The New York Herald Newspaper, April 17, 1872, Page 6

Qiu NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, NEW YORK TERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, "AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON ‘AND EVENING, ROOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third st., corner Sixth ay,—Tue Hoxcnnack. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 18th street.— Tux Veteran. LINA EDWIN'’S THEATRE, 720 Broadway.—Atapvin— Vouau-Vent, Matinee at 2 GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of Sth ay. and 231 st.— Lata Rooxs. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway; Houston sts.—PoLt aND Par’ Joi between Prince and . ener 30th st.—Per- “4 OF Ick, 8 MUSEUM, Broady ees arternoon dnd even ighth street and N. Matinee at 2, A. S. S.—Taz Beav- ROWERY THEATRE, Bowe TIPUL SHOMBINDER. OLYMPIC THEATRI roMine oF Uumery Dumpry. ‘Tuk Bauurr Pan- ata MRS, F, B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— Divorce. PARK THEATRE, opposite City Han, SATAN Ix Pants, Brooklyn.— 514 Broadway.—Comre Vocat- Ack Eykp Susan. Matinee, TARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad- Bauer, ke. Matinee. ‘OR'S OPERA House, No. 201 Bowery.— NTRICITIRS, BURLESQUES, & SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HALL, 585 Broadway.— ‘Tut Say Francisco Minstrens. THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, near Third av—Vauiery Esimuranonest, Matiney at 234. PAVILION, No. 688 Broadway, near Fourth st-—Graxp Concert. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Screnck AND Ant. TRIPLE SHEET. New York, Wednesday, April 17, 1872. "CONTENTS oF TO-DAY'S HERALD. 3—Emily Loy: The Alleged Murderess of a Husband, an Aunt and Four Children; State- ment of the Accused—Lydia Sherman: Her Arraignment at New Haven—The Methovist Fonference—Aitairs at the State Capital— raphical Society—The Grant Meeting To-Night—Defranding the Revenue—Sale of the Yacht Rambler—Death of McKean Bu- chanan—Arrival of the Iroquois at Gibraltar, 4—Financial and Pomimsreey: A_Quiet Day in Wall Street; Money Easy and Stocks Strong; Pacific Mail Still Hoping for a Subsidy from Congress; The New Loan—Fanny Hyde: Third Day’s Proceedings in_the Trial of the Alleged Murderess of George W. Watson—The Sewing Machine: A. B. Wilson and his Patent Exten- Early Struggles, Lawsuits and Municipal Retrenchment. 01 S—<The Sewing Machine (Continued from Fourth Page)—The Obsequies of N, W. Belden—Real Estate Market—Marriages and Deaths—Ad- Vertisements. ading Article, “The Canvass for —The Meeting This Evening— for Grant’—Amusement An- nouncements, derhe Alabama Claims—The Arbitration Proceed- y MES In Geneva Suspende Parliament; Views of Pro! late of Yale College, on Tr he Question in rT. D. Woolsey, the ington arriage of the Marquis of Bute to Lady Fitzale n Howard—Cable Telegrams trom England, France, Germany and in—The War in Mexico—Miscellaneous Te! as— News from Washington—Business Notices. S—Advertisement ts, cond Day of the ‘The —Courts—Art | Snle—audge Cnrtis and the Bar Association— The Rocke! Revolution—Shipping Intelli- gence—Advertiscments, f1—Advertisements. 12—Advertisem Tre Leorstatune has done at least one good work in passing the bill in relation to the Court of General Sessions in New York. It will, of course, receive the Governor's signa- ture and become a law. The Court is already one of the most useful and industrious in New York, but the new law will add greatly to its capacity for good. “Taxinc Ovr’’ THE Gomacce ENTIAL Dam- acrs.—Two new lines of steamships are pro- jected to run between Great Britain and the United States; one from Glasgow to New York, the other from Liverpool to New Or- leans. The vesscls will carry out our conse- of an emigrant exodus—an attractive and agreeable one for perpetuation by multiplica- tion on the American side of the Atlantic, “Straws Sxow,”’ &e, —The Albany Argus (democratic), judging from the sensational headings it gives toa summary of anti-Grant | movements, is trying to win the ears of its followers* by grinding out full notes from the score of a piece of music entitled “The Revolt Against the Grant Ring.” This might be regarded as a straw indicating which way the democratic breeze is blowing at Albany. Tue Lerspurc Munper Case bids fair to outdo in horrible detail the celebrated Whar- ton trial. From the full statements we print to-day, made by Mrs. Lloyd, the alleged mur- deress, her servant and others, it appears that | she is charged with the terrible crime of poi- soning her husband, an aged aunt and four beautiful children, by administering arsenic, on which charge she has been lodged in jail to await the action of the Grand Jury. dict of the jury was based upon the circum- stances of the sudden manner in which all the deceased were carried off, that a drugy sold her arsenic previous to the death of sev- eral, and that in the stomach of the last daugh- ter Professor Tonry, of Baltimore, found a grain and a half of arsenic, Paut B. Du Cuan Berorr tar Gro- oraparcaL Socrety.—It will be seen, by a re- port published in another part of the paper, that Mr. Du Chaillu, the famous explorer of Equatorial Africa, has entered upon a new field of research. The address he delivered last evening before the American Geographical Society and a highly respectable audience, at | he Historical Society's hall, Second avenue and Eleventh street, was on his recent travels in Norway and Sweden. The grand and wild scenery of these countries and the peculiarities of the primitive and excellent people were graphically described. A number of photo- graphic illustrations, taken by the adventurous traveller on the ground, were also exhibited. ‘The great interest manifested by the audience is an indication of what may be expected from | Mr. Du Chaillu’s book and lectures on Nor- way and Sweden when he completes the ex plorations he is about to reuew the coming plulluet, The ver- | The Canvass for the Presidency—The Meeting This Evening—The Country for Grant, The meeting announced for this evening at the Cooper Institute will attract attention apart from its political significance. We have not much faith in meetings, and we should fear for the success of General Grant as a can- didate for the Presidency if it needed these adventitious circumstances to strengthen his fame. At the same time the list of names signed to this call will make a striking im- pression upon the people when compared with the list appended tothe democratic meeting which welcomed Carl Schurz and Lyman Trumbull the other evening. -We do not see Charles A. Lamont, B. F, Mudgett, Peter Schuitzler, Robert Murray, Sigismund Kauf- mann, Simon Stevens, Sixt Ludwig Kapff, Lorenz Bommer, E. Krackowizer, and the host of distinguished Oriental and Sclavonic fellow citizens who came to light as Colonel Conkling’s ‘Vice Presidents.’? And we do see Peter Cooper, William H. Vanderbilt, L. P. Morton, H. B. Claflin, E. D. Morgan, W. E. Dodge, John A. Stewart, Paran Stevens, Thurlow Weed, David Dows, Henry Clews, William Orton, ©. P. Huntington and a host of other names, every one of whom represent something of that spirit of New York which has contributed so largely to her glory and wealth. These gentlemen are not holders of place. They have no connection with the intrigues and ambitions of office. It is to them as to tho Heranp—of no con- cern so far as they are personally concerned whether Grant or Greoley reigns; but it is of the utmost consequence, as citizens of the United States and so largely interested in the wealth of the metropolis, that there should be a President whose administration will bring peace and stability to the country. When men of this class make political ad- ventures they are entitled to more than usual consideration. We do not believe inherently that the opinions of one cluster of citizens are of so much more value than the opinions of another; for in a country of universal suffrage all men are alike before the polls, and the in- terests of a hundred laboring men on the Park are to be considered as carefully as those of a hundred merchants on Wall street. And if Krackowizer and Schnitzler and Sigismund Kaufmann and Robert Murray and Lorenz Bommer are dissatisfied with Grant; and if, when the list of ‘‘dissatisfied’’ is made up and printed, it reads like a transcript from the Grand Jury’s list of indictments for whiskey frauds, it would be unfair to make criticisms, as we must admit that they have every right to express their opinions. We have no doubt there are people in New York, and un- doubtedly in Hoboken, who will feel im- pressed by the emotions of Krackowizer and Schnitzler and their friends and who will share their anger against Grant. And we must be very careful not to underrate the power of this feeling, or the political value of those world-renowned and very honorable gentlemen. In our politics a hair will frequently turn the balance. We saw how a fraction defeated Henry Clay in 1844. We remember that one vote made Marcus Morton Governor of Massachusetts, and no one is wise to despise the day of small men and small things. For this reason we especially urge that, in a due consideration of the chances of the canvass, Krackowizer, Schnitzler, Lo- | renz Bommer, Robert Murray and those who go with them shall not be overlooked or for- gotten. They are opposed to Grant. They waut reform. They denounce nepotism, ostra- cism and every ‘ism’? but egotism. They have no confidence in Tom Murphy, of all living men. They worship Horace Greeley, or will until he resumes his advocacy of the Tem- perance law, and they see a Heaven-appointed leader, a Moses to lead them to the promised land, in the iron visage of George Wilkes. The ights we concede so generously to these gen- tlemen we concede also to Mrs. Woodhull, Susan B, Anthony, Mrs. Stanton, Anna E. Dickinson and their garrulous followers. Miss Dickinson is pronounced against Grant and makes better speeches than Schurz. Mrs. Woodhull, like Mr. Greeley and Mr. Trumbull, not only opposes Grant, but is herself a candi- didates or not we have not heard, for we are afraid we are behindhand in our statistics of rants for the Presidency. While on one side we have Woodhull, Anna | Dickinson, Krackowizer, Bommer, Robert Murray, Carl Schurz, Horace Greeley, B. F. Mudgett and the representatives of all the | Sclavonic and Oriental races combined, not to | speak of Joshua F’. Bailey and other gentlemen equal fame, who were prevented by cir- cumstances from attending the Greeley- Krackowizer demonstration in person; on the other side we have the people who believe in Grant. The press is divided in the same manner. A number of fugitive and class newspapers, of uncertain the representative journals, headed by the Heratp, support him. Far be it from us to enter into the petly quarrels by which we learn from one newspaper why the editor of another | is a worthless or disappointed man. We know and care nothing about these matters, and do not feel that there is any relevancy in the dis- But we do see that the representa- tive newspapers, the thoroughly independent press, support Grant. In the daily press have the Heratp, of which it is not for us to speak, as the common con- sent of mankind regards it as the first journal of America and among the first journals of the world. In the weekly pi we have Iarper’s Weekly, the Christian Union and the Inidepen- dent, all having very large circulation and rep- resenting the weekly p cussions. we st Grant we have the Nation and the Spirit of the Times— | one a literary, the other a sporting journal, each addressing an influential class, class that does not make or unmake Presidents. | Beyond the strong and yesolute opinions of the able men who edit these two journals their influence is limited, and in a time like this it is not the men who write so much as the men who read that makes public opinion, The Henatp, with its half million readers, sweeps over the country like a sea-w ing up or engulfing, as the vad one expression in its columns will do more to erystallize and strengthen public opinion than the combined efforts of the newspapers ten times told. ‘This, to our mind, is the impregnable strength of Grant. The men who sign this call and buoy- may | date against him. Whether Krackowizer, or | quential damages from England in the shape | Schnitzler, or Kaufmann, or Bommer are can- | and movable circulation, oppose Grant; but | but a | party and class | | who are to assemble this evening are the first | men in the United States. In wealth, power, enterprise, genius for business and affairs, in all that contributes to honorable citizenship and the welfare of the republic, they have no superiors. While we make no merit of this, or in any way mean to cn- courage what might be called caste in poli- tics, the lesson that all men will learn is that the heart of the nation beats for Grant; and as the heart beats the body lives. The Greeley- Krackowizer meeting was stupendous. The Cincinnati movement is powerful. The men who head it are able and accomplished men. We expect to see it larger still. It will be man- aged with consummate political skill, as we have no more crafty men in politics than some of its leaders, But we saw Tam- many enthroned and powerful, and man- aged with extraordinary skill. The men who arose in rebellion against Tammany were the men who sign this call, the same class of men in all respects. They opposed Tammany not as a political measure, but as a duty. They support Grant for the same reason. They hearken to the noise of the politicians, the clamors about relatives and ‘‘presents’’ and enjoy the humor and anger of the canvass, just as the tired merchant may throw up his counting house window and give a few minutes and a handful of pennies tp a troupe of wan- dering negro minstrels. But when the timo comes to vote and act, and to spend money for the honest purposes of the canvass, they look gravely at the situation, and speak as well as vote as honest, impartial and satisfied men, ‘They see that Ulysses S. Grant has been pre-eminently the President of the people; that he has kept every pledge made to his party; that he has avoided tempt- ing and embarrassing complications; that he has ever studied and advanced the business interests of the country; that he has paid the debt and strengthened the credit, and that if he were to retire to-morrow he would leave the country better, happier and more prosperous because of his administration. As Mr. Greeley said a year ago, before his eyes were dazzled by the unhealthy light of Presidential ambition: —‘‘He misunderstands human nature who fancies that these facts will not tell iz a Presidential contest.” These are the facts, and the only facts, that will tell. We shall have an angry canvass. There will be all kinds of phenemena, quarrels in Pennsylvania and Indiana; intrigues and strifes to interest and amuse us, and in the eyes of the politicians a close and uncertain contest. Mr. Sumner will probably be nominated in Cincinnati, with Mr. Greeley as his colleague, and we shall have an emasculated platform like that which was created when Bell and Everett ran against Lincoln and Hamlin, There will be trans- formations and changes, and rearranging of lines, concessions and surrenders. But when the electoral votes are counted it will be found that the great, earnest, honest heart of the country has registered the decree that Ulysses §. Grant shall be President of the United States for four more years, and that as many democrats as republicans contributed to that auspicious and happy result. The Vanderbilt Rapid Transit Scheme at Albany. The Vanderbilt Tunnel Railroad bill is to be considered in the State Senate to-day as a spe- cial order, and as this now appears to be the | only instalment of rapid transit the people of | New York are likely to receive from the Legis- lature this session it is well to inquire how much they will be benefited by the proposed grant. The bill proposes to allow Mr. Vander- Dilt to construct a double track railroad for | | cars propelled by steam from the City Hall | park to Fifty-ninth street and Fourth avenue, there to connect with the Harlem Railroad, and from Fifty-ninth street across town to the Hudson River, to intersect the track of the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad. Authority is given to the incorporator to take and use any public grounds, parks or places he may require for | platforms, stations, &c., without charge or compensation, and he is empowered to appro- priate so much of the public streets along the route as will be nec for the construction | and maintenance of openings for light and ventilation, six feet in diame’ | not less than twenty feet apart ‘These appear to be extraordinary privileges; but, important as they are, the people might be induced to submit to them provided they received in re- turn a well-managed railroad of sufficient ex- tent and capacity to accommodate their wants. If the road is only to be a freight line for the Harlem and Hudson River Railroads, and will not meet the necessities of the citizens of New York, then the grant of such powers and privi- leges to any individual is unjustifiable. The bil! authorizes the charge of ten cents for passenger fare over any portion of the line, and as the road only runs to Fifty-ninth street and Fourth avenue, and from thence across town to the Hudson River, it is clear that the charge is high enough to debar the laboring classes from using it at all. The route affords none of the real advantages of rapid transit, which is only valuable as enabling the popula- tion of the city now huddled together in over- crowded localities to spread out into the extreme northern part of the island and into Westchester county. Itis for distances beyond Fifty-ninth street that a steam railroad | would be of the greatest public benefit. There are no provisions in the bill | to compel the incorporator to run passenger | trains for city travel at all. If he should | please to do so he may use the road simply as | an extension of the Hudson River and Harlem Railroads, collecting an extra ten cents from the | passengers and running freight and express trains day and night as a feeder to the trunk | lines, It is possible that this may be the real | object of the Dill. If so it is a most extraor- | dinary grant, and one the Legislature would not be likely to make except on corrupt con- | siderations. If, however, the intention should be to secure at least thus much | rapid transit for the suffering people | of the city, the Legislature should | see that their interests are protected in the bill. Provisions should be inserted compelling the incorporator to run trains for way passen- gers at least every ten minutes in the day and every half hour at night, and prohibiting the xt the road for freight trains between the vs of six A. M. and eight P.M. There | | ean be no objection to such provisions, pro- vided the road is really what it purports to be 1 line of rapid transit for the use of the citi- zens of New York. Shonld the Logislature neglect to make these amendments, or should they be obiected tg by Whe incorporator, the APRIL 17, 1872—TRIPLE SHEET. people will understand the character of tho job, and will know by what influences its suc- cess will be secured. The’ British Protest American Case Before the Tribunal, We have a special despatch from the other side to-day which informs us that the arbitra- tion on the Alabama claims is at a complete standstill, and will so remain until the reply from Washington to the British protest against the American case on ‘‘consequential damages”’ shall have been received by Her Majesty's government; and that meantime such is the character of this protest that it inspires but little hope as to the issue of future negotia- tions. In other words, while still holding to the treaty, in the submission of her counter case at Geneva, England, without a modifica- tion of the American case, will ‘proceed no fur- ther in this business, and the great treaty, which we have proudly proclaimed to the world as the glorious example which would establish arbitration for war in the settlement of international disputes, will pass into history as one of the unfortunate experiments of dip- lomacy. We are admonished that England, rather than consent to the recognition of these consequential damages, will sacrifice all the advantages of the treaty and run the hazard of all the possible calamities that may follow its rejection, Mr. Gladstone is not prepared to sacrifice himself and his Ministry in consent- ing to meet the American case upon its merits before the appointed Court, and Mr. Disraeli and his leading colleagues of the opposition have pushed the Ministry to the wall. This, too, while Disraeli has publicly admitted that the United States government cannot recede from its position, and that there is no alterna- tive to Gladstone but that of the recognition of our claims, direct and consequential. And yet it appears from this English protest that Mr, Gladstone, upon the alternative of con- senting to meet the American case before the yeneva Tribunal or of quashing the treaty, is prepared to withdraw from the treaty. Rather than consent to the principle of these indirect claims he is ready (or wishes to convey the impression that he is ready) to abandon the mutually satisfactory adjustment of the North- eastern fishery difficulties, the Northwestern boundary dispute, and the very important set- tlements of the reciprocal navigation of the St. Lawrence and its Canadian canals and of the great lakes and of our canal of the Sault Ste. Marie, connecting Lakes Huron and Michigan with Lake Superior; our Alabama and the British claims adjustment, and, above all, the three eminently wise and beneficent rules of neutrality embodied in the Washing- ton Treaty. These comprehensive bonds of peace for the two great nations between which passes the bulk of the world’s commerce are to be snapped asunder if we adhere to the indi- rect damages of the American case on those Alabama claims. What is there in the indemnity demanded for these indirect damages that is so very offen- sive to England as to cause her to choose the rejection pf the treaty, with all its advantages, and to invite the perils of war with the United States, involving the dangers to the New Dominion, rather than allow the American case as it stands to be considered by the Alabama arbitrators? This looks like a wilful de- parture from good will to bad temper, from peace to a condition bordering upon war, from the way of safety to the way of destruction. Why this desperate alternative? It is said that from the argument on the American case on consequential damages England is held responsible for half the cost to the Union of the war of our rebellion; that but for British neutrality and belligerent rights Anglo-rebel cruisers against our com- merce, British blockade runners and British “aid and comfort to the enemy” in various forms, at outlying naval stations and on the high seas, the war of our rebellion would have ended with Lee’s defeat at Gettysburg. These Against the Geneva | consequential damages, therefore, can never, we are assured, be recognized by England. She knows that the government and the people of the United States neither demand nor expect any such enormous indemnity as this. In the very outset the admission of England that she was sorry for the depredations of the Alabama and her piratical confederates, and regretted the consequences, we accepted as worth at least two thousand millions of dol- lars, which will nearly cover Mr. Sumner’s nal bill of damages. That apology of England we accepted, indeed, not only as atoning for a multitude of sins, but as the needed consummation of the diplomacy of peace. Lord Tenterden, in his firm and brief despatch, rudely overthrows it, and the treaty is practically broken. Mr. Davis, as he regarded the announcement of Lord ‘Tenterden as so serious in its charac- ter that he was compelled to ask the instrue- tions of the President. These instructions will decide the question, As we have said, it is not the possible amount of money which may be awarded from the arbitration on these indirect dam- ages that makes these claims so offensive to England; it is the indictment, the charges, the specifications and the pleading against England's extraordinary belligerent rights | and perfidious ‘‘neutrality,’’ as a neutral in our civil war, that constitute the unpar- | donable offence in the American case. And | surely never was there a more scorching in- dictment of one nation against another laid before any peace tribunal in all the history of mankind. But the facts are there. The evi- | dence, time, place, parties and circumstances and the clear reservation of our right to submit these indirect claims are all‘ there. The pic- ture is a true likeness; butits strong lights and shadows and its gloomy surroundings make it the picture of a criminal, a corsair among the nations, and England will not consent to rec- ognize it as her portrait before the civilized world. She cannot consent to go before the Court indicted as a pirate by the plaintiff. She cannot agree that she is called to answer in that capacity before the Geneva Tribunal, And here we have the gravamen of her protest against the American ¢ though she pleads only the inadmissibility of the principle of reparation for indirect damages. Well, what are we todo? We think, with Mr. Disraeli, that the American government cannot recede from its case. Governor Fish may advise such a course, but it will be his own overthrow, will compel him to retire from the Cabinet and add to General Granta canvass a obunlen =e can This was the view of | i} sorely afford to carry. It is our official record of England's neutrality and of our losses thereby in the war of our rebellion. It is our case against England, and it was pro- vided for in the Alabama protocol of the treaty with the rejection by the British Commis- sioners of our proposition to condense these in- direct damages into a specific sum of money. The declining of this proposition was a grave mistake, as we now see; but after all those happy family dinners of the Joint High Com- mission at Washington who could have dreamed that the amiable Mr, Fish would be a consenting party to the arraignment of complying England in the American case as a perfidious neutral and among nations no better than a pirate? But the case has gone too far now to be re- paired by timid statesmanship at Washington. There is danger to the administration in first captivating the public sentiment of the United States by boldly disclosing the truth against England’s one-sided neutrality, and then in backing down under the pressure of England’s protestations. The only way of safety now to the administration is to stand by the American case; for, after all, as against the case of Eng- land, we only ask that which is fair and right in asking that the appointed Court shall settle the issue between the two great countries, The Recent Important Decision Affect- ing the Federal Judiciary of Utah, During the past six months the Supreme Court of the United States has had under con- sideration the rulings of the éederal judiciary of Utah upon the manner of empanelling juries in that Territory. On Monday the decision of the Court was rendered and a con- troversy of a score of years was ended. Contrary to expectation, the Supreme Court has decided that the Mormon manner of empanelling juries in Utah is in accordance with the organic act of Congress, and with that decision the litigants in Utah, whatever their objections, will have to rest contented, for a time at least. A decision so important is worthy of being perfectly and fully under- stood. The effect of the decision was, unhap- pily, too apparent in Salt Lake City yes- terday. The Mormon police commenced a series of arrests, dragging one man through the streets bareheaded and otherwise outraging the feelings of the loyal inhabitants. Our despatch states that the Gentiles, finding the support of the federal authorities practically withdrawn, are arming, with the determina- tion of resisting to the last any further perse- eution from the Church officials, Whether this will end in riot and bloodshed is a matter of grave uncertainty. At the organization of the Territory of Utah, in 1850, through the very pliant course pursued by Millard Fillmore, the majority of the fede- ral offices was filled by Mormons. Brigham Young was the Governor. One of the Associ- ate Justices was a Mormon, and so were also the District Attorney and the Marshal. It was only after a change of federal officers was effected, in 1854, that the difficulty of juris- diction in the Courts became a subject of interest. Brigham Young very naturally sought the prolongation of his power as a Governor and as a Prophet and discountenanced every- thing that indicated a disposition to regard the Federal authority in anything superior to his own ipse dixit. During the session of.a fede- ral Court in 1854 three of Brigham's chief men entered the court room in Salt Lake City, while Judge Stiles was holding Court, and threatened to draw him off the bench unless he ruled according to their wishes. From that time to this the diffleulty of jurisdiction in the Courts of Utah has periodically troubled the country. The Hon. James B. McKean, now the Chief Justice of Utah, is not the cause of the present controversy. He is but the inheritor of the contention of two score years of trouble. The decision of the Supreme Court at Washington on the 15th inst. should, therefore, affect him in nothing. The first time that this point of legal ruling was mooted was, singularly enough, during the session of a Court held by Judge Stiles, in 1854, and he himself a Mormon and High Priest among the Utah brethren, Almost every federal Judge in that Territory from that time to this has supported the position of Judge Stiles, and now, when the controversy had reached the highest point of interest, the Su- preme Court has rendered a decision adverse to the rulings of the Utah federal Judiciary and sustaining in point of fact that Brigham Young and his compeers are hereafter to have juries composed of their own brethren, who had themselves been guilty of the same offences, to try them for the transgression of the statutes of the Territory and for crimes of the blackest dye. On Monday evening, after the decision of the Supreme Court was rendered, the Mormon delegate and his friends held high carnival at the capital, and telegraphed to the Prophet that his bonds and imprisonment would soon be at anend. Unfortunately, however, for them, the triumph will only be short-lived, for, however much Chief Justiee Chase may cling to State rights, and therein acknowledge the claims of Brigham Young in the Territory of Utah, Congress will doubtless settle the question more effectively. Anticipating the possibility of this decision, Hon. Daniel W. Voorhees, of Indiana, intro- duced a bill in the House on the Ist inst., ‘to aid the enforcement of the laws in the Terri- tory of Utah,’’ in which provision is made for the empanelling of juries and the prosecution of all cases in the United States District Courts by the United States Marshal and United States District Attorney. Unless something like the Voorhees bill be- comes a law of Congress to govern affairs in Utah it may be regarded as a settled fact that the fanaticism of the Mormons will render it impossible for capitalists and all outside of the Church of Brigham Young to remain in that Territory with safety and profit. Free speech, free press and free institutions will be impossi- ble, and Utah will become the bane of our social life. With such mineral wealth as Utah has already developed and the prospects of a great future it behooves Congress to give heed to this matter. There can be no question that the ends of justice and of political and social right will be reached. In the meantime we may expect to learn that Brigham Young and the other brethren accused of murder are in the fall enjoyment of liberty, Judge McKean should hold on to his course, Congress will do him justice and the nation will bonor bin for his fidelity, The Repaving of Fifth Avonue=A Prace tieal Reform from Bergh. Mr. Bergh publishes letter in which he announces his opposition to a recent proposi- tion to repave Fifth avenue with some newly patented wooden blocks, and declares his preference of macadam roads. He naturally urges in favor of the macadam pavement the additional safety it affords to horses, and over- looks the comfort and convenience it extends to human beings; yet it is gratifying to find the commendable humanity of the great phi- lanthropist taking a practical shape instead of wasting itself upon so trifling a matter as the manner in which pigeons may be prepared for pot pies and stews. Fifth avenue needs re- paving. Its present condition is a disgrace to the city. The days of jobs are, happily, gone by for the present, and hence we have no fear that any wooden experiment will be now made upon that fine thoroughfare. The avenue should be macadamized from Washington square to the Central Park without delay, and the expense apportioned, one-third to the resi- dents on the line and two-thirds to the city at large. We should then have at least one splendid drive equal to any in Eu- rope. The Common Council has tha power to authorize the work, and it should be done under the management and control of the Central Park Commissioners. Will the reform Board of Aldermen take up the matter and prove that we can now hope to secure a great public improvement without being swindled and plundered ? The Worldwide Tribute to Professor Morse’s Memory. In the hall of the House of Representatives at Washington there met last night an assem- blage to do honor to the memory of Professor Morse, wherein forty millions of American cit- izens were represented. Not to all even of our great men has a tithe of such honor been ac- corded as in the significant demonstration over which Speaker Blaine presided last night, with the Vice President by his side and the President of the United States, the officers of the Cabinet, the Judges of the Supreme Court, the Senators and Repre- sentatives of the Forty-second Congress, and the Governors of all the States in the Union, in person or by proxy. The speeches which were delivered and the eulogies upon the mem- ory of the great inventor which rung through the hall and were caught up by the august body present, beautiful and timely as they were, fail in interest when compared with the notes of sympathy which came clicking from the desk before them, bearing words of recogni- tion and regret from four Continents, joined in the magic of an instant by the wires vibrat- ing over the lands and under the oceans. England, Ireland and Scotland joined in the sorrow; from the gray old land of the Pharaohs, from Cairo, Egypt, almost within grasping distance of the old, old, mighty pytamid of Rameses came a note of wailing; from Hong Kong at the gates of the Flowery Land, where another quaint old civilization runs back to Confucius, came a trembling note of mourning, and from all ends of the wide Continent of America came crowding in ap- propriate, eloquent words of mingled admira- tion and condolence. Never since the death of President Lincoln has any man in America been so honored, and never in the history of the nation has a simple citizen’s memory met with such wide, heart- felt respect. And such is true fame. In the words describing the early trials and sufferings of the great old man so lately dead, and in the gathering that rejoiced he had lived long enough to reap the reward of his genius, the whole story is told. It might be an idea wor- thy of paganism that the pulsing waves of clectricity which swept swiftly through the great world’s breast last night had whispered? the words of honor in the soundless ears of the master who first made them articulate, gs he lies in his honored grave by the Hudson; yet who will say that his spirit was uncon- scious of the tribute to his name? It wasa fitting honor by a great nation to the memory of one of its greatest children. Present Tuters’ PronounckMENT For Royarry 1s Sparn.—The President of the French republic has consoled King Amadeus by an autograph letter, in which he pledges France firmly in support of royalty as an ac- complished fact in Spain. No Power, not even Italy, is more interested than France in the consolidation of dynastic institutions in the neighboring monarchy. So says the venerable chief of the French democratic government. He speaks, no doubt, truly, as well as feelingly. Should Amadeus be forced to retire from Madrid Thiers would have a Hohenzollern Prince in his front, and, very probably, the Internationalists and ‘‘reds’’ im his rear, An uncomfortable prospect. Disraenr’s “Lorna,” the Marquis of Bute, was made happy yesterday by marriage with a beautiful lady of the famous family of the Howards, of Norfolk, as will be seen by our despatch from London. The ceremonial was witnessed by a very distinguished company, and the bride complimented by the receipt of a present from the Pope. Personal Intelligence. Congressman Alex Mitchell, of Wisconsin, is at the Hoffman House. \ Colonel G. W. Moore, of the British army, is at the Grand Central Hotel. General T. Cadwallader, of Philadelphia, is stop- ping at the Astor House. Mayor R. H. Houghton, of Cambridge, Mass., is at the St. James Hotel. Captain Navin, of the British army, has quarters at the Brevoort House. Bx-Congressman C, C. Alger, of Norwich, Conn., is staying at the Giisey House, Major J. W. Denison, of Utica, is sojourning at the ant Louse. Ex-Governor John A. King, whose residence is at Great Neck, Long Isiand, is now stopping at the Albemarle Hotel. Ex-Congressman Thomas W. Caufield, of Ver# mont, is domiciied at the Fifth avenue Hotel. General J. J. Stevinson, of Lima, Peru, has are rived at the Metropolitan Hotel. The General ts the chief assistant of Henry Meiggs, the millionaire, tm iting his great railroad enterprises in South and Central America, Ex-Secretary Gideon Welles is atthe Fifth Ave- nue Hotel with his son Edgar T. Welles, Me is on his way to his home in Hartford, Conn., from Wash- ington, to where he was called to give evidence in the investigation of the affairs of the Navy Depart. ment. SI A meeting ofthe new Board of & called at the rooms of the company Opera House yesterday morning. sided, ‘There was no quorum present and they ad- journed at once until this morning at ten o Ky when tt ts niderslood lmoorlant matters Will ba, discussed, » Directors was t the Grand sneral Dix pre~