The New York Herald Newspaper, June 27, 1871, Page 6

Smead Mectiinihides ry f BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR Rejected communications will not be re- OLYMPIC THEATRE. Broadway.—Tar Dnrawa or KATHLEEN MAVOURNERN. BOOTH'S THEATRE, 23d st, between Sth and 6d ave. — ‘THE May 0” AUKLIE, WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadwar, corner 20th st, —Pet ances every afternoon and evening—HuxPry Duar WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 13th street, — Tae Lone STRIKE. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Tut Dxawa or Tae COLLEEN Bawn. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Tun Puay oy Lox.e Nan. GLOBE TLUPATRE, 728 Broadway.--Tne Drama or THE Pouwe Sry. FIFTH AVENUE THE. DELMONICO's. » Twenty-fourth street.— GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner ot Sth ay. ana 2d st.— La PErRiono.e. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery. - UNoLE Tou's Carn. CENTRAL PARK GARDEN. -Turoporr Taomas’ Suwex Nicurs’ Coxcerts. TERRACE GARDEN, Fifty-eighth street, between Lexing ton and Third ava.—GRAND GALA CONCERT. DR, KANIN'S ANATOMICAL MUSEUM, 745 Broadway,— SOMENCE AND AKT. TRIPLE SHE New York, Tuesday, June 27, 1871. CONTENTS OF T0-DAY'’S HERALD, PaGE. 1—Advertisements, 2— Advertisements. 3—Yachting: The Fourteenth Annual and Fourth Union Regatta of ihe Brooklyn Yacht Club; Regatta of the Oceanic Yacht Club of brooklyn; Yachting Notes—Public Education: Commencements of Princeton College, St. Joun’s College, of Brooklyn, and Other Col- feges—The Saengeriest—Railroad Matters— Miscellaneous Tei¢grams—Local Affairs. 4—Mexico: The Approaching Election for Presi- dent and Congress; No Fears of a Revolution: ‘The Prejudice Against Foreigners Dying Oui— ‘Trotting at Fleetwood Park—The National Prospects of ‘t Fail—The Seventh New: ‘ourts—Tombs — Police Court—Foster ihe Murderer—The Erie Railway War—fhe Putnam County Murder—The Forty- third Street Homi —Stabbing Afiray at Newburg—Another Fatal Gur Casuaity—A Lady Reader's Appeal to Superintendent Kelso— Journalisiic Notes. 6—Editorials: Leading Article, “Chief Justice Chase, the Democratic Party aud the ‘New Departure’"’—Personai Intelligence—Ami ment Announcements, '7—The Situation in France—News from England, Spain, Centrai and South America, Colombia, Cuba and Jamaica—President Grant: His Views on the Questions of the Hour—News from Wasningtou—The Louisiana Senatorship —Mis- celianeous Telegrams — Amusements—Local Nws—Businesse Notices, S—Tne Methodist Muddie: Dr. Lanahan Rein- stated—Methodist Policy—Interoceanic Ca- nal—The New City of Nyeck—Burial at Sea— Financial and Commercial Reports—Domestic Markets—Government Bonds—Drainage of Low Lands—Drowned at a Ferry. 9—Brookiyn Afairs—Proceedings of the City Gov- ernment—Marriages and Deaths—Advertise- e- ments. 10—Germany: Frankfort Crowded with Soldiers; A German Scheme of English Invasion— Obituary—Local News—Shipping Intellt. geuce—Advertsements, 11—Advertisements. 12—Adverusements. ANOTHER Front PLATFORM Car tragedy is re- ported. A man in getting off one yesterday was run over and killed. When are we to bave some front platform regulation that wil prevent such shocking accidents? Senator CaMERON is strongly endorsed for the Vice Presidency on General Grant's ticket in 1872, and the proposition is being very generally agitated. The administration is doubtless favorable to him, for he and the President have been in harmoniona accord ‘ver since their fishing excursion. Tue WorkINeMEN oF Newark, Onto, have learned a more effective trick than ‘‘striking.” When their employer won't pay them a hun- dred or so of them capture him and hold him in dnrance until he settles up. That is the way in which they served a Mr. Tight recently. It succeeded for the time, but whether it is likely to encourage harmonious relations between capital and labor is questionable. Tae Kv Kiox are pretty lively in Illinois and Indiana, Neither of these States has been fully reconstructed since its ‘‘rebel” days. In Illinois a man recently hanged a school mistress for whipping his child, and she was nearly dead when she was cut down; and In Indiana some persons unknown threw tor- pedoes and shells into the house of a quiet family, injuring nearly all the inimates and fring the house. Prxrsipent Grant, in an interview with our correspondent at Long Branch yesterday, stated that Socretary Fish had not resigned and he hoped he would not; that Tom Mur- phy is not to be removed from the Custom House, and that no changes are contemplated in the federal offices in Brooklyn. The noise made about these matters, said the President, is the rampus that outsiders kick up in trying to get inside the official coach. Tae Saline or THE Poraris.—The steamship Polaris, Captain Hall, commander, does not sail to-day for the Nerth Pole, as wae at first intended. This little vessel is now the objegpof attention to scientific men all the world ovér. In aday or two Captain Hall, with a skilful crew, will be off to those mys- terious but attractive Polar regions, which have tempted so many, which have brought sorrow to so many, and which have brought fame to not a few. Franklin, McClintock, Hayes, Kane—all have made names. Still a mystery remains. Captain Hall may solve the mystery. At all events, if he does not solve the mystery, he may make fame. Two Pxcovtiar Mcrpers bave just occurred in Maryland. One is that of an ingane woman, ladylike in her appearance, who was shot by one of a party of four men, who alleges that he mistook ber fora chicken thief of whom they were in search. The other is that of an aged negro man, who, ‘coming within range of the guo” of Dr. Bean, of Charles county, was naturally shot, and Dr. Bean now relies on temporary insanity for his defence under the constitution as itis. The first murder is beyond any justification, for even chicken thieves are not to be shot down with impunity, and we can see no acceptable reason for the latter one (temporary insanity being con- sidered, we believe, merely a legal quibble), except the great temptation the chivalric Bean hed to shoot at what was apparently a ‘“‘good pen.” NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 27, 187L-—TRIPLE SHEET. NEW YORK HERALD | chet sustice Chane, the Democratic Party and the “New Departure.” The new departure of the Northern de- mocracy, thongh generally recognized as a party necessity, is still, to some extent, in- volved in mystery, particularly in reference to the late C. L. Vallandigham, as the pioneer in the movement. How did it happen that he, of all the democratic leaders, was se- lected to break groand in the acceptance of the three new amendments to the national constitution, and by what influences was he chosen for this bold undertaking? We think the mystery is solved in the simple declara- tion that this new departure was contrived as & movement in the interest of Chief Justice Chase, looking to the Presidential Democratic Convention of 1872, We are strongly in- clined to this belief from the intimate politi- cal relations which have existed between the Chief Justice and Mr. Vallandigham since 1868, and because we think it can be shown that in and since the Tammany National Con- vention a perfect understanding between these two men has guided the movements of both looking to the Presidential game of the best foot foremost, First, as an evidence of the “happy ac- cord” existing between the Chief Justice and Mr. Vallandigham in 1871, we submit the fol- lowing letter from the former to his Ohio co- laborer in grateful recognition of the first practical step taken in this new departure :— Wasnrnaton, D. C., May 20, 1871. My Drak StR—I! have just read the resolutions of the Montgomery County (Ohio) Democratic Conven- tion, reported by yoursel{, together with your re- marks and those of Mr, Conk. You have rendered & great service to your country and the party—at Jeast such is my judgment, May God bless you for it. Nothing can’be truer than your declaration that the movement contemplated by the resolutions is the restoration of the democratic party to its ancient platform of progress and reform. 1 know you too well to doubt your courage or your fidelity to your convictions. Very truly yours, S. P. CHASE, Hon. 0, L. VALLANDIGHAM. Here, it will be observed, the Chief Justice becomes enthusiastic in bis gratitude. ‘‘You have rendered a great service to your country and the party. May God bless you for it.” The movement is altogether agreeable to Mr. Chase, because it brings him and the de:oc- racy together again on the same platform ‘‘of progress and reform” after a separation of a quarter of a century on the negro question. It may be fairly assumed, too, that Mr. Chase, in this prompt and grateful approval of this new departure of Mr. Vallandigham, wished to be identified with it as a party man, and that his object was to be ahead of all the other democratic candidates for the White House in giving this forward movement his hearty sup- port. Doubtless he knew all about it in ad- vance of any other democratic candidate from a preconcerted arrangement with Mr. Val- landigham on the subject; for we all know that the movements of parties and of govern- ments and dynasties are managed by a few wire-workers behind the scenes. Mr. Chase, in this aforesaid letter, says of his trusty Ohio friend :—‘‘I know you too well to doubt your courage or your fidelity to your convictions.” There could be no doubt of this fidelity, for had it not been tried and proved in the Tammany Convention of 1868? In that Convention Mr. Pendleton was the favorite of Ohio and the West against the field; but he was not the favorite of Mr. Vallandigham. Between Pendleton and Vallandigham, in fact, the relations existing at that time were some- what like the relations which now exist be- tween Senators Fenton and Conkling, of this State. It isthe old story. Pendleton aspired to be the bead chief of his party in Ohio, and Vallandigham aspired to the same position, and the State was not big enough for both of them, just as the New York Castom House to- day is not big enough to hold both Murphy and Greeley. Conspicuous, then, and heartily active in behalf of the nomination of Mr. Chase by the Tammany Convention, was Mr. Vallan- digham. Failing, however, to bring the old Bourbons to this new departure with a repub- lican for a candidate, Mr. Vallandigham rushed through the nomination of Horatio Seymour, thus completely cutting out Pendle- ton, and thus leaving the field open for the West and for Mr. Chase on a new departure in 1872. We suppose that all this was understood be- tween Mr. Chase and his Ohio chief engineer from 1868 to 1871. Unfortunately for the Chief Justice, then came the untimely death of his shrewd, courageous and trusty friend. Mr. Pendleton, in Ouiio, thus comes again into the foreground. As for Mr. Chase, he missed his opportunity in 1868. Then, if the Tam- many Convention had nominated him, even on the Wade Hampton platform, the glorious Union war record of Chase would have neu- tralized those ugly resolutions, and many re- publicans would have supported him. We have always suspected that even Greeley, with “three sheets in the wind,” during the Tam- many ballotings, would have gone for Chase as the democratic candidate against Grant as the republican nominee. But since 1868 the course of the Chief Justice in the Andy Johnson im- peachment trial, and bis opinions on his own legal tender act, and his position in the Tam- many Convention, all taken together, have operated to cut off all his former republican friends and followers, withont gaining him the confidence of the old democratic Bourbons. In a conversation with a Heraxp corre- spondent at Cincinnati the other day the Chief Justice said, among other things touching the political situation :—‘‘I should think this new departure would have a great influence in the coming election. <A great deal, of course, depends upon the candidates and the platforms. If the democrats nominate a good man, who will command the popular confidence, and place him upon the new departure platform, he will, I think, stand a good chance of being elected. There iss great deal of dissatisfac- tion with the republican party. Many people who are anxious for peace believe we cannot have peace between the North and the South while the republican party remains in power. Before harmony between the two sections is restored there must be @ general amnesty pro- claimed. Now, while there are a number of men in the republican party—men like Greeley and Butler—who favor general amnesty, the mass of the party leaders are against it. You remember how last winter Congress refused to pass an amnesty bill,” &e.—all of which goes to show that Mr. Chase is still in the Presidential field. Now, however, we think, that, like the Count de Paris in the French revolution of 1848, he comes ‘‘too late.” Mr. Chase supposes that the republicans i! renomioate General Grant, and supposes that he is their strongest man, but, neverthe- less, the Chief Justice understands that “there is considerable opposition among some of the republicans to Grant’s renomination ;” and it is the learned jurist’s opinion, too, that the people pay off the national debt, and would pay it off ‘‘as readily with any man in the White House as with General Grant.” From all this it is manifest that Mr. Chase, so far as General Grant is concerned, believes, with Mr. Greeley, in the one-term principle; but from all this we only see that, as a politician, Mr. Chase does not comprehend the great events of the day nor their pressure upon the public mind in reference to the Presidential question. We cantell him that General Grant is recog- nized by the people as a great improvement upon Andrew Johnson in the matter of the redemption of the public debt; that the great treaty of the Joint High Commission is win- ning golden opinfons for the administration from all sorts of men; that the horrible atrocities of the Paris Commune have produced a great moral reaction even in the United States in favor of ‘‘the powers that be;” that the republican malcon- tents arrayed against General Grant are dis- appointed spoilsmen and place hunters, and that while the great Powers of Europe recog- nize the commanding position among the nations gained by the United States from the honest peace policy which has marked Gen- eral Grant's administration, he is recognized at home as the master of the Presidential suc- cession. There was ‘‘considerable opposition among some of the republicans,” including Mr. Chase, to the renomination of Abraham Lin- coln in 1864; but with his renomination all this opposition melted away. So it will be with the renomination of General Grant. Nor does this new departure promise the demo- cratic restoration anticipated by the Chief Justice with a good candidate; for in placing the democracy upon the republican platform it makes them the endorsers of all they have been condemning and fighting for the last ten, yea, for the last forty years. To sum up our case with the Chief Justice, from present ap- pearances his political career is ended, and General Grant, against all comers, is far ahead, and holds the inside track for 1872. Earl Granville Hopes the Two Countries WIL Always Be Friends. In these words Earl Granville concluded the speech he delivered at the banquet of the Cobden Club, in London, last Saturday. There is a great deal of meaning in them, particularly as they came from the able British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and were inspired by the theme of the treaty just made between England and the United States. To these words every right-thinking Englishman and American will say amen. Nor do we doubt that Lord Granville’ was earnest and sincere in expressing the hope that England and the United States would always be friends, for he is one of the most advanced and liberal minded British statesmen as well as one of the ablest. At last, and after continued jealousy of this country and repeated efforts to check its growth and influ- ence, the foremost men of Great Britain are changing their policy. They see the neces- sity of friendly relations with the Great Republic—of a closer union with the younger and greater English speaking nation. We think, too, the mass of the English people have the same views and wishes with regard to the United States. No doubt this change of sentiment or feeling springs from a selfish motive. Mations are generally selfish in their policy, and none more so than England. If we we weak or in great difficulty she would, probably, be as overbearing as heretofore, and would damage us if she thought her own interests would be promoted by doing so. Nor do we think the aristocratic and governing class of England has any good feeling for our republican insti- tutions, for they area standing protest against the monarchical and class government of Eng- land. But this republic has got beyond the age of childhood. It is a giant now. The British are conscious of this fact, and in this lies the secret of the recent outburst of friend- ship. Well, we wili not dwell upon the self. ishness of England nor upon her past conduct, but look to the future. She is comparatively isolated now in the great movements in Europe. Her prestige is gone there, and a disposition is manifested by the great Powers to snub her. Her greatest and firmest European friend, unhappy France, is prostrate. She has to look to other friends and alliances, and the most natural one is the American republic. If England be resolved to maintain cordial relations with us and will march with us in the way of progress, assimi- lating her institutions more and more to oura, she will not only find a firm ally in the United States, but will become, as the bul- wark and regulator of freedom, a great and controlling Power in Europe again—the nation to which the people of that Continent will look for support in their struggle for liberty and self-government. Foster, Car-Hook Murderer. Fearfully atrocious as the Foster murder was—and in this regard almost without a parallel—and though naturally exciting, as it did and does, the general public indignation, it is only natural, of course, that his counsel should employ every means in his power to save the condemned man from suffering the extreme penalty of the law. With this view application was made to Judge Cardozo, of the Supreme Court, before whom he was tried, for a new trial, and the strongest possible case within the compass of legal ingenuity was made out for the prisoner, no less than twelve specific errors being indicated in the late trial. Legal acumen did not suffice. Judge Car- dozo, with that stern and strict impartiality characteristic of him, has reviewed each of the points of error raised and decided against them. ‘The decision, and the opinion embody- ing the decision, which was given yesterday, will be found elsewhere, and rarely a more clearly logical opinion emanates from a judicial tribonal, As will be seen, he decides adversely to the application, Since the case is mot appealable to the General Term, the only recourse left for Foster is to find some more complacent judge or trust to Kxecutive clemency. As the case looks now, there seems very little hope of saving him from the gallows on the 14th of next month, as designated in | jis sentence, The Brazilian Empire—Its Resources and Present and Future Prospects. The only empire, or, indeed, the sole mon- archy, of the New World, has recently been brought into more than usual prominence by drift of several circumstances of late occur- rence, among which may be named the selec- tion of the Emperor Dom Pedro as one of the referees in the matter of the Treaty of Wash- ington, his Majesty’s trip to Europe and the measures now being undertaken in the Brazilian Assembly to secure a peaceful emancipation of all the slaves in the empire. Tn at least two of these matters Americans may very reasonably be assumed to experience a deep degree of interest, if not of solicitude— to wit, the Brazilian commissionership and the emancipation problem. The first interests us not merely by its pecuniary aspect with reference to the award in adjudi- cation under the stipulations of the Joint High Treaty, but it is also interesting from the fact that it brings us into a singular form of intimacy. The only monarchy on the American Continent is called upon to act as an arbitrator between ourselves, as a republic, and a kingdom of the Old World. In the South American Continent the empire of Brazil holds the first place, not merely by virtue of territorial area, but by resources, by geo- graphical position, and by its strength as a government. The same relative position in the Northern Continent is held by ourselves, and it is not to be deemed as an over-sanguine reflection that each nation will at no remote day have absorbed nearly all that Nature in her lines of geographic demarcation has in- tended for it. Upon these questions of rela- tive position and strength, therefore, we are analogous, but in everything else there is a divergence—in race, in language, in religion, in politics andin condition. At present Brazil is a slaveholding Power; we have but re- cently, after a terribly severe struggle, shaken off that incubus by the severest means known to mankind—the resort to arms. Brazil is now engaged in a great eftort to free herself from the odium as well as the danger to which she is subjected by her slave power; and in this effort she challenges the attention of all the philanthropists of the era, as well as of the statesmen of the world at large, and of our own country in particular, Our special correspondence from Rio Janeiro has recently treated of these subjects at some length ; and a glance at the present condition of Brazil, with some reflections upon her ap- parent future, as reflected by the opinions of his Majesty Dom Pedro, expressed in an inter- view with a HERaLp correspondent, will be opportune and appropriate. No census of the empire has ever been taken, but, in the opinion of the ablest Brazilian political economists and _historio- graphers, the free population of the country does not exceed nine millions. This, of course, includes the Indian tribes of the Amazon and the Matto Grosso provinces, a very large proportion of which are not merely “untaxed” and unproductive, but are also un- taxable and destructive. The slave population is computed at about three millions, and, esti- mating the civilized or useful white and Indian population at six millions, we have, in- cluding the slaves, about nine millions of people whose individual exertions aid the ex- istence and material development of the nation. This small population is dispersed over a region of country little inferior in either extent or natural riches to the United States, and it was in connection with this state of facts that the Emperor remarked to our cor- respondent, ‘Brazil is too large—too large for her population.” The development of the country must, therefore, be necessarily slow, and colonization and emancipation seem at present to be the two most potent means of overcoming the difficulty. To this end the Assembly of the nation, as well as the pro- vincial legislatures, have forsome years past directed their energies by holding forth flatter- ing inducements to emigrants; and now, by the presentation of an emancipation bill in the Chamber of Deputies, a second impulse will be given to material progress and social enlight- enment. By the Emperor's voluntary admis- sion, the southern provinces of the empire are the wealthiest and most flourishing, and these happen to be also the provinces in which colonization has been tried and is still making its mark. It is a curious circumstance, also, that in these very provinces there is a very small proportion of slave labor performed, and their prosperity may, therefore, be more fairly ascribed to the influence of the hardy and energetic colonists themselves, Railroads are being pushed forward among them with greater rapidity than in any other section of the realm, and this is to be attributed to the fact that the colonists have made railroads a necessity as well asa prospectively remunera- tive investment, With reference to emancipation, the terms of the bill now before the Assembly, as will be seen by perusal, are liberal in the extreme, and, though providing only for a gradual extinguishment of the ‘“‘peculiar institution,” it must be conceded that it is fully as radical asthe occasion would seem to demand or the condition of the nation to justify. The peace- ful disenthralment of a slave people will always be a question to be governed by con- siderations of opportunity, power and appro- priateness of method, as well as of humanity, Hitherto there has been iittle else than ‘‘talk” on the subject of emancipation in Brazil. Action has at last been resolved on, and, though the present measure may be some- what modified before its passage, there is little reason to doubt that by virtue of its provi- sions no slave will be found in the empire at the close of the present century. In the interest of the nation the government has lately evinced its desire to promote com- merce by granting a subsidized concession to an American company to run a coast line of steamers between Para and Rio Janeiro, with semi-monthly trips ; and numerous franchises have lately been awarded to both English and American capitalists and engineers for the construction of lines of interior and coast railways, docks and other commercial enter- prises. The finances of the nation are by no means embarrassed, and though there has been a marked falling off in the revenue of the past year the diminution is readily traceable to local causes, and is by no moans owing to the general status of the nation, In the settling of expenses incurred by the “an war alone there bas been paid} course can be made ‘with the game validity if during the year over eight and a quarter mil- lions of dollars, the whole cost of the war to the present time having reached the large total of one hundred and ninety-three millions of dollars, The deficiency in revenue and the excess of expenditure for the year vary about four millions of dollars from the budget esti- mates; but in the first place the causes are mainly attributable to the Franco-German war, a falling off in the customs collections, owing to previous excessive importation, and a short coffee crop; and, in the second place, to the expenditure of considerable sums for internal improvement. Since the agitation of the Emperor's trip to Europe there has been some political prognos- tication of abdication and of revolution; but these matters are not to be seriously thought of. Itistrue thata ‘republican club” isin actual existence in Rio, with a large sign announcing its proclivities publicly displayed over the club house door, in the princlpal street of the city, and that some of the local officers in the interior provinces and along the Amazon are in the sorehead category ; but as & whole there is every reason to assume that there is a brilliant future yet in prospect for the country even under its monarchical rulers, To the realization of this future the existing government may do much by the lightening and equalization of taxation, by the suppres- sion of illegal or onerous exercise of power by those in authority, and by the amelioration of the condition of the people in the auspicious manner which has so racently been inaugu- rated, Constitutional Reform in Arguments in Favor of a Conveutiou. The Pennsylvania Legislature in the last hours of the recent session agreed to submit toa vote of the people in October the question of calling a convention to prepare a new con- stitution. There can be little doubt that a large majority will vote in favor of the measure, and that the assent of the people to the Convention will be obtained independently of mere party considerations, The arguments in favor of a new constitution for that State are so manifold and so forcible that any other result is scarcely possible. The present constitution was formed in 1838. The Convention to which its prepara- tion was entrusted was composed of such men as Thaddeus Stevens, George Chambers and other lawyers already eminent in their profes- sion, and their work was well performed in every respect. But the State had then scarcely begun her oareer of greatness and prosperity. Agriculture, it is true, yielded a rich return; but her mines were undeveloped and her coal fields unexplored. The network of railroads which now encompass nearly every county in the Commonwealth had not been built, and neither the politicians had learned to know nor the people to fear the power of great corporations. The spirit of monopoly was still as dormant as the energies of the people and the teeming material resources of the State. Intellectually,. too, the State was backward. The common school system had been established only four years, and there was still a violent opposition to its preservation. There were prisons, but no grand system of State charities. The courts administered justice according to the forms of the common law, and the Legisla- ture performed many of the ‘functions properly belonging to the Bench. Not more backward than many other States, perhaps, Pennsylvania was still far enough behind the age to make a vigorous effort to catch up with the times necessary now. This it will be the duty of her Constitutional Convention to ac- complish, and tbus place the State in the proud position she ought to occupy as the key- stone of the federal arch. Since the present constitution was adopted many changes have taken place—changes in the sentiments of the people as well as in the, development of the wealth of the country. The old race of ‘Pennsylvania Dutch” has almost disappeared, both in spirit and in name. Theirideas have disappeared with them. The Pennsylvania Railroad Company has grown up into an immense corporation, dictating the policy and controlling the legislation of the State. Other roads compete with it without success or yield to and become a part of it, while the people are beginning to fear its usurpations and to groan under its exactions. Its president possesses more actual power than the Governor of the State, and under its fostering care the lobby at Harrisburg has become more powerful than the General As- sembly. Some means must be found: to curb its power and protect the people, but its influence for good must not be crippled while restraining its influence for evil. This can only be done by compelling it and all other corporations to transfer the scene of their operations from the Legislature to the courts; to prefer their petitions to judges and not to legislators, as is now the case with any ordi- nary suitor; to seek their rights under the law, but not to make the law to suit their selfish ends; to become, in short, thoroughly and completely subordinate to the State with - out exerting any extraneous or undue influence in shaping the legislation for the Common- wealth. The merest tyro in political science may perceive that this isa question of vast impor- tance, not only to the people of Pennsylvania, but of other States as well. But the end is one not easy of accomplishment—its attain- ment is no slight task. To make the effort even partially successful the powers of the Legislature must be limited and clearly de- fined—the powers of the courts must be en- larged so that the law can take the place, in a great measure, of legislation. Acts of a private nature must be rendered nugatory, and only laws of a general character, bearing upon the whole people alike, must have constitu- tional validity. If the Convention. can frame an article of such broad and comprehensive significance, and in such close, concrete and unmistakable terms as to make this idea, enter- tained by many of the best mon of both par- ties in the State, of practical value, it will accomplish a work never excelled by any de- liberative body in the world. At the same time the rights of sections and municipalities must be respected. All local questions ought to havea local settlement. The building of a bridge or a market is a mat- ter for a county or a borough, and not for the General Assembly. The incorporation of a college or @ society, an asylum or a race Peunsylvanin— signed by a judge as when bearing the signa- ture of the Governor. An enlargement of the powers of municipalities will be necessary at the same time with the enlargement of the powers of the courts; and, as the rights of minorities, or rather of individuals, must be Protected in these local bodies, a system should be adopted which will have the hap- piest effects. Minority representation was not thought of when the constitution of Penn- sylvania was framed, and this will not be the least difficult question with which the Conven- tion will have to deal On the whole it seems to us there are strong and pressing reasons for calling this Conven- tion, and if wise and able men can be found to compose it—such as ex-Senator Buckalew, for instance—we shall expect from it the best results. The Yacht Regattas and the Boat Clubs, The regattas of the yacht clubs now taking place have an interest outside of the imme- diate circle of the yachtsmen which cannot fail to be exceedingly salutary. This interest is more generally felt among boating men than any other class of muscular Christians; but with them it amounts almost to a passion, In the success of the yachtsmen they see the growth of the boating interest, and whatever stimulates the development of their favorite: sport is to them worthy of their utmost enthu- siasm. It is little more than forty years since the boat clubs of Cambridge and Oxford began their annual races on the Thames. Before Thackeray died he recorded in one of his novels—it was in ‘‘Pendennis”—that the inte- rest in these contests was a furore. Now all the world reads the story of this annua) race with as much avidity as tat which people once evinced in tales of travel and adventure. America is as impatient as England, New York as anxious as London, for the details of each trial of nerve and skill between the University men, The contests between our own Univer- sity crews—Harvard and Yale—are waited for with only less interest and impatience, and both the races at home and in England serve to stimulate the progress of amateur boating. The international race between Harvard and Oxford, in which the American crew came out, if beaten, yet not without honor, more than any single event fostered a new spirit among the young men of this country, and especially of this city. A few years ago the North, East and Harlem rivers were in possession of a set of rough- handed and rough-tongued men, many of whom were constantly objects of interest to the harbor police. Now young gentlemen from the offices and stores and counting-rooms down town have formed themselves into clubs for athletic exercises and go out on the water for their favorite sport. Among the best known clubs are the Galicks, Atlantic, Co- lumbia and Nassau on the North River, and the Gramercy, Nautilus and Athletic, and: the Free College Rowing Association om the East and Harlem rivers, besides those in Brooklyn and at Newtown Creek, Astoria, Hoboken, Jersey City, Staten Island, Bergen Point, Yonkers, Newburg and. other places on the Hudson. Additions are constantly made to their numbers, and though more clubs have been formed and out of better material in the last two or three years than during the eight _ or ten years previously, yet there is no dimi- nution either in the interest felt by the mem- bers of the old clubs or the desire for athletic sport which prompts the formation.of new ones. The business suit of the morning yields place to the boating shirt in the: after- noon, and this again gives place to: the dress coat in the evening ; but the river sport never palls and the devotee of the water gains ten proselytes from society where society carries off one faint-bearted champion of his club, While nothing can impair the interest. felt among our young men in boating matters the yachting season ought to give a new impulse to this favorite sport. It is time that the clubs cultivated closer relations toward each other, and filled a more important plade in the public eye than they have yet aspired to occupy. In this respect they have much to learn from the yachtsmen, and we hope the present yachting season will not be allowed to go by without the lesson being fully taken to heart by the boat clubs. A system of prizes simi- lar to those of the yacht clubs, and a season set apart for trials of skill on the rivers, would do more to preserve and promote a genuine interest in boating than can be attained by any other course which may be adopted by boating men. Personal Intelligence. Ex-United States Senator McDonald, of Arkansas, is stoppiag at the St. Nicholas. Judge Richard Busteed, of Alabama, has taken quarters at the Sturtevant House. Colonel W, T. Moller, of Governor Hoffman's staff, is at the Gi House. Dewits ©, Littlejohn ts residing at the Fifth Avenue. Dr. A. M. Ross, of Canada, is stopping at the Astor House. Congressman M. C. Kerr, of Indiana, is registered. | at the St. Nicholas. ©. R. Cornwell, of Washington, is at the New York. Hotel, Fred, D. Grant, the son of Ulysses, ts staying at the Grand Central. Rutus H. King ana Franklin Townsend, of Al.« bauy, are residing at the St. James, Dr. H. Smitn, of New Orleans, ts registered at med Astor House, ’ (, Franquelo, of the Spanish Legation, is sojoutney ing at the Albemarle Hotel. Ex-Mayor James G, Berritt, of Washiagton, D. (2, is quartered at.the Gilsey House, Coionel McVay, of Lowstana, is at the Suaevewant House. Dr. J. Gs Holland (Timothy Titcombd), of Springs field, Mass,, is domiciled at the Brevoort Houses Professor Dennis Mahan, ofthe West Point Awade- my, Is Staying at the Coleniwn House, Homer A, Nelson, Secretary of State, % again at the Fiftn Avenue, General W. R. Tibbitts, of Troy, is sojourning a} the Gilsey House, | Captain Catlin, of the Unked States Army, %& quartered at the Everett House, Viscount Vilain, of Beigmm, is at the Brevoork | Honse. E overnor Thomas Cainey, of Kansas, is regis, tered at the St, Nicholas, M, Yeatanan, of Heakelberger, yesterday arrived at the Fifth Avenue, Judge Hughes, of Pennsylvania, is styabag at the Crand Central, R. M. Miles, of Matanzas, Coda, 18 gat tne St. James, Major Rusgell, of the United States Army, ts quar tered at the Coleman House. General John B. Price, of Arkangas, 1s domiciled at the St. Nicholas, A. J. Kimball, of Atianta, Ga, Is at the Fifth Avenuer