The New York Herald Newspaper, July 25, 1871, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JULY ‘ 5, THE PRESIDENTIAL POOL CHASE AND HANCOCK. White House Longings from the Keystone, Hoosier and Sucker States. Radicals Hiving Grant. The on “THEIR ONLY AVAILABLE.” The Debt, the Revenue, the Treaty, St. Domingo and the Patronage To Be His Strong Points. Geary, Hendricks, Trumbu!l---The Patri- ots in the Hands of Their Friends. Hoffman and Hancock Strong on the New Dip—Chase Too Old, Views of the “Disappointed” and the Happy. EVERYBODY SURE OF SUCCES Gleams on the Troubled Waters from Po- litical Lighthouses, i Alec McClnre, Sim Cameron, John For- ney, Gratulatory Geary and Senators Hendricks, Morton and Trambull on the Question for 1872. The general sentiment of the repudlican party seems to point conclusively to the renomination of Presideut Grant in 1872. Governor Geary, of Penn- sylvania. does not deny the extreme probability of that event; Senator Cameron and Senator Morton are looking forward to tt with great pleasure; Sena- tor Trumbull concedes it in that reluctant and hest- tating manner eminently characteristic of the Tilinots siatesm even Colouel A. K. hictlure, the founder and the real leadér of the Curtin as opposed to the Cameron faction in Pennsyivanta, is com- pelled to admitit. The whole strength of the re- pubdlican party is either in favor of it or acquiesces init, Thisis plain from the following interviews with leading men m different parts of tue country; itis plain from the opinions of politicians of both parties, who have just been visited by a correspon- dent of tne HERALD for the purpose of ascertaining thet views on this question. THE DEMOCRATIC WAY OF REGARDING IT. The democrats regard Grani’s nomination as a foregone conclusion, but they see in tthe hopes of @ victory Jor their own candidate. They velleve he ‘Wiil be renoiminated solely on the grounds of avatla- asity. They think, with such politi- that he has lost much of his strength with vhe people, an’ politicians like McClure help to foster the impression, Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, 1 will be seen from his remarks to the HERALD’s correspondent, has nodoubt on the sub- ject, and there are few men better able to forecast the political horoscope taan he. Grant will be re- nominated, tink the democrats, and they seem to be earnestly casting about them for the way in which his election can be defeated, Their success 18 aD entirely diferent matter, but from their way of re- garding their prospects they have but few lngering doubts as to their thorough and complete triumpa, WILL THE “NEW DEPARTURE” PROVE THEIR SRENGTH OR THEIR WEAKNESS! On the sulyect of the “new departure” there are many couficting opinions, Tnese dlifering views have never been so well filustrated as in the HERALD's Interviews. McClure, who calls himself a republican, believes it will prove an element of strength, a view in which he ts directly opposed by the opinion of Senator Cameron, But Cameron’s opinion 1s backed by that of Senator Morton, and from the manner in which these two distinguished men—the virtual leaders of tne national republican party at this time—speak of it, 1t seems that Grant's friends are making the moat of it. They will use it to stir up strife in the democratic ranks, Just as the democrats are using Grant's alieged unpopularity with the people to weaken and divide the republi- cans. Men like Hendricks, on the other hand, have the greatest faith in the efficacy of the movement, and firmly believe tnat the whole party can be united upon it. This 1s perhaps the most important point estavlished by the HeRaLp Unis morning, as it is @ point on which there are many doubts in the minds of the people. Taking it for granted, then, that the democracy will adhere to their “new departure” dogma, the next impor- tant question 18 as to the availability of their candi- dates, All that our correspondent has been able to gather on the subject shows that the lizRaLp’s de- mocratic ticket—Chase and Haucock—is the best fitted to cope with Grant, and there can be no doubt that both on the score of availability and fitness they are far ahead of any other combination that could be named. CHASE'S RECORD AS A PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRAT. Noman in the country has a more ciear and un- mistakable record as regards the new departure policy of the Gemocracy than Chief Justice Chase, Ever since the meeting of the Democratic Conven- tion in New York in 1868, when Vallandigham favored Chase’s nomination, these two men were firm friends, and they conferred »' uot only fully in accord on political is probable the arranged betwee tution of the Montgomery Coun ouvention was promulgated tue Chief Ju > wro.e to Mr. Vallan- aigham:-- Wastinotox, 0. ©., Mav 20, 1871. MY Dear Sin—I have just read (se resolutions of the Montgomery County (Ohio) Dewoncratic Conven- tion, reported by yourself, togetacy with sour re. marks and those of Mr. Hank. You have rendered @ great service to your country aud tie party—at least soch is my Judgment. May God bless you for it, Nothing can be truer than your deciaration that the movement contemplated by the resolutions 18 the restoration of the democratic party to 1s ancient platform of progress and reform. 1 know ou too well to doubt your courage or sour fidelity to your connections. Very truly yours, S. P. CHASE, Hop. ©. L. VALLANDIGHAM. This was little more than congratulation over a policy which he had long favored and whicn he had himself recommended in a letter to Mr, Thomas Yeatman, a member of the Obio Legislature, nearly two years before. The Legislature failed to follow the policy he so earnestiy recommended, but the letter is 80 short, so direct and so positive that, more than any of bis utterances before or since, itis worthy of reproduction, as showing both his politt- eal consistency and iris democrauic availability, The letter was as follows :— Wasntnoton, Nov., 18cv, ion. THomas YEATMAN:— My Drak S1k—The eyes of the whole conntry are upon the Siate of Onto. On your vole depends the passage of the fi teeuth amendment. 1 ai for unl ‘versal suffrage aod universal awinegty. The amend. Must ve put tirougi the Li a at all n rn hazards. ms P. CHASE Immediately after Vailandigham's death the Culet Justice, in conversation With a correspondent of the Heraup, m des very clear aad succinct state. ment sbowing at once bis own position and his faith in the success of the new moveuient. Speak- ing Of the statesman who had just dicd, he said;— “Valilandigham was aman of great abiily and of iffer with him politically (which I am free to say 1 do not now) ralways admired his courage. There are few of our public mea Who possess this quality ina greater degree.” And thea, im answer toa question as to the probable eect of Vallandigham's deatn upon the “new departure’ movement, he declared that it was bound to go on till It covered the whole cou ntry, adding in his clear and inetsive way, “i don’t remember any political movement and upon the country as the one which may be said to have been inaugurated by Mr. Vallandignam. Had he lived it would nataraliy have given him great influence, not only with the democracy, but with the honest, thinking men of all parties; for tms movement, I think, commends iiself to the best men in the republican party as well as the democrats.’’ But this is even a clearer exposition of his views on the “new departure’? and lis probable eifects. “It looks to me.’ he said in the same tiuterview, “like the nucleus of a new party. There are a great many people who are dissatisfied with both parties, They are anxious for a different order of things, The war is over and the people want peace. The republican party, or, at least, some of its leaders, seem bent upon perpetuating the memories of the war and thus keeping alive the fecling of hatred ana sectionalism which engendered it. This is de- structive of the best interests of both sectlous, Some of the democrats, on the other hand, refuse toacoept the resuits of the war, but I don’t believe their numbers are formidable at all. If the aemo- cra's nominate a good man, who will command the popular confidence, and place him upon the ‘new departure’ platform, he will, I think, stand a good chance of being elected. There 18 a great deal of alssatis‘action with the republican party, Many people who are anxious for peace believe that we cannot have peace between the North and the Sout while the republican party remain in power. Before the harntony between the two sections is re- Stored there must be general amuesty proclatmed. Now, while there area number of prominent men in the repubiican party—men like Greeley and But- ler—who favor general amnesty, the mass of the leaders of the party are agatuat it. You remember last winter how Congress refused to pass an am- mesty bill”? The only point which remains to be disposed of 1s Senator Morton's opinion that Mr. Chase 18 too old for a Presidential candidate, When it is remem- bered that he will be tn 1872 a year younger than Buchanan when the latter was elected President; that he was born in the same year with Andrew Johnson, is only three years older than Sumner, and but five years older than Trumbull, whue he ts nine years the juntor of Cameron, the mere matter of dates seems to dispose of the Senator's notion. He 1s certainly not too old, but his health 1s some- what impaired, though his faculties have not suffered. Should his life end before the end of his Prestdeutia! term in case of his election the coun. try would find in General Hancock a man in every way fitted to succeed him, and ove imbued with the same progressive democracy which characterizes te Chief Justice. HANCOCK'S POLITIOAL RECORD, Generat Winfleld Scott Hancock was a favorite condidate with a large part of the democracy tn 1888 for the Presidential nomination, and the same partiality isstill mantfested towards him. Had he been put on the ticket at that time fnstead of Gene- rai Blair he would have added toit a strength which itvery much need, Toat he is not an office seeker, and prefers being a soldier to a politician. his whole life proves. Durtng the late war his services were as conspicuous ag those of any man in the Unton Tanks, and were characterized atonce by extreme faithfulness and great ability. It 1s too late now to recount his trouble with the President in relation to his assignment to nis present command, bus in the correspondence which ensued between him and General Shefman there are a few sentences which go fartoward making him a brilifant politica) re- cord. ‘lam,’ he said, with an emphasis that the country will re-echo, “loyal to myegoverment and cougtry, and have, I feel quite sure, discharged with fidelity my dates asa soldier for nearly a genera- tion of the service."” But even more clear than this {9 what he aid or his differences with the administration tn regard to us course at New Orleans and his removal from that command. It was as follows:—‘‘I was glad to be remove | from that command; glad of the opportu- nily thus presented. I might have retained it, not- withstanding the numiliation I had experienced, but my pride forbade it. It 1s well known that I never desired the command; I had my opinions upon political matters, but had never obtruded them; I merely wished to be a soldier, not a politician. I had been enabled to go through the war avoiding politics, and, by constantly remaining tn the fleld, to retain the esteem, generally, of all parties in the country. Id.d not wish to sacrifice that esteem; I therefore did not desire to go to New Orleans, and was glad to be relieved, fori knew I could not satisty the unreasonable expectations of many patriotic people if I confined myself to the latitude allowed me by the laws and did not advance beyond them. I executed the laws faithfully while there, but mot in the interests of par- usans. I felt hurt that, as a soldier defending the prerogatives of my office, General Grant, mv nextcommander, had not sustained me, but had humiliated me in presence of the people whom I had been sent to govern. I did not contest his right torevoke my action in reference to appointments under the reconstruction laws, but I knew that the question was merely one of power as against those who wished to have me removed, and who belleved it an easy matter to accomplish, aiter I had declared that, if overruled, 1 would ask to be reiieved, pro- vided they could induce General Grant to revoke my action.” General Mancock, it ts plain enough, would be slow to accept a nomination for the Vice Presklency. If he felt the nomination was intended merely to do him honor he would certainly decline tt. He indi- cates this in his letter of July 4, 1863, when he avowed he would not consider it his duty to accept anomination for that office. But there is a para- graph in the letter which shows that he would not Teject it 1f 11 came to him in the light of a duty. “They were generous enough,’’ he said—speaking of his friends—“to suppose that with my antecedents and surroundings I might be elected President, and that by an administration conducted rigidly on tne principles of the constitution peace and prosperity could be restored to the country. I did not feel at Liberty to refuse to contribute, if I could, to a con- summation worthy of the noblest ambition.” A few days afterward, in a letter to Mr. S. T, Glover, of Louisville, who had written to him in re- jation torumors that he would not support the democratic nominees, he justified his patriotism and defued his position in a very marked manner. The letter was as follows:— Newrort, R. I., July 17, 1808. 3LOVER, Loutsville:— My Deak SiR—| am greatly obliged for your favor of the 13th inst. Those who suppose | do not acqui- esce in the work of the National Democratic Con- vention, or that Ido not sincerely desiré the elec- tlou of its nominee, Know very Jittle of my charac- ter. Believing. as I really do, that the preservation of constitutional government eminently aepends on Ube success of the democratic party in the coming election, were I to hesitate in its candid support [ feel i should not only falsify my own record, but commit a crime against my couatry. | never aspired to ibe Presidency on account of myself. I never sought its doubtful honor and certain labors and respousibiliues merely for the position. My own sacred precincts of liberty. When, therefore, you pronounced the statements In question faise you did exactly right. Principles, and not men, is the motto for the rugged crisis in which we are now stroggitng. nad | been the Presidential nominee J should have considered {ta tribute, not to me, but to the prin- Shall I cease to revere those principles because by mutual political friends another has been appointed to put them tatu execution’ Never: never! ‘Tuese, wir, are iny sentiments, Wixitever Interested parties lay say to tue contrary. and I desire that all may Know and uuderstand them. I shall ever nold in grateful remembrance the faitaiul friends who, balung from every section of tue Union, preferrea me by their voies and other expressions 0: con- Ndence, voto {n and out of the convention, and shall do thei all (ue justice to believe that they were gov- erned by pati1olic motives, that they did not propose simply to aggrandize my persoual fortunes, but to save their country tirough me, and that they wiil noteuter anything like personal preferences or jeal- Ousies to stand between them and their manifest duty. I have the Bonor to be, sir, very respectiully, yours, WINFIELD 5. HANCOUK. While he was at New Orleans was tue most trying period of Gen Hancock's tr. If the senti ments of the foregoing letter can be regarded as po- litical utterances, nol so bis declarations at that time. [He did what he coaceived to be his duty, re @adoubted courage. Even wuen | bad occasion to», wardicss of tie consequences. aad when Ma action , that has made so deep an impression upon parties | wish was to “promot, if could, the wood of the country, and to rebuke the spirit or revoluion which had invaded every | ctpies wich I had proclaimed and practised; but | | was revoxed he demanded to be recallet. Like | Chase, he was always a believer in universal am- nesty and universal suffrage, and both by word and | deed did he seek to uphold civil rights in the Soutn. | THE PENNSYLVANIA REP HANG! General Hancock has always been a great favorite with the Peunsylvania democrats, and is as much esteemed by the republicans of that State as any | man in the democratic ranks. If the theory that | “48 goes Pennsylvania 80 goes the Union” be a cor- belteve, the name of Hancock will carry more strength with it than any one which can be given the second place on the democratic ticket. The Cartin faction is ready to divide the repnolican party. McCiure clearly indicates this in his views of the political situation, and ne knows something about it Should the fight against Cameron be made to rebound against Grant, as it inevitably would, the State cannot be saved to the republicans, with two such democratic standard bearers as the HERALD's democratic nominees, But the politi- ciaus may speak for themselves, PENNSYLVANIA, HARRISBURG, Jnly 14, 1871. Ever since the days of “Old Hickory” the Penn- sylvanta politicians have cluag to the idea that in ail Presidential contests their State holds the valance of power, and ultimately dectdes tho question, This opinion has been very generally accepted by polt- ticlans of all parties throughout the coun- try, and hence the anxtety to know how Pennsylvania 1s likely to go in a Presidential campaign, Just now it would be dimcult to predict how the State will go in the campaign of 1872, Both parties are somewhat divided—the republican party on candidates and the democratic on principles, The breach between what is knowo as the “Curtin” faciton and the “Cameron” faction in the republican party is far from being healed, while the “new departure’ recently adopte by the Democratic Convention which met here threatens tocreate hala dozeu factions within the ranks of that party. On my way here I happened to meet Colonel A. K. McClure, who is very generally regarded a3 the author of the ‘new departure’’ platform. It was engineered by Lewis ©, Cassidy, a democratic poli- ticlan of great local influence in Philadelphia, but it is belleved by many to have been drawn by McOlure. The latter was for many years a leading republican, and, prior to Grant’s administration, was one of the most active men of his party. I¢ will be remembered that soon after Grant’s election, and before he was tnaugurated, McClure had an in- terview with bim, whereat the Pennsylvania poli- tician was candidly told that his friend Curtin could not go into the Cabinet. Ever since McClure has belonged to that class of republicans denomt- nated by President Grant ‘disappointed men,’’ In the absence of Governor Curtin, now United States Minister at St. Petersburg, McClure is the leader of the “Curtin faction” in the State, and it is shrewdly suspected that he has taken a hana in the “new departure’ movement, with a view of carrying h's faction to the other side, so as to de- feat Grant's re-election and give Peansyivania to the democracy. Of course, he still claims to be arepublican, but ne makes no secret of the fact that he 13 opposed to the re-election of Grant. COLONEL A. K. a Oe THE “NEW DBPART- “what do you think of the ‘new departure’ move- ment?” I inquired, “Well, sir, there 18 more in it than some people are disposed to concede. It means mischief to the republicans, especially if they renominate Grant.” “But the democrats don’t seem to be unanimous about accepting the situation There are some democrats in this State, the old personal friends and followers of Buchanan, for instance, who are opposed to all change. They would never change, don’t think 1t necessary, and of course they will kick in the traces for a short time, but the men wuo control ine party, and the masses are for it. They see that thé great questions have held the republican party together are oe fou WAL LUG ue bas come when new issues must arise. Now, during the war and since, all the Tepublicans had to do was to go before the people and say, ‘See here, the democratic party don’t ac- cept the situation; put them in power and they will upset ali that has been done.’ That was suilicient. But with the ‘new departure’ platform before th people the republicans can’t do that. They wilh find that 1t won't answer to get up the old ery. won't have the meaning it had before. This move- mentis gomg to be general all over the couatry. The truth is Pennsylvania ts behind in the matter.”’ WHAT HE THINKS OF GRANT AND CAMERON, “What do you think of Grant’s chances for re- nomination and re-election «Well, I think he will probably be renominated; but his re-election 1s another question.”” “Do you think he will carry Pennsylvania?" “Doubtful. The trutn 1s, Grant nas very little hold upon the masses of the republican party. Out- side the oMfce-holders nobody seems to care much about him. When he comes to Philadeiphia, for instance, there ain’t a dozen leading republicans ever call upon him. They don’t seem to pay any attention to him. When he was here the last time I think he stopped with ‘Tony’ Drexel, a democrat, and went around with George W. Childs, @nother democrat. Sp fur as the State is concerned, Cameron runs Grant, and you know that’s enough of itself to damn him. Cameron has no strength with the masses of the peopie. When he gets into a con- vention or the Legislature he can manage to carry his point; but we all know how he does it. Cameron Nas absolute contro! here now, because Grant has placed the whole patronage of the State in his hands, Of course he wili carry the delegation from Luis State for Grant in the Convention. A SCRAP OF HISTORY. “The republicans, Colonel, don't seem to have any other candidate but Grant /" “To me that is very significant, I have an idea that they will nominate him, and then let him be ae- feared. It seems to be the only way to get rid of him. If Grant is re-eiected it will only be by the most unpardouable stupidity on the part of the democrats, I have not been deceived in Grant. After he was nominated—and I worked both for his nomination and election—I said toa number of our Jeading republicans, ‘We must go to work and elect this man; but I tell youin advance there ain'ta man of you will ever reap the fruits of the victory.’ E, B. Washburne was standing by and he said, ‘I ple ge you my word that, if Grant 1s elected, he will do the square thing. Now I know the man, and [ tell you he will never allow Simon Cameron torun him.’ Lreplied, ‘Politics and the war have bankrupted me, and I can’t afford to take any Place; but I predict that Cameron will run Grant, aod not aman will get anything except through him.’ Washburne then aad there promised that if Me was elected he would call Curtin to the Cabt- net.’ CURTIN TO TAKE A HAND IN THE NEXT CAMPAIGN. Curtin coming home, Colonel??? jo, uot this summer, except they recall him. I wish they would recall him. Curtin will be home, though, in time to take a hand in the next Presiden- tal election."’ low does he stand in the State ‘fie stands well with the people. Curtin ts really the representative man of his party in the State. In @ contest vetween lim ana-Cameron, before the people, Cameron would be veaten out of sight. Cur- tin, you know, was twice elected Governor, rignt in the teeth of Cameroun, He was declared the choice | of the State tor Vice President in 1863, against | Cameron's Wishes, and he 13 the strongest man in | the State to-day beiore the peopie.’’ | ‘What side will he take??? “That [am not prepared to state. He will hardly | play into Cameron's hands, though.” | THE REPUBLICAN MISTAKE. | “Some republicans, Colonel, seem to think that this ‘new departure’ movement will demoraiize the democracy and weaken them in the Presidential campaign.’ “That is Just where the republicans make a mis: take. There may be some | dak ae J at first, but you | Will find when ejection day comes around every | Man whoisnow @ democrat will vote the straight democratic ticket. So they will not lose any votes, Now, by acoepting the situation, they hold out in- ducements tor men who have hitherto voced with the republicans, for the reasons I have already | stated, aud who are dissatished or indifferent to the present administration, to joi their ranks, There is no telling how many votes they will get from this class. HOW THE DEMOCRATS MIGHT CARRY PRILADELPATA. “Gould the democrats carry the city of Puiladei+ | phia, Colonel: , “They have the votes to do It if they could only wet tiem counted, but you see the election machinery t# im the hands of the republicans and they can count the democratic votes or not, just as they please.” “Dp mu think the republicans will carry the State this £, “Idoubt tt, There ts a great deal of indtiference among the republicans in Pennsylvania towards | Grant, and they don’t care much how it coe Siues, (he democrats Will make 4 tremendous 1UN AS IS AN OPINION, ary t”” “Wel, Geary is a candidate for the Presidency, I understand, on the aver reform piatiorm. here | are some people Who affect lo sneer at Geary; but I tell you he is bo fool, He has move shrewdness ian some of tuvse Who Wik about mg He rect one, and it 13 one in whieh all Peansylyanians | It) had himself nominated for Governor last time, tn Spite of all opposition. and was elected, The lead- | ing men of the party didn’t Want mim then, and | Most of them world have been glad at his defeat. | He beat the whole party, A man who can do that in our State is novody’s ivol, and he's not to be laughed at.” M'CLURE’S RELATIONS WITH GRANT. “Have you haa any relations with Grant since he became President?" F “None whatever. Idiscovered at the beginning that he intended going back on the men who elected | him, and T didn’t want to have anytiing to do with | bum. Thad two interviews with him afer he was | elected aud before he was inaugurated, The lead- | ing men of our State got together, and we con cluded that if we wanted a Cabinet oilcer we had betier ask it. “he question Was who would go and See Grant. ‘They all seemea afraid of him, At last IT said, ‘1'll go, but some of you had better xo along.’ Finally, Colonel Forney was selected, and we went to Washington. We were weil received, and Grant said he would consider the matter, He assured me on that occasion that in any event Cameron should NOt control the State or tts patrouage. My second visit | made alone, I carried a letter from Judge Read of our State to Grant, which I afterwards Jearned contained a strong appeal in favor of Gov- ernor Curtin going into the Cabinet. The result of that interview appeared at the time im the news- Papers, thougn { was represented as urging the claim of Ourtin upon Grant, when, in fact, I did notuing of the kind. When I handed him Judge Read's letter he looked at it, and, a3 { was about to depart, he suid, ‘Wait a minute, Colonel; this tetter relates toa matter upon which I want to talk with ‘ou.’ That was the iirst I knew of the contents of ‘he letter. Then followed the conversation, wherela he informed me that under no circumstances woulda he appoint Curtia; and I, 1a turn, gave him a piece of my mind."* COLONEL FORNEY ON THE SITUATION. Leaving the representative man of the “Curtin faction,” and of the “disappoinied men”' of the re- publican party of Pennsylvania, I happened to meet Colonel J, W. Forney, the genial Collector of the port of Philadelphia, who, I am informed, 1s to be chatr- man of tue National Kepublican Committee in the coming Presidential campaign. In communicating this news to me, my iaformant added, “We have come to the conclusion that Forney knows low to Tun acampaign. Why, in the campaign of '66, he Was chuiriman of the State Central Committec here, but, bless your soul, he was virtuaily chairman of the National Vommittee, too, for they did noinin without consulting him, and he never consulted them, nor anybody cise, except Old Buck.” Foruey is always in good humor, and since he has become Collector he is more gracious than ever, He is an older and more experienced politician than McClure. Perhaps he 18 better acquainted with Pennsylvania politics and politicians than any man living, except General Cameron. His opinion, therefore, may be worth at least a3 much as that of McClure concern- ing the prospect in Pennsylvania. A HARD QUESTION. “I hope,vou don’t want a place in the Castom eerie sald the Colonel, laughing, as we shook ands. “No,” Lreplied, “I want to know who is going to be President after the 4th of March, 1873.” “Weil, that 18 some distance anead, end your question 18 not easily answered. I have no doubt, in my own mind, that General Grant will be the man; though, of course, there is a diverence of opinion abont it,’" “You think he will be renominated by the re- publicans ?”” “Unquestionably, and re-elected, too. That has been my firm beilef for soe time past. In October, 1:67, 1 wrote an articie, after consultation with the late Genera Rawlins, Judge David K. Cartter and Senator Thayer, wherein I renominated Grant and predicted his elecuon to a second term. In 18¢4, when an organized attempt was made by the friends of Judge Chase to defeat Lincoln, I wrote an article urging his renomination. That article was tele- graphed by Sianton to all parts of the country. Now, the reasons which were urged for the renomi- nation of Lincoin hold good to a certain degree with regard to Grant. To be sure we have no armed rebellion on our hands, but we will require a man in the White House for the next four years who will be sure not to abandon any of the fruits of the war, and in my opinion Grant is the best man we cau gel.’? THE KEYSTONE OF THE ARCH. “T suppose you share the opinion of all public men uk the State that as Pennsylvanla goes, so goes the nion * “Yes; experience is rather on the aide of that theory. I don’t know of a President since Jackson's time who would be likely to doubt it, In 1840 Penn- sylvania was carried by the whigs, and that secured the election of General Harnson. In fact. the whigs never elected a President except when they carried Pennsylvania, and the democrats never were de- feated except when they lost her; and so siuce the republican party came into existence.”’ THE CAMVAIGN OF 1856—HOW TO DO IT AGAIN, “You ought to know something about it. I be- lieve you had some experience in managing the State in the campaign between Buchanan and Fremont?” “Yes; the campaign of 1856, when I was chairman of the Siate Ceatral Committee, about which there has been so much discussion, was a priak and some- Waal original aifair. ‘The democracs won tat “Ku ann) 7 chowe: docause HRcey His MeUgTO? AY pA PRAnsas, ana Pethuse the party consented to a severe and thorough discipline. With that pledge we got tio sands of old line whig votes, and with that discipline we untied the democracy into a solid phatanx. I stipulated for absolute control and gotit. I never called a formal meeting of the State Committee after the first, but worked with secretaries, snorinaud re- porters, agents and speakers and writers from July uatil November, incessantly, day end night.” “How did you run the thing, Colouel 1’ “There were two elements that aided us im- menseiy. These were personal and sociai kindness to the gentlemen on the other side, and liberal ad- vertising in the newspapers. 1 think I gave about many dinners that campaign, generally at the old rcbanta’ Hotel, 28 any one man ever gave in the same period of time, paying nearly the entire shot out\or my own pocket. It leit me at the close of the nt as near a beggar as I ever was in my life. le at the social board two or tree hours every atternoon I met all sorts of peopic—very oiten my tee onal friends among the repuolicans and old ine whigs, We did not taik je ch politics, and I managed to keep alive a very Kinu y feeling, which operated most powerfully during tie campaign, and on election day L never scraplet tue bill of a news- paper man, know:ng that afier ail they are the worst paid and most useful of campatgners and missionaries. These influences coimplevely demoral- ized the opposition, When the battle was over and tie pledge was broken and re- sentment followed faithful service in the cause | loved there was no man in the democratic party bold and prave enough to charge that I dida Single actin that whole campaign of which I had any right to be ashamed. I am quite convinced that in the great struggle of next year it would not be a lost Idea if the policy I pursued in 1546 were imitated, to some extent?” PENNSYLVANIA ALL RIGHT. “What do you think, Colonel, of Grant's chances in Pennsylvania in 1872, providing he 1s re- nominated ?"? the fgeling throughout the State now is very strong In \avor of Grant. His general course meets the upprifal of the people. 1 don’t think tt will change in a year, and J oelleve Grant will geta larger majority here néxt time than he did when ne was first elected, There 1s a good deal of unity of feeling amoug the republicans throughout the State,’? THE NEW DEPARTURE. “What do you thiuk of the democratic ‘new de- fi bad for the democrats. Some of them don’t seem ty take well toit, ‘fhe matter seems to have originated in our State, with Lewis C. Cassidy, who is & controlling spirit among the demo- cracy, Ci y is a clever fellow, and was always an advance.@democrat. His sympathies, I toink, were with D.ftgias, though he still maintained his place in the oft ranks, The democrats are Oly try- lpg to do uw what they cannot very well acip aoing—namely, recognizing the fact that we have nada rebellion, and that it has produced great changes. The trouble with them 1s the people can- not and do not trust them.’ “Do you think they will draw of republican voters #7? tone that would not have gone to the demo- crate without inducements being held out. No man who believes in the principles of the republican arty will be cheated by the false lights exhibited y the democracy at this late day. [ think, on the other hand, there will be @ great many democrats who will retuse to recognize the ‘new departure,’ as it 18 called, and while they may not vote the re- publican ticket they will refuse to vote for the demo- cratic canaldates.’’ WHAT SENATOR CAMBRON THINKS. At his elegant mansion, “‘Locniel,”” on the banks of the Susquehanna, the veneravie chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations 13 enjoying the rest which follows the sessiou of Congress with an ease and dignity peculiar to him. Provably 10 jan in the State of Pennsylvania has as many warm friends or as Many hitter enemies as General Came- ron, tv would be marvellous indeed If, in over half @ century of pubiic ilfe, a man of his well knowo will and force of character did not arouse enmtles as weil as provoke frieudships. General Cameron 1s @ man of few words. He knows, however, how to act, at least one may so Judge from his recent successlul management of the Treaty of Washington. LETTER FROM SECRETARY FISH. While at his nonse to-day tne Senator showed me @ private letier which ne had received from Secre- tary Fis, thanking hin for his able management of our foreign affairs in the Senate. Secretary Fish not only thanks him for the successful manner tn which he conducted the Treaty of Washington in the Senate, but for the apility he has shown in se- curing the ratification of other treaties which had Jong veon laid away in pigeon-holes in the commit lee room of Foreign Reiavons. CAMERON ON GRANT. “What do you think of tne new departure move- ments Generai’'! | asked, ! it don’t amount to anything. Two years ago it might lave Gone us some lara, but it ts of no account now. Tt will lose votes for the Gemo- crac 1 course you are in favor of the renomination of General Grant.” : Yes, [think he is the best man we have, and I | think he will be renominated without any doubt, | ‘That message of his on S$. Domingo was an admire able document, and would have renominated olm had there been noihing else. 1 don't Know of any- thing to equal 1b since the days of Jackson. Then, | again, Grant is paying off tie dent and collecting evenuc, That wives lima strong hold on the pie." The success of the Tr to his strength, L auppos * Yes, that secured for nim the entire money and property interest of U untry, aud that Was ail he Waited fo Make lim the strongest nin wrta the people in the United States,” NOT A CANDIDATS “General. Thear vour name ty of Washington will ented In same 1871.—TRIPLE SHEET. marters as a candidate on the republican ticket for the Vice Presidency.” “Nobody 1s authorized to use my name in that connection. I am not a candidate for anything, especially the Vice Prestaeucy. I would not take it now. No, Lintend to leave the Senate possessing, as I belteve I do, the respect of all its members. I don’t want any place alter the Senate. I don’t know that Pennsylvania has anybody for that place. Our People are not politicians. 1 could pick out a dozen men in the tron and coal business in our State any one of whom would make @ good President of the United States, but they are better runainug toa milis or mining coal.” “You think Grant will be re-elected ?? “Yes; there are some politicians against him, but they will yisid as soon as they discover that the eople are for him. After you get to the peopie jvant 18 very strong.” The General went on to refer to State and local politics, which would not be of interest to the gene- ral reader, HARBIsBURG, July 15, 1871. ‘fhe county of Westmoreland, in the southwestern part of Pennsylvania, originally settled by tno Scotch-lrish, has produced several men of mark in State as wellas national politics, Ex-Senator Edgar Cowan; the late John Covode (‘Honest John,” as he Was called); General Henry D. Foster, the demo- cratic candidate for Governor and now a member of the House of Representatives, and Governor Join W. Geary, all hail from Westmoreland county. Just now Geary looms up as the “favorite son’ of the county, if not of tho State. He 1s serving his second term a3 Governor, and from thence he hopes (no, not he, but his friends; ne is too modest) to vault into the Presidential chair. Ratsed him- self upon @ farm, and not a very profitable one at that, Geary has always claimed to be a friend of the workingman, the laboring classes. I never saw a politician who, in his public givings out, claimed to be anything else buta friend of the workingman. This class is so numerous in our country, and exercises such a con- trolling influence in politics, that it is hardly safe for & public man to take any other ground. For some time past Geary has been par excellence the work- ingman’s friend, and he has managed to mak e them believe, at least in this State, that he is thelr Moses who is to lead them into the promised land where Capital will no longer oppress labor. In a Stite like Pennsylvania, where the masses earn thetr bread by their dally toll, this is no small achievement for a Politician who 18 ambitious of higher honors than that of Governor of the State. The views of such a man on the general topics of the day may not be uninteresting to the readers Of the HERALD. THE GOVERNOR IN HIS EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, When I called upon the Governor this morning, I found he had just returned from a trip to another Part of the State. He was exceedingly busy, as all Governors are after having been away for a few days, and chere was quite anumber of persons waiting 1o the aute-room to see him. He seemed-to dispose ofeach case with great rapidity, and most of the callers went away with a satisfied expression upon their countenances, no doubt feeling that Geary would make a govd Presiaent. The Governor ts said to be partial to representatives of the public press. This of itself 18 proof positive that he isa candidate for the Presidency, for who ever knew of an aspirant for that position who did not cultivate the channels of public opinion? A tall, well built man, with @ head which would be pronounced by phrenologists well ‘balanced—uat least, if not the custodian of a powerful brain, and a pleasing address, with great volubility of epeech—Geary Is calculated to make a very fair 1m- Pression upon those who “look upon his kingly eyes"? for the first time, Full as he was of business he did not seem to be in any very great hurry to end the conversation, the substance of which I give below. He was exceedingly shy of the Presidency question, and almost blushed when I mentioned his name in connection with it, But still he mani- fesied no disposition to change the subject. Like most men io public life, the nistory of whose ex- ploits has not been properly set before tne “acar people,’ the Governor likes to talk about himself, and shows an egotism somewhat akin to that of Senator Sumner. Perhaps this 13 pardonable in great men. In ordinary Individuals it is generally voted @ burt. gue One sueu with Ged ay 1s THE LABOR REFORM QUESTION, and we began on that, the Governor doing all the talking. He has evidently made it a speciaity, and is perfectly at home upon the subject. “How about the labor reform movement?" I said. “Weil. I don’t know that there ts any reform apout it. All that 1 contend for 1s that the laboring ciusses Shall be recognized. I have repeatedly told our peo- ee! (the republicans) that they made a great mistake ju not paying some attention to this ciass of our citle zens. I have almost gone on my knees to them and begged that some action be taken 10 show the men who toll for their dally bread that they are not for- gotten, und that their rights will be guarded as against capital. Now, Ido not desire to array labor against capital There ts no necessity lor it; but the rich can take care of themselves,’ and I am and always have been on tne side of the weak and helpless. Men talk about the? high wages paid for labor, but tt don’t amount to so much im a year after all, especially when there 1s & large family to iake care of. You never hear of Many of these laborers getting rich on the so-called high wages. The trouble ts capital is not willing to divide fairly with labor. The great families and corporations who control capital want to pile up iter es AS 1 “Lhe labor reform party, I suppose, is ratner strong in this State ?” 4 ” “Yea; there are from 100,000 to 150,000 of them, Thus tar they have, as a general thing, gone with the republican party. They have saved our e:ec- tions several times in this State. In 1859 they sup- porsed me against Asa Packer. Last year they un- joubtedly elected several of our Congressmen. Their sympathies are all with the republicans, but our public men dou’t seem to recognize them, and they must, and probably will, go where they will be recognized.’ “Will that be to the democrats ?"" “Well, I can’t say. They are strong enough, it they choose, to have a party of cheir own and to elect their own men, or to pnp some one oi the parties to nominate men who will taxe care of their interests.” HOW THE GOVERNOR MANAGED THR STRIKES. “The strikes among the miners in tis State seem to be at an end, Governor?” “Yes, You have no idea how near we were to having bloodshed and revoiution ia the State daring those strikes. Nothing but the very nicest manage- ment prevented it. There were at least 80,000 of tuose strikers in the eastern part of the State. More than half of them were in the war and had seen ser- vice of'three or four years. The majority of them had the arms that they carried through the war for the Union, and they know how to use them. Now, suppose these men had taken it Into their heads to organize—they had among them oificers who could lead them—it would nave taken the entire military power of the State to have put them down. Parties came to me with all sorts of plans to end the strike. I patd no attention to any of them, but Kept my eye steadily upon my own plan, which was to show these men that they must subinit whatever grievances they had to the courts, The leaders of these men came to me and said they had no conti- deuce in the Jagtotary and none in the Legislature, but they said, ‘We believe in you, Governor, and we think you will do what 1s right.’ I assured them twat 1 would, and advised them to go to work and obey the laws, At the same time I was fully pre ared to sustain the civil authorities in enlorcing he laws with all the power of the State. But the Workingmen seemed to have confldeace tn me.’ THE GOVERNOR ON THE PRESIDENCY. “T Suppose you know, Governor, that you are spoken of as the labor reform candidace for the Presidency ¥'! “Well, no (with great modesty); I cannot say that Tknow it I have seen something about it in the newspapers, but I have not authorized any person to usy My name in that connection. Of course I can- aot help it if the laboring classes throughout the hid should put me forward for that or any otuer ‘ou are like Horace Greoley in that respect."’ am trying here to do my tuil duty as Governor of this Commonweaith. [ assure youl am making no effort to secure the nomination for any other place after the exptration of my term of oMce. 1 am, however, as a citizen, at the disposal of my leiow citizens. Whatever twey shail tndicate [ shail always be ready to comply with their wishes.” “You will submit to tae will of the people.” “Yes; I always try to do that, aim not above public opinion nor the newspaper press, as some men affect to be. I always read the newspapers especially when they abuse me aud criticise me, 1 like ty see What they have tosay about me, aad, if possible, vo profit by thelr criticism.” “Phat 18 @ good trait of cnaracter, Goveroor, in a Presidential candidate.” “There are some public men who say they don’t care about public opinion, and they pay no atten. ton to whit the newspapers say about tiem. Now, I Care @ great deal, and | think in tug country every public man shodid care.’ WHAT Hk THINKS OF THE “NEW DEPARTURE.” “How about the new departure movement tn your State?’ “{ have not had time to examine tt fully, It re- minds me of the condition of parties in 1352, when Pierce and Scott wore candidates for the Presidency. There was very lite to choose bewween them. Lt 1s v0d Sign to see the demveracy accepting the situs ation.” “some men, Governor, seem to think it will affect the repubiicag party in tae elecuons.”” “Weill, 1 don't know. It depends very much upon what the republicans do, and how they conauct themselves. We have a very importau: clection in our State next year, We vote for President aud Vice President, vernor, members of Congtess, the Legis.ature—waien is to elect a United States Senator—and a judge of the Supreme Court.’ “Do you think the republicans will carry the,’ Stave?” “Ag T Nave already satd, that depends upon now Vey acti, The State ouwhs to be reoubligan, Bat¥ be some blunders m.ty be committed which will give to the democrats.’ GBARY'3 RELATIONS WITH GRANT. ‘Are you on good ,terms with President Grant, Governor?" “Very good, so far ag (know, ur relations have always been cordiai, botu in the army aud in civil life. I don’t Know what some evil disposed perso: may have been Jomg lately to disturb our relation: 1 had a very kind uote from the President the o\her day. Periaps Grant don’t hke@ my position on the ‘bayonet question,’ but 1 cao’t help i As the Governor of this Commonweaitir I was bound in my Message Lo allude to that, and to condemn the ac- tion of the generat government in asing the marines at Philadelphia during tie election Ot last year, I don't believe im that policy, aud I never can be made to believe init, Had Che my I would give the South universal ameesty. Then 1 weuld say ‘You are put upon your good behavior. Hold your elec- Hons in your own way. Elect your own candidates, Let the elections be conducted fairly, If you-are vob bie to maintain order let your Governors or your Legislatures cali upon me and { will back them with the whole sirength of the government.’ I beileve that would have done more to secure pence than anything else, You can’t govern tais people with the bayonet. Whenever it comes to that the republec 18 a failure, and we had better confess it, Better have iifty fights at the polls than to have the bayonet there, hen I was in the army Graut paid me and my command a marked compliiuent. lt was & compliment to the State. After the battles around Chattanooga, which resulted ia the capture of Lookout Mountain, Grant would not allow my command to havea new shoe or a new coat. He sald he wanted to review those men just as they came out of the fight. And he did, with nearly three hundred general officers. He said he never saW a ULraver body oc meu, That Was a great compliment.”” The Governor discoursed st consideraple length upon the war and the part he wok init, his career In California and Kansas; but are they not all writ ten tn the chronicles of the umes? 1 saw that there were & great many waiting to see the Governor, and 80, without trespassing further upon bis time, I bade him adieu, INDIANA. INDIANAPOLIS, July 13, 1871. Ex-Senator Thomas A. Hendricks resides on a highly cultivated, well laid vut and beautifully situated place of about eighteen acres, a mile out- side the city limits of Indianapolis. Since his re- urement from the United States Senate he has engaged assiduously in the practice of the law, and the story bere 1s that the firm of which he ts the head (Hendricks, Hord & Hendricks) has the best and most extensive practice in the State. The ex- Senator !s the idol of the democracy of Indiana, and the boundlessness of their fattn in hin is such that they think if he takes hold of a case it is already won, ‘fom’ Hendricks, as they familiarly and lovingly term him, can, tn their estimation, do any- thing. Mrs. Rendricks, a highly accomplished laay, seems to have an equal claim upon the democracy with her husband. “You should see Mrs, flendricks,” sald an enthusiastic Irlshman to me, with a strong emphasis upon the Mrs. and then he added, witn great earnestness of manner, ‘She’s the best man o’ the two,” All the democrats in this part of the country are in favor of Hendricks for President. To ve sure there may be a few pollticians against him, on per- sonal grounds, but I speak of the masses of the party. The ex-Senator himself seems to be giving very little attention to public affairs, especially politics. Your correspondent, who called upo. him at his office yesterday, met with a most cordial re- ception, “The HeRaLp,” sald Mr. Hendricks, “has always been very fair toward me, and 1 am giad to meet Ope of its representatives.” “Mr. Hendricks, how 1s the political situation here?" “Well, reaily, I don’t know much about it, Dur- ing the last two or three months I have been almost dally in court, and so engrossed with business that I haven't had time to read the newspapers thoroughly. I am ashamed jto say I scarcely know what is going on."” “You have heard of Vallandigham’s death ?"” “Yes, that was very sad, indeed. Vallandigham was a man of great courage and determination.” “What do you think of his new departure resota- tions?" “I haven't thought much about them yet—I haven't had time. I think, though, they will be very generally accepted py the democracy. We have had no occasion in this State to discuss politics this year, as we do not have an election this fall.’’ “The question will come up next fail, at the Prest- dential election, 1 suppose ?”” “Yes. We must make the fight upon ilving is- Sues, It ts folly to be always going back to dead issues, We must take things as we find them. I think the great mass of the democratic purty realize this fact.” “I presume you are sitll a candidate for the Preat- dency * at least your frienus so regard you.” “Well, it ts Just this way. If the Democratic Con- vention shouid see proper to be so partial as to nominate me I will stand, whether I am defeated or elected. | But {don’t know what the teeling may be in the Convention. I shall make no great effort to get tt, 1 don't Intend that my friends shall resort to any underhand means to secure it for me. They Shall not with my consent, at least. In some respects the Presidency is not desirable now. It is almost impossible, I presume, for & man to be four years in the White House without making a ee. many enemtes and rendering himself unpopu far. ‘This arises from the great torease of the pat- ronage during the war and growing out of it. It must really be a great burden and source of aunoy- ance to a President.’? “I notice, sir, that some of the Southern demo- poe ,dou't subscribe to the new departure resolu- ions. “That will allcome right in time, Itis hardly to be expected that a new movement like this should Meet with universal approvat all at once. Mr. Val- landighar, 4 presume, expected opposition, and had he lived he would have been prepared to en- counter it, Our irlends will see the wisdom of thts movement by aud by, in time, I nope, for the Presi- dential campaign.” “What the democracy wants todo ts to conv nce the people tha: they are not, as a party, revolution- ary. You kuow this is charged upon them by the rejublicans,"? “Il Know; that has been the groundwork of nearly ail the speeches of the republicans in and out of Congress. Of course they don't believe themselves that if the democracy came tnto power there would be any upsetting of things, any disregard of the constitution or the laws, but they try to righten the eople with the picture. I think that four years of & democratic administration would restore har- mony between the different sections of the country, lncrease our prosperity and piace the Tepablic in @ position she never occupied hetore.’* aay? you think the republican party has haa ita “Well, yes; I don’t see what it has to keep it going. There are no longer any war tasues, and that has been its stock in trade trom the begiuuing. Suppose the democrats accept ail the reguits of the war, and promise @ reduction of taxes, a more econ- omical administration of the government and the restoration of harmony between the two sections, can the repubiicaus do more “This ‘new departure’ movement may be the nu- cleus of a new party.’ “Yes, It may; and it is just possible that the pro- Gressive men of all parties willjoin init. Men don’t usually stick to a siuking ship, As soon as it be- comes apparent to the leaders of the republican party that there is no future for that organization ‘they will leave it to its fate.’? “What avout Grant; ai you mean about his renomination ?"7 “Yes. don’t See that the republicans have anybody else. I suppose they will be forced to take bim, again, on the ground of avatability, as they were the firat time, but he won't be us good a candidate as he was in 186%. ‘hey didn’t know anything about him then, and they took him on trial. He has dis- Appointed @ great many of them since. He is about as Weak a man as they can run,” “But they will rug him.’ “Yes, as Lhave said, they will be competled to do. it. They have no other ¢andidate they consider avananle, but that dou’c strengthen him way beiore the peopie.”* “what will the civil service and revenue reform men ot the repaolican party do?’’ “|don’t Know, Bat 1 should think they would Nardly support Grant lor a second (etm after ae experience they nave had with him.'? Mr. Henaricks iniormed me that he proposed maxing anoiher tour to the Packic coast tus sum- mer, but that he aid not intend Ww make any Speeches or to wrie letters, if Senator Morton is not @ pious man tt ts cer- tainly not the fault of his surroundings. tits reai- dence here stands within sight of sowe halt dozen, clu ches, iour of them, I twink, are Presbyterian, one Methodist, aua one Baptist. The Senator at tenia all of theta—in spirit-—especialiy tue Presb) terian, for he was raised ti (iat faith, and he bas still a strong belie! ia it, ina moderate form, Had Morton improved his chanovs duriag the war like some patriots, he aight hage been liviag aew in ihe most stately mansion iM, Indianapolis. As it ia, hus residence t# plan, though comfortable; and has the advantage of a fine siimauon, Tug city of in dianapolis is greatly tadebved to Senktor Morton for its Tapil groweh aud ifs present prosperity. Prior to (he war it Wasa village of aboyt fiftecn or twen.y thousand imiabiian It npw' boasts over Atty thousand, Duriug the war Morton, woo was then Governor, mace iv the great rendezvous of tho bate, and, mdeed, of surrounding les, tor tie organization and equipment of troops. Milliows of money Were disuirsed here, and the city grew at a rapid rat I foul the Senator in his covey pattor, looking better than he did in Wasnington, nd as full of potitics aad puoile affairs as ever, He takes great pride in tuokprosperity of Indianapolis, { Gud lasisted upon driving me out to svow ine the ity. What Hendricks ja to the ats of Indiana, Morton is to the gepublicans, they belleve dn him. They thunk ho ot fit to Prosident or Aavining @se, Mon. women.