent from Brownsville reports that the Grand Jury of Cameron county has made @ presentment reciting the depredations of the Mexican cattle thieves, and urging upon the government the necessity of greater mili- tary protection. Beacn’s Prevmatic Bore Brut was carried through the Assembly yesterday on the same wave of hasty legislation that sent Gilbert's Elevated Railroad bill to the Governor and rushed through Vanderbilt's Fourth avenue scheme. It is now for the Senate to dispose of it. . 4 Ry ow Personal Int elligence. General I. J. Wistar, of Philadelphia, is at the Albemarle Hotel. Judge F. W. Hughes, of Pennsylvania, is stopping at the Grand Central Hotel. General A. 8. Diven, of Elmira, has arrived at the Hoffman House. Robert T. Lincoln, of Chicago, is sojourning at the Gilsey House. Colonel Charles L. Schaltta, of Brunswick, Ga., has quarters at the St. James Hotel. John A. Griswold, of Troy, has arrived at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. General S. E. Marvin, of Albany, is staying at the New York Hotel. Mr. F. Lockwood, of London, has apartments at the Metropolitan Hotel George Batess United States District Attorney for Utah, yesterday arrived at the St. Nicholas Hotel, from Washington, on his way back to Salt Lake City. Mr. C. E. De Long, United States Minister to Japan, yesterday reached the Grand Central Hotel, from Washington. The absence of this Minister from his post is said to be in violation of the law which prohibits consular agents from being away from their duties for more than six weeks without special leave. This leave Mr. De Long, it is re- Ported, has not received, General A. B. Forrest.and Jacob Thompson, of Memphis, Tenn., are registered at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Both of these gentlemen have records connected with the history of the rebellion. The former will be remembered as an active rebel raider. The latter was Secretary of the Interior from the commence- ment of President Buchanan's administration until January, 1861, when he resigned and avowed him- self a sympathizer with the rebellion. V. Schirkof, Russian Chargé d’Affaires, is at the Brevoort House, having come from Washington to receive Baron Offenberg, the new Minister, who is a passenger by the Cuba, Mr. Russell Gurney, the British member of the British American Claims Commission, is to sail for England on Saturday. He will return in September to resume the performance of his duties, NEWPORT MUNICIPAL ELECTION, PRovipence, R. 1., April 23, 1872. In Newport to-day James Atkinson, present in- cumbent, was elected Mayor by twenty-one ma- jority. Three candidates were voted for, but no party nominations were made. Atkinson had 61% votes, P. W. Stevens 208, Thomas Coggawell 290, and 10 gogttoruig,