The New York Herald Newspaper, February 8, 1872, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPR 1ETOR. a AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. GRAND OPBRA HOUSE, corner of 8th av. and 984 st Eunercan HirrorseaTBicat CoMPany. Matinee. we "8 MUBRUM, Broadway, corner -] samessheroen sad eveningOF BasD. n Tertorm WALLACK'S THEAT! Broad a - PL rae ‘RE, way and 13th street. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Brosdway, between Prince and —BLAOK CRoex. BOWBRY THEAT! Bowery—Witt Hatiey—An- ‘TORT AND culoraxa” . sg 8T. JAMES’ TUEAT! ‘Twenty-eighth street and Broad- wayMowaLpe an es STADT THEATRE, Nos, 45 and 47 Bowery.—Toe Munn Wives or Wixpson. iy fe OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tus Bauust Pan. ‘TomMms OF Humpry Domprr. "9 THEATRE, Twenty-third st., corner Sixth av. — CABAR. GLOBE THEATRE, 728 and 780 Broadway. — Sf om Ours THE RELIABLE. Matinee at 77 TO ReTENS FIFTH AVENTE THEATRI 7 feeaatien ‘TuE New DRava OF Divonas? ore THEATRE FRANC, b| — OB QuE Dois—Lisee Baveage eee. Hea MRS. F. B. CONWAY’ - sor ise Woe ‘AY’S BROOKLYN THEATRE.. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC, va MaeeiacE oF Figaxo, toes i iacaridaa THEATRE COMIQUE, 614 Broadway.—( ma, NEGRO ACT#, &C-—DF-VoROED Ont? VOCAT- UNION SQUARE THEATRI urteen' I. ‘way.—NEGRO sore BeaLaseee hime, tent ves THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEA’ near Third Due.—Vaninry ENTERTAINMENT, Sia eid TONY PASTOR'S OPE wOUSs! wery. = Neono EcomnTaicirius, BUMLEGQUES, Be Ome BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSB, 234 st, @ud 7th ave.—Brvant’s Preanuray bial chs head SELES Sa Aa mentee. BW YORK CIRCUS, Fi a Leg FE SIRCOR, Fonrteena srrect.—SOBNES Lt NEW YORK MUSEUM OF - W XORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Brondway. —_— R, KAHN'S AN, Lares /PRATONIOLE MUSEUM, 745 Broadway. — TRIPLE SHEET, Sew York, Thursday, February 8, 1872. =< CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. ele j= Advertisements, Buropean Gable pean le Telegrams—News from Cuba— Another Railroad Blaughwer: Collision on the Rock Island Railroad; Four Persons Crushed and ‘Three Burned to Death; ‘rhirveen Wounded and More Dying—News trom Wash- ington—Utah: The Japanese at Camp Dougli rH Grand Review of the Military, Speeches, — Obituary—Miscellaneous “‘Telegrams—Local and Suburban Intelligence, 4@=The State Capitat: mptrolier Green’s Bill Reported Without Amendments; Mr. James rwilliger to Resign; A Real Reform, and What It Will Accomplish; Tue Police Justices én New York To Be Legislated Out of UMce; Professor Doremus on the New Clerk Law; The Public Print- ing Plunder; How the Reformers Rob the State; the Capital Whitewashing Com- mittee; Emigration Affairs; The Surrogates and District Attorney's Ottices To Be Over- hauled—Congress: Amnesty in the Senate and the Educational Bill in the House—New York City News—St. Bernard’s Literary Associa. tlon—Witiamsburg Ferry Reform—Williams- burg Highwaymen—The Buckhout Massa- cre—No Colored Hangmen—The Deadly Crime—Marlow, the Maysville Murderer, To Hanged. S—Marveis of tne Ocean: Millions of Skeletons at the Bottom of the Sea; Wonders of tne West Initia Islands—The Meteorology and Currents of the Ucean—The Custom House Committee: Secret Service Whitley on the Stand—The Jersey Oligarchy: Governor Parker on the Situation—The Western Snow Biockade—A Pauper’s Awful Fate—The Wall Street Flut- ter--The Stuyvesant Bank Vepositors—A Col- lege Joke—The Mortality in Brooklyn. 6-<Editoriais: Leading Article, Our Case With England; The Administration Must Stand; Our Duty As Americans’—Amusement An- nouncements. 9—The Washington Treaty: American Opinions on Our Case; What Ben Butler Thinks; Claims Presented We Agreed Not to Present; Eng- land Cannot Be Forced Into a Conflict; Whac Senator Sumner Says; “To Recede Were to Barter American Honor and Dignity; Consequential Damages Not a Weak Case; Unanimous Support of the Government on the Question; Deplorable Conditton of Our Navy; Our Land De- fences; The British Commissioners Aware oi Our Full Claims; Animated Debate On the Alabama Claims 1n the britiso Parliament; Premier Giadstone’s Hopes; The reeling in England and Canada; The arbitration Tribunal;T he “Case” of the United states against Great Britain; Review ot the Part Taken by Sera in the War of Rebellion—~ Business Notices. @—Murder in Jersey: A Coachman Killed in a Stable: Arrest of the Murderer—Tne Panormo Murder—The Le! Board of Audit—The Department of Docks— Tne Street Cleaning Commission—The Boara of Health—Public — Instruction ound the City Hall—Is the Metropolitan G6: fompany & Partner of Tweed ?—Miller’s rayce cord : Further Testimony Before the Assembly Committee—Fires—The Church Music Ass0- clation—The Death of Mr. George C. Vanneck— ‘The Bighth Navona! Bank. @—Proceedings in the Courts—Financial and Com- mercial RKeports—Domestic Markets—Mar- and Deaths, 10—The Wasbington Treaty (Continued from Sev- enth Page)—Shipping Intelligence—adver- usements, ‘41—The perations of the Western ck Ralsers— ‘The Conuecticut Tragedy—Pi Shooting in England—Engtish Kacing » s—Acvertise- sh Valley Accident—The Gop keeps step with the progress of the agitation about the Alabama claims, and bas advanced to 1103. A Merry Danog, like that of British neu- tality during our late rebellion, is one thing ; but paying the piper, as in those Alabama claims, is quite another thing, you know. Tas Prince or Wates, under the advice of his physicians, will avoid the excitement of a visit to London at present. Just escaped with his life from one fever, it is well not to expose him to the contagion of another, which may prove too much for the wisest doctors of Eng- land, Ms Tax Sow BuockapE on the Pacific Rail- road is reported worse than ever. Is there no * Yankee equal to the invention of a snow-melt- ing machine that will clear a railway track of the heaviest drifts in shor: order and perma- nently, by melting the snow? It is a machine of this sort that is wanted on the Pacific Rail- way, and with such a machine the company could dispense with those costly snow sheds, which in summer are simply nuisances to the passenger, inflaming his eyes with smoke and shutting them off from the most beautifal scenery. Mr. Brown, our persevering street-cleaning contractor, “‘still lives,” and yesterday he handed in some of his ‘‘little bills.” This will be good mews to the friends of Mr. Brown, who are under the opinion that he had died or gone to Texas, and that we have nobody now engaged to clean the streets, Tas New Dominion journals discuss, in a Moderate tone, the new difficulty between Bogland and the United States, Our Canadian have loaned something of the folly of and blustering agains? thelr go-ahead Qelahbors scroge the river, NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1872.—TRIPLE SHEET, Our Case with Begiand—Tho Administra- tien Must Stand—Our Daty as Amori- ‘cans. Mr. Senator Trumbull evidently belongs to that class of conservative statesmen who flud Cause for sorrow in the decay of stage coaches and the favention of telegraphs. This will ac- count for his hesitancy to vote for a resolu- tion asking for information as to our relations with England, because such a resolution would be based upon what he calls ‘mere newspaper canards.” The doubting Senator has to learn thatthe preas is the only remain- ing medium of diplomacy entitled to respect, and if he questions the information published on Monday he will see a confirmation of it in the discussion between Gladstone and Disraeli on the opening of Parliament, which we printed on Wednesday. This discussion confirms the estimate of the Herat upon the situation. Mr. Disraeli fitly represents the arrogance and the ignorance of the average British mind when he gravely says that ‘the American claims were greater than those which would follow total conquest, and that if accepted they would Prove fatal to the power and the honor of England.” Now the meaning of this extraor- dinary declaration is, that England, rather than submit to « verdict upon our case favor- able to America, would be justified in accept- ing the hazards of war. This declaration is made by the leader of the opposition. He has been Premier of England and may be Premier to-morrow. Mr. Gladstone virtually re-echoed the opinions of the tory chief. He intimated that America had been guilty of a dishonest proceeding in submit- ting a case that was not justified by the treaty; for if we have done this we have certainly acted a dishonest part. To his view our claim was “preposter- ous and absurd.” And witha strength and passion of rhetoric extraordinary in a Prime Minister addressing Parliament upon a grave question of international courtesy, he added that our case, as submitted by the administra- tion, ‘contained demands that no people in the last extremity of war, or in the lowest | depths of national misfortune, with the spirit of England in their hearts, would ever submit to.” This was answered by loud cheering, and especially when he added that his government would “‘hold their position in a firm but friendly manner.” When we consider these declarations as the opinions of the head of the government as well as the leader of the opposition; when we remember that the whole English press unites in the declaration with a unanimity and ferocity of tone which récalls the Mason and Slidell discussions, we cannot resist the con- clusion that England will either withdraw from the treaty altogether or compel the Presi- dent to amend his case to suit the English views, The impression made upon the Continent by this demonstration is instructive. Bismarck’s organ in Germany distinctly charges England with ‘‘attempting, by clamor, to anticipate the judgment of the Conference, and make public opinion in her favor.” The organ of the Austrian govern- ment keenly puts the whole case, almost in the words employed by the Heratp, when it says that “England assumes to be a party in an action, and the judge at the same time.” Furthermore the London press has sud- denly become silent ; and we are informed by our London correspondent that this whole excitement is an expedient on the part of the Ministry to escape from embarrassing home questions; by exciting public opinion against what is called American injustice and extrava- gance. Now, as a nation, America can no more afford to be unjust towards England than to submit to injustice from her. Therefore let us calmly survey the whole question. Have we, in our case, made any extravagant de- mand? Is there any statement of fact that is not true and cannot be made a matter of evi- dence, or any inference from those facts that is unreasonable? We contend, in our case, as presented by the administration, that the English government gave prematare life to the rebellion by a hasty recognition of the Confed- erate States; that during four years of war the ships of the rebel navy were built of English materials by English artisans, and were manned by English seamen; that although our Minister constantly remonstrated with the British government against acts of war by a friendly nation no attention was paid to these requests, and until the end of the war British ports in every quarter of the world were simply bases of supplies for the rebel ships; that by reason of this apathy and unfriendli- ness many sbips were burned and a vast amount ot property destroyed belonging to the citizens of the United States ; that the effect of these depredations was to practically drive American commerce from the high seas; that the immunity enjoyed by the rebels in using England as a base of supplies for their navy was the main cause of the prolongation of the war after the fall of Vicksburg; thata navy department and war department, with means to buy munitions of war, with authority to com- mission privateers and men-of-war and con- trol their movements, as well as to supply the commissary and quartermaster's depart- ment of the rebel army, were organized in Liverpool and were ia active and undisturbed operation until the end of the war; that Bermuda and Nassau were used without hindrance as rebel depots, while our ships were treated with disdainful courtesy; that sailors were recruited in Melbourne for the purpose of burning our whalers in the Arctic Ocean; that rebel ves. sels wére illegally sold in British ports to escape captare by our ships; that while Bel. gium, Holland, Portugal, Prussia, Spain and | Brazil observed their neutrality, England evaded it; that Portugal compelled the Stonewall to leave Lisbon in twenty-foar hours; that Russia would not salute the rebel flag, end that even France moored a man-of- war in front of the Rappahannock and took her prisoner when she sought to make Calais a rebel station. That of all the nations in the world with whom we were at peace England alone was unfriendly. That we have a right to ask compensation for the burning of our ships; for the loss to our commerce in its transfer to other flags ; for the advance in the rates of ime insurance, occasioned by the acts of these English cruisers; for the damage entailed upon us by the prolongation posed upon our merchant seamen by their cap- | The New DiMieulty wifk Esgiand About| ever she might be engaged in war. We ture and the burning of their vessels; for the sums we spent in pursuit of these English cruisers; and that upon these claims, if ad- mitted by the Geneva Conference, we have the right to ask interest from July 1, 1863. This is the whole case, as briefly summed up, which has excited the anger of England and which Mr. Gladstone regards as absurd and preposterous. Is it an extravagant case? Is there any statement in this summary that is untrue, or any inference that is unfounded ? Is there any statement or inference that Mr. Fish could have omitted without failing in his duty to the country ? We regard the case as a plain, truthful record, known to all men and & portion of history. If the record offends England and exasperates Parliament, the fault is not with us. We did not make it, but sought to avoid it in every way. We do not oontend that this case will be accepted by the Geneva Con- ference. Wecan understand how the cold, able, impartial men who sit on that tribunal may rule that in many instances we have no just claim. We expected as much, No com- plainant ever goes into Court assured that he will come out of it with all his demands ac- cepted. But it is not for England to decide what is wrong in our pleading or what is right. It is not for Mr. Gladstone to say that we are ‘‘preposterous and absurd,” or for Mr. Disraeli to intimate that we mean to compel the Geneva Conference to exact from England an indemnity like that exacted by Germany from conquered France. This is our meaning when we refer to the ignorance and arrogance of the English press and public men. The highest sum we ever heard mentioned as the probable indemnity was twenty millions of dollars, Many of our public men did not expect a dollar, The country was under the same belief and was profoundly content; glad to know that peace was assured, caring nothing for money, and really desiring no money. It is, therefore, a surprise to us, a shook to our national pride and _ honor, to be suddenly arraigned as though our Secretary of State had sent his agents to Geneva to deal with England as Shylock did with the merchant whose life was in his bond, We repeat that it is a surprise that cannot help wounding America as no act of English unfriendliness ever did before; fur, whatever may be the faults of the Ameri- can character, we cannot be called a mer- cenary people. We have heard of nations going to war for a sumof money. We saw this when England, Spain and France joined in the Mexican expedition, But we have never admitted the principle into our diplo- macy. This, then, is our case; and we now see how England regards it.. When the Queen and the Prime Minister feel called upon to make a declaration, we may rest assured that they speak for England. But no less does our President speak for the United States, If Gladstone and Disraeli unite in a policy of menace, we, on our part—democrat and re- publican—will unite in a policy of proud and resolute resistance. There never was @ clearer case of injustice upon one side and kindness, courtesy and good feeling on the other. General Grant might as well propose to repeal the Emancipation Proclamation; to re- mand the thirteen States into a condition of colonial dependence upon Great Britain; to strike twenty stars out of our flag; to do, in fact, any impossible or dishonorable thing, as to withdraw his case from the tribunal elected to decide it. Let the end be what it will, that can never be. If war be the alternative, let us welcome war; for there can be no military or naval discomfiture, no burning of towns or ravaging of coasts, that will be as unfortunate as @ public confession that we made a case which was dishonest and exacting, and abandoned it at the haughty command of England. We are glad to know that the President and Cabinet have made this resolve, We can say that the country is as one man bebind him. Democrat or republican, loyalist or rebel, we are Ameri- cans in our determination to defend the na- tional honor, and to have no treaty of peace that will not be just to ourselves as well as to England, Democratic vention. The democrats of Connecticut have held their State Convention, and after considerable labor the mountain has brought forth, not a mouse, but a finely developed possum. The platform adopted embraces two or three of the Missouri liberal republican resolutions ; but‘on the question of direct affiliation with the liberals themselves, or as for taking any of their men as the democratic standard bearers next fall, the Connecticut democracy, so far as their platform is concerned, are omi- nously shy. They are practising the pas- sive policy with the possum attachment, and no matter what their speakers may say indi- vidually, the democrats of the State asa party are thus far committed to no sort of coalition with the liberal republicans. The door, how- ever, may be ajar to let in what the liberals in national mass convention in Cincinnati in May The Connecticut State Con. next may propose; and, after the regular Republican National Conven- tion and the Democratic National Convention are held, the field may be clear for the old possum to wake up in Con- necticut, as well asin all other States, and give the regular republicans a splendid run for the White House. The nomination of Richard D. Hubbard as the democratic candi- date for Governor must be satisfactory to the mass of the Connecticut democracy, unless his patriotic course during the rebellion and his denunciations of the copperheads may have some damaging effect among the old and in- corrigible anti-war democrats, The State is too close for either party to run the risk of making unpopular nominations or uttering un- popular political creeds. But what Mr. Hub- bard may lose among the old copperhead dem- ocrats he may gain from the liberal republi- cans, and hence the meagre majority of one bundred which Governor Jewell, tie republi- can candidate, received last year may be either overcome or, possibly, increased—all of which only the day of election can decide. The delegates chosen by the Convention to attend the Democratic National Convention are said to be in favor of the nomination of General Hancock for President, This does not savor much of the “passive” policy, at any rate, if of the wars (05 tye auferinga and losses im- | tras. the Alabama Claims. It has been said truly that we know not what a day may bring forth. A few days ago the relations between the United States and England were most friendly. Since the Treaty of Washington, concluded last May and rati- fied and exchanged the 17th of last June, everything between these two great English- speaking nations has gone on harmoniously. There appeared to be a well-founded hope that all the difficulties between them had been settled and that the consummation of perma- nent peace and friendship depended merely on the fulfilment of certain conditions pre- scribed in the treaty. Whatever difference of opinion there might have been as to the merits of the treaty, either in England or the United States, scarcely any one imagined it would not be carried out in good faith, or that any question would be raised as to its provisions or the meaning of them. Never was a treaty made with more care; yet the ink was hardly dry when a storm has been raised in England over its meaning. There had been no such excitement over any of the difficulties which it was intended to remove. There had been no such serious deadlock, if we may use such a term, in any effort before to settle the difficulties between the two coun- tries, The Queen of England, in her address to Parliament, says:—‘‘In the case so sub- mitted by the United States large claims are included which are understood on my part not to be within the province of the arbitrators.” Both the Ministry and the opposition in Parlia- ment denounce in the strongest terms the case of the United States as submitted to the Geneva Conference, claiming consequential damages from the acts of the Alabama and her fellow corsairs, The Queen said, further, that she had caused a friendly communication to be made to the government of the United States on this subject, which, it is understood, amounts to a request that our claim for con- sequential damages be withdrawn. On the other side, we learn from Washington that the President firmly declines to accede to the re- quest of the British government, but will leave the case as it stands for the decision of the Geneva arbitrators. There is no reason to doubt that Congress will sustain the President, and as little doubt that the people generally will approve the action of the government. We believe it was Daniel O’Connell who said there was no act of Parliament that he could not drive a coach and six through. That seems to be pretty much the idea English- men have of treaties, or, at least, that appears to be their idea of the Treaty of Washington. By Englishmen we do not mean the mass of the people, who are honest and kindly disposed to this country, and who have little to say in public affairs, but the governing class and those who control the press. The great body of the people are not well informed on inter- national questions, and generally are influenced by their rulers and the press, though at times their strong common sense revolts at the political -sophistry of their leaders. This instinct of right was seen during our civil war, and in the very conduct of the British government which led to the Alabama claims, when the ruling class acted in opposition to enlightened public sen- timent. The British people, though deceived fora time by those who assume to control public sentiment, are friendly to the United States. Only the aristocracy and those who follow it are inimical to the growth, influence and welfare of this republic. Still, all Eng- lishmen are particularly sensitive on any question touching their pockets, and their political leaders may now succeed in creating alarm at the possible prospect of a large indemnity to the Unitgd States in the settlement of the Alabama claims. But there are two sides to this question, and however public opinion may be manufactured in England, or whatever the consequences may be, our government could not recede with honor, and, as we under- stand, will not recede from the position it has taken. If the British government, then, has resolved to drive through the treaty, or, in other words, refuses to admit the discussion or arbitration of the case of the United States as submitted to the Geneva Conference, what will be the consequence? Is the treaty to be abrogated? Are all the difficulties existing before it was made to remain as they were? Or can some middle ground of compromise be found? The abrogation of the treaty need wot lead to war, though it would leave the old causes of irritation unsettled and might add a fresh one. In fact, with this carefully made treaty, and that, as we said, almost before the ink is dry, there has arisen more irritation than existed previously. What, then, is the value of such a solemn instrument? If England re- fuses to abide by it in the matter of the arbitra- tion of the Alabama claims, in advance of the action of the arbitrators, may she not pretend to find some loophole to break other provisions of it when- ever that might suit her convenience? The British government ought to have known, ff it did not know, that the United States reserved the right to present claims for consequential damages. These were set forth in the proto- col submitted by our Commissioners to the Joint High Commission which framed the treaty, and nothing was incorporated in the treaty to exclude them. Our government certainly intended from the first and all along to claim consequential damages, as set forth in the case laid before the Geneva Conference, though bound to accept the decision of the Conference whether for or against the claim, There has been no sharp practice or over- reaching in this matter, nor has our govern- ment made this claim without the conviction that it is entitled to such damages. It would, therefore, be pusillanimous and discreditable to this great nation to recede from the ground it has taken at the threats or bluster of England. This country bas conceded a great deal for the sake of peace or the prospect of peace in making the Treaty of Washington. In no respect have we gained any advantage. We were the only great maritime rival of England, and she, by her unfriendly conduct in fur- nishing the rebels with the Alabama and other craisers, destroyed our shipping and commerce and built up her own commercial marine on the ruins. Were we to leave our- selves untrammelled by treaty obligations and our claims against England remain unsettled we would serve hes in the eame War when would destroy her commercial marine as effectually as she did ours, and take her place as the first maritime nation in the world. This, no doubt, England under- stands very well; and hence her anxiety to bind us in the future. But it cannot be ex- pected that this country will accept a broken treaty—will take a part by acceding to the clamor of England for the abrogation of an- other part. If the British government will not carry out the treaty as it stands, by refus- ing to allow the case of the United States for Consequential damages to be acted upon by the Geneva Conference, we do not see what is to prevent the total abrogation of the treaty, unless some new and acceptable proposition be made to pay a sufficient sum in gross as a liquidation of all the claims growing out of the acts of the Alabama and the other cruisers. It is clear England is alarmed at the possi- bility of the-Geneva Conference admitting our claim for consequential damages, as this might call for an enormous sum of money. But she ought not to repudiate her contract, whatever the consequence might be. In honor she ought to submit to the decision of the arbitrators on this question of consequential damages. Un- less she does this she will suffer in the estima- tion of the world, and neither this country nor any other would have much confidende in British treaties. The leading news- papers of the Continent of Europe begin to discuss already the conduct of England in an unfavorable light, and some go'so faras to say the claim of the United States for consequential damages is a good one. The Treaty of Washington is of no ad- vantage to this country except as a guarantee of peace, though we wish to see it faithfully carried out, since it has been made; but if England should choose to repudiate it the people of the United States will accept the issue, whether that would result in war or leave all our differences in statu quo, as they have existed for many years. We can afford to wait, if England cap, till some future day of settlement, The Scandalous Printing Jobs at Albany. The Heratp has already exposed some of the operations of the venerable Thurlow Weed and his partners in tha printing busi- ness at the State capital. In a single session these political Pecksniffs managed to get into the Supply bill for the amount of one hundred and eighty thousand dollars for extra printing, worthless books and bogus claims, in addition to their regular jobs, while all the time affect- ing more than ordinary indignation at the Tammany frauds and rendering themselves conspicuous as blatant reformers of the Cheap Jack order, Our Albany correspondents now supply another chapter of this history of shameless and brazen plunder, So far as can be traced the State was bled to the tune of nearly four hundred thousand dollars in 1869, and over that amount in 1870, by these leeches of the State capital. The pretended investigations now going on before legislative committees have shown that one of Thurlow Weed’s part- ners paid out last year to a single lobbyist ten thousand dollars to induce the insertion of his claims in the Supply bill, and that he has been in the habit of paying clerks of the Legislature and persons who have controlled the depart- ment printing a percentage varying from ten to twenty-five per cent for all the jobs they could crowd into his hands. His partners turn up their eyes in horror at the discovery that he has thus been brib- ing officials and others to aid him in his grabs at the people’s money ; for, as in the case of the well known firm of Spenlow & Jorkins, there appears to be an independence of action, although a commnnity of interests, in the famous firm of Thurlow Weed & Co. But itis certain that large sums of money have been paid out by this Parsons for the purpose of unduly influencing legislation on claims amounting to hundreds of thousands of dollars in the last three or four years; and this isa proper subject for the attention of the Attorney General of the State. That officer, if he has any desire to prove himself an impartial reformer, should institute pro- ceedings for the recovery of the plunder and the punishment of all who have been guilty of taking or paying bribes to influence legisla- tion. Itis probable that a whitewashing report will be made by the committee. Yet it will be curious to ascertain how a ‘‘reform” Legisla- ture will be able to slur over the fact that bills once made out for three hundred dollars have been raised to twelve hundred dollars by this enterprising firm, and paid by the State at the larger amount. To ordinary persons this looks as much like fraud as does the raising of the amounts of the Ingersoll, Garvey and Keyser bills by the Tammany thieves. As, however, the guilty parties in the present case are not of the adverse political stamp, the Cheap Jack journals will not find out anything about their peculations, and the reformers will remain in ignorance that any such plundering has been going on at Albany for a number of years, Our correspondents predict that there will be as much printing plunder this session as there was last year before the Legislature adjourns. The present aspect of affairs seems calculated to warrant the belief. In the mean- time, will the investigating committee find out how it was that the State Engineer’s Report of 1869 was twice printed, and who profited by that job? ProGress OF THE Care CoLony.—The Cape Colony (Good Hope), from the rush of immigrants of all sorts, bound for the diamond fields, is crowded with disorderly characters, and murders and robberies are of daity occur- rence, Consequently, the regniarly consti- tuted authorities, being unequal to the neces- sities of the situation, a Vigilance Committee and Judge Lynch have been called into service in the enforcement of law and order. This indicates the rapid progress of the colony, and that it is the wonderful history of Cali- fornia and Australia over again. Tae Ixvistste Prixog of chairmen, Mr. Ingersoll, is wanted, but he does not come forth, First we hear that he is in Connecti- cut, then that he is in Jersey, then on Long Island; but as he is supposed to be atill swinging round this narrow circle the minions of the law do not give him up. In fact they say, “We have him spotted as sure as we ‘ve got Joba Bull on theee Slaves gals. Congress Yesterday—The Amucety and Ede- cational Bills. We do not know how long the Amnesty bill has been before the Senate, nor what propor- tion of the time of that body has been used up in debating it, but it may be said, in gen- eral terms, that it has been up since the open- ing of the session, and that the Sonate bas done nothing else but wrangle and drivel over it, and the worst of it is that it promises to be the standing dish to the end of the session. Mr. Ferry, of Connecticut, made a speech yes- terday in support of the bill and im denun- ciation of Mr. Sumner’s amendment in the shape of a negro equality bill, which he de- signated as an attempt to assassinate amnesty. The Senate actually progressed so far in the matter as to come to a vote on the substitute which Mr. Carpenter, of Wisconsin, offered the other dey for Sumner’s amendment, and it was rejected by a vote of seventeen to thirty-five. Sumner then consented to modify his amendment in some respects, so as to make it less objectionable on constitutional grounds; but, as Ferry argued, the amendment itself is designed to strike down the very bulwark of civil rights throughout the country by dealing @ fatal blow at the principle of local self-gov- ernment. The Pension Appropriation bill was passed in the Senate, with a couple of amendments, which will necessitate its being sent back te the House. This is the first act of general legislation passed by the Senate this session _ and it went through without discussion or challenge. yo aaa | The Senatorial committee now in session in this city had another little subject of inquiry committed to it yesterday, on motion of Mr. Chandler, of Michigan, and that is, as to whether any United States Senator has received money from the Treasury under cover of counsel fees, We wonder whose scalp the sanguinary Zach is after this time. We hope it is not that of the ambrosial-locked Roscoe. The House spent the whole of its session yesterday in the lively and agreeable pastime of voting by yeas and nays on the Educational bill and the swarm of amendments offered to it. The most important amendment that was adopted was one offered by Mr. Hereford, of West Virginia, to the effect that the free schools which the bill pro- vides for must not necessarily be mixed schools. That amendment deprived the bill of its worst sting and made it less offen- sive to the democrats; but, on the other hand, it was too much of a back down from the principle of negro equality to be acceptable te the republicans, and therefore the latter are anxious now for the adoption of one of the many substitutes offered which do not contain the anti-mixed school provision, and which are not now, under the rules, capable of being amended. The House adjourned pending the decision of this question, but the probability is that to-morrow one of these substitutes— that offered by Mr. Burchard, of Ilinois—will be adopted, instead of the original measure, and the bill passed in that shape. The United States Claims Before tho “Arbitration Tribunal. We present to-day in another part of this paper a condensed review of the facts and testimony presented by the United States gov- ernment to the Geneva arbitrators in its case against Great Britain. No complete and con- secutive sketch of this important suit, if it may be so called, has yet been given to the public, and we have no doubt that in the present agitated state of the public mind on this subject it will be received and read with interest to-day. A case could hardly be presented more forcibly than the federal government presents this. It shows at the outset that the exten- sion or limitation of slavery was the real cause of the rebellion; that England, which ought to have sided with the cause of human freedom, manifested undue haste to recognize the South, even against our protest and its own pledges and promises to wait for full and Official information. The several acts of neglect of duty and connivance at the wrong done by its own subjects and by Southern rebels are set forth in bold characters, and England’s conduct, contrasted with the conduct of other nations to whom we were not so closely allied, is made to stand out boldly and condemn her. She is proved to have been cognizant of the character of the rebel cruisers before they sailed from her ports, and to have had ample power and opportunity to prevent their escape; but she fefused to doit. On the contrary, the Southern insurgents were en- couraged by every means, directly and indi- rectly, within the scope of the British govern- ment, and at the same time it took every occasion to offer insult and to show its unfriend- liness towards the United States. Our govern- ment shows that England violated all law— national, international, municipal—in her eagerness to help the rebels, and that by the terms of the Treaty of Washington she is liable for a large aggregate amount of direct damages and a much larger sum indirectly, The two classes of claims, as already pre- sented, foot up to nearly if not quite fifty millions of dollars, and the United States government reserves to itself the right to present additional claims of both kinds as fast as it may be able to receive and pre- pare them. It is this prospective amount, which, rising up before them in indefinite bulk, has frightened the British government and people almost out of their wits. They therefore put on an air of bravado and pretend to be more willing to fight than to pay these claims. —— Personal Intelligence. General 0. M Poe, of the United States Army, is quartered at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Judge George F. Comstock, of Syracuse, is domi- oiled at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. General 8. P. Heintzelman, of Washington, ia among tne late arrivals at the Sturtevant House. E. D. Worster, ‘Treasurer of the New York ¢en- tral and Hudson River Rauroad, is staying at the Hoffman House, Judge J. G. Abbott, of Boston, is at the Brevoort jouse. en Campbell, of Oregon, has rooms at Earle's Hotel. Captain Pryer, of the Britisn Army, is stopping at the New York Hotel. General S. D. Hungerford, of Massachusetts, has quarters at the St. Nichotas Hotel. Judge E. H. Rosekrans, of Glen’s Falls, yesterday arrived at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. ‘The Right Rev. William Croswet! Doane, Bishop of Albany, N. Y., i810 town for @ few daya, at (ha real, gone of @ friend.