The New York Herald Newspaper, April 25, 1871, Page 8

Pe a ee Berney “ae i ~ fornia party. ~ NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND AN ‘TREET. JAMES ‘GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, WOOD'S MUSEUM Broadway, corner Sich st.—Perform: ances every afternoou and evening. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Br _ Tur Lian—Tae NERVOUS Mane ny SO "SiO street NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Tur SPECTACLE OF Tux Lire any Drati oF RionaRp lil. LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE. 7 or Piece. ATRE. 720 Broadway.—-ComEDY GRAND OPERA HOUS: f 8th ay. — Se nD SEERA iE, corner of 8th ay. ana 93d at.. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Scuniprn—NEW SONGS AND Dances. FIFTH AVENUK THEATRE, Twenty-fourty strect.— Tue Critic—A Taovsaxp a Yrar. GLOBE THEALRE, 728 Groadwav.—VaginTy ENTER; TAINMENT, AC.—PEARL oF TOKAY. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.--Tut Drawa oF, JORIZON. NEW YORK STADT THEATRE. No. 45 Bowery.— GERMAN Orrma—La Dawe BLANCHE. BOOTH’S THEATI, 28d Tue Wovren's TALE. ACADEMY OF Foarteenth street.—FRSTIVAL OF THK JeKoNF HOPKINS ORPHEONIST Cuoin. MRS. F. B. COLLEEN BAW . between 5th ant 6th avs,— ‘ARK THEATRE, Brooklyn.— N INDIA. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRE! HAUL, 585 Broadway. — Sarsuma’s ROYAL JAPANESE TROUPE. t BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOU: ana 7th RO MINSTRE! +, 23d wt, between 6th de. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, Yl Bowery.—Va- RIETY ENTERTAINMENT, THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comic VooaL- I6Ms, NEGTO ACIB. &o. NEWCOMB & ARLINGTON'S MINSTRELS, corner 28th st. and Broadwa, GRO MINSTRELSY, &C. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. tay Advertisements, 2—Advertisements. 3—Advertisements. 4—Advertisements, 5—Tne Joint High Commission: An Unsat! and Incomplete Adjustment; A New Settlement Agreed Upon—The Mi Crevasse: New Orleans Threatencd w! dation—Amusements—Dra matic Expression: Letme by James $s. Mackaye—Jem Mace’s Testimonial Exhibition—selecting tne Battle Ground—The Republican Row. 6—France: The HERALD Correspondents? Account of Events In and Out of Paris—Cioyen Moreau: An Interview at the War Office of the Com- mune—luc d’Aumale: Movement to Elevate Him to the Throne of France—Miscellaneous Foreign Items—Foreign Personal Gossip— Lecture by tke Colored Senator Campbell on the State of Affairs in Georgia—Newark’s Latest Horror. 7—Swilers and the Swile : Hundreds of Thousands of Seais Slaughtered by the Newfoundland Fishermen; the Largest Catch for Twenty-ilve Years—Methouist Ministers—Spain and the New segime—Runuing Notes—Supervisors of Election—The New Comet—Brookiyn’s New Theatre—A Fatal Fall—Municipal Affairs— Brooklyn's Dirty Court House. 8—Fattorials : Leading article, “The Presidential Campaign—General Grant Swinging Round the Circle’ musemeat Annoucements, ®—Editorials (Conunued from Eighth Page)— The Rouge Revoit—Germany: Prince Bis- Marck’s Financial Pressure on France— Engiaud: The Lucifer Match Democracy Movement—News from —_ Venezuela—The West Indies: Affairs in Cuba, Mayti and St. Domingo—Personal Intelligence—Merry Eng- land’s Saint bay—The Coal Troubles—Miscel- Jancous lelegrams—Business Notices. 20—Proceedings in the Courts—Funeral of Manager ore—The Bergen Institute—The Mexican Claims Commmission—Tme Custom House— Alderman Coman’s Reception—Frienas: A Touci ot Local History—Death from Lock- jaw—The Double-lHeaded Government—A Ter- mible Bursi—New York Clty News—The Na- onal Game—Cricket—German War Litera- ture—rhe Christian Gymnasts. £1—Utah: The Dimculty Between the Federal Courts and the Utah Legislature Revived—The Smallpox—solace for the Sick—Financial and Commercial Reports—The Cotton Movement— Marriages and Deaths. 12—News irom Waslington—Miscellaneous Tel- egrams—Shipping Tutelligence—Advertise- ments. 13—List of Bilis Passed by the Last Nt Jature and Signed by the Gove to Private Soldiers—Two Mur Each Other—Advertisements. 14—Acivertisements. 15—Advertisements. 16—adverusements. York Legis- —Injustice rs Murder Department commenced yesterday the pay- ment of the May interest on the public debt— @ week before it is duc. Tue Watt Street Sge-Saw.—‘‘Now we go up, up, up,” “and now (yesterday) we go down, down, down.” See the report of the great mill between the “bulls” and ‘‘bears.” WittiaM M. Tween will not be of the Cali- He has more concern ubout a proper supply of water to the people of New York than a supply of whiskey to a jovial party. Besides, he wants to see how the “new thing” will work. Tue Coat Troveies.—The prospects are said tobe good for an early resumption of work in the coal regions. Local arbitration, as we suggested, is to be resoried to, and will doubtless result in harmonizing all differences. In this connection it is well to remind opera- tors and mine owners thai one cheerful work- man is worth a dozen sullen ones, and that one generous and just concession in the settle- ment is apt to prove a better investment than their coal conspiracy has proven. Genera Caprat, the Dominican insurgent, takes the trouble to write a letter to Vice Pre- sident Colfax denying indignantly that he is Javorable to annexation, and fecls that the duty is imposed upon him of again swearing not to lay down his arms until Dominica is free. Cabral protests too much. We don’t doubt that be would be as anxious as Baez for annexation if he were to be the recipient of the purchase money or evea if he had fnvested heavily in Samana lands. His pro- testations and refutations are not wanted. Besides, he ought to know tbat the subject of Bt. Domingo has been dropped here, and we do not want him to stir up any dead issues to efile our coming political campaigns and dis- turb the harmony of the republican party. Tammany INDIANS ON THE Warpata.— St is announced that some of the big and little braves of the Tammany Wigwam will start to- @ayon an excursion over the Plains to San Francisco, Here will be a five chance for the government to arrange a peace with our aboriginal fellow citizens that will be lasting. The Tammany chiefs are well posted in pre- @atory warfare, and Red Cloud, Big Bear, Spotted Tail and the ‘‘Man-with-the-ring-in- bis-nose” will hide thoir tomahawks when the whoop of the Tammany red men resounds through their camps and villages. It is re- ‘} ported that the party will start on entirely temperance principles, relying for supplies of “red eye” on the route. It will, however, prove a jolly affair, and if the braves return With sealps iniact they should pass a vote of thanks to their mild-mannered brethren of prairies, ‘The Presidential Campaiga—General Grant Swinging Round the Circle. General Grant has commenced the Presi- dential campaign vigorously and early, He is assisted by his skilful henchman, Senator Morton, or it would be better to say, perhaps, that he is in the keeping and under {he pu O02 tion, of Mr. Morton, who seems to have the datird agement of the business. At the apparently improvised, but carefully prepared, meeting at Washington a few days ago, when General Grant was nominated for a second term, Senator Morton made the nomination, platform and did all the business in opening the Presidential campaign, And now, as soon as the President gets his foot loose by the adjournment of Congress, this modern soi-disant Richelieu hurries his master off to the West to ratify the action at Washington and to repeat the arguments made there in favor of the President’s re-election. Of course General Grant said little at the meeting in Indianapolis, for he is not a speechmaker ; but he endorsed by his presence, as he did at Washington, the campaign speech of his repre- sentative. The President and Morton are “swinging round the circle,” as Andy John- son and Seward were; but with this differ- ence, that Johnson did his own talking, though often imprudently, while Morton is the moutb- piece of his chief. It would have been as well for Johnson had he been as reticent as his suc- cessor, though Seward, when in his cups, was hardly equal to the sober, cool and skilful Morton. The speech delivered by Mr. Morton at In- dianapolis was but a repetition of what he said at Washington, and will no doubt be the same everywhere on this Presidential campaiga tour. It is, in fact, as we have said before, the platform for the contest in 1872, It eulogizes the administration of General Grant in extravagant terms, though it says little of the past really tangible, except that a large amount of debt, some two hundred and ten millions, has been paid dur- ing the two years General Grant has been in power. Of course Mr. Morton did not say that this sum had been wrung from the people by excessive taxatiqn and at the cost of many more hundred millions to the industry of the country. Nor was it to be expected he would show that this burden was unnecessary; that it kept the Treasury gorged with unproductive capital ; that it led to the unca!led-for employ- ment of an army of office-holders, or that a vast surplus revenue favored corruption and a waste of the means of the people. The Senator being conscious, however, of the feel- ing of the people under burdensome and un- necessary taxation, promises a great deal in the future. He tells them that the adminis- ration and its party will lighten their burdens and make everything go as smoothly as possible. It is the old story of the prodigal repeated without much hope or guarantee of reform. Still we ought not to be too sceptical or un- generous. For the sake of power, the offices and the spoils the radicals might even per- form their promises, change their extravagant course and relieve the people of their burdens, The administration campaigners utterly ignore the authoritative declaritions of the democratic representatives as put forth in the Congressional address to the people, and con- tinue to denounce the party on the old issues duriny and anterior to the war. In truth, this denunciation of the democrats forms the staple of their campaign speeches. It is evident, therefore, that the radicals and the adminis- tration are alarmed at the attitude, increasing power and prospects of the democrats. Men attack vigorously only that which appears formidable. Toey resort to vituperation and misrepresentation only when their own cause seems weak and their enemy’s strong. It is clear the radicals do not expect to ride over the course as easily to victory as they have ridden over it before. They have resolved to take their strongest man, Geueral Grant, and to adapt themselves as far as they can to the exigencies of the times and popular opinion. There is one feature in the campaign speech of the President's henchman at Indianapolis worthy of special notice. While Mr. Morton commends everything the party and adminis- tration have done, and incidentally endorses their force acts, or pretended Ku Klux legisla- tion, he comes down from the high ground taken in Congress while the coercive policy was under discussion. This, we are inclined to believe and hope, is promising. We think both the President and party will not, out of deference to public opinion, enforce this tyrannical and un-American measure. They will probably act as prudently in this matter as the President did on the St. Domingo ques- tion—use it if they.can for political and elec- tioneering purposes, but abandon it if unpopu- lar. The radicals had a fixed and well-defined policy while the war lasted or any of the issues growing out of it remained, but now they have become flexible and are disposed to yield to whatever promises them success. They have no determined policy, no statesmanlike course marked out, nor fixed principles of govern- mental action. They have simply the prestige of the past and the possession of power to stand upon. The democrats have a better position as assailants of the shortcomings, extravagance, corruption and despotic centralizing policy of their antagonists, Supposing even that they might prove as incompetent as the radicals, they have the advantage of being untried under the new order of things and of an- nouncing a policy more consonant with the feelings and institutions of the country. Of late they have made some good points and have gained in public favor, but they must abandon the past and take a new depar- ture. The radicals twit them with not being explicit enough on the accomplished facts of the war, and particularly with regard to the constitutional amendments guaranteeing the political rights and equality of the negroes. It is said the Northern democrate, while generally willing to accept these results of the war and to honestly abide by them, are tender about giving them publicity or cordig] endorse- ment for fear of losing the support of the Southeraers. This view is hardly tenable, if we look at the language of the address lately issued by the democratic Congressmen, which was signed by every representative from the South as well as by those from the North, Still, if the democratic party would deprive the radicals of this fruitful ground of assault, and gain the confidence of the people, “| glould come out squarely and unequivocally in favor of sustaining the amendments to the con- stitution made since the war. The leaders and democratic masses should frown down every one who might foolishly talk of subvert- ing the issues of the war, They should keep in the background the old secessionists, who #8 gions RR Joyal people, and repudiate Those wo, like Lot's wife, look lingeringly to aformer state of things. If the democrats will do this, will stand as a bulwark against the centralizing and autocratic tendencies of the radical republicans, and will march with the progress of the times and destiny of this mighty republic, they may have a good pros- pect of again holding the reins of power. Paris and Versailles—The War Aguinst the The latest despatches from the seat of war are dated yesterday morning. While they contain nothing that indicates any great change in the military situation, they show that both sides are evidently determined to carry on the war tothe end. The general attack by the government troops upon the insurgent posi- tions is still postponed. Reinforcements are arriving daily and are immediately despatched to the front. All supplies for Paris are stopped by the Germans at St. Denis by rea- son of difficulties occurring with the Com- munists. The insurgent batteries continue to reply to the guns of the Versaillist forts, but their fire’ is feeble and ineffective. In Paris the same extensive preparations for defence are going on. Torpedoes have been planted at the St. Germain and Versailles railway stations and batteries have been erected in the Rue Castellane. General Cluseret reports everything going on favor- ably with his forces. President Thiers has received a deputation from the Masonic lodges of Paris, and in his reply to their request for an armistice he stated that General Ladmirault had power to grant a truce when- ever it should become necessary, but that the Commune could never be recognized by the government. A despatch from Berlin of yes- terday says that Prince Bismarck had stated in the House that, although the first indemnity should be paid by France, the Germans would not evacuate the forts.on the north and east of Paris until the final treaty of peace is signed. He further announced that the negotiations were proceeding slowly by reason of France wishing to obtain better terms, but that Ger- many was inflexible. The Duc d@Aumale and the Bourbons. One of the Paris correspondents of the Herarp furnishes us with a letter of much interest, which we print in another column of this morning's issue. If the facts contained in the communication are true, and there is much reason to believe that they are, we may ere long be in receipt of intelligence which will cause surprise and regret to those who desire the establishment of free institutions and a progressive republican form of govern- ment on the soil of France. The letter to which we have referred announces that one month ago the Prince de Joinville and the Duc d’Aumale entered the city of Tours, disguised as Russian noblemen, and during their stay in that city they were in constant communi- cation with prominent members of the Touraine nobility and the large landholders in that section of the country. Three meetings are said to have been held, at all three of which the Prince and the Duke were present, and the result of the deliberations at these gatherings was favorable to the pretensions of the Duc d’Aumale to the throne of France. At the first meeting there were only twenty- two persons present; at the second the num- ber was increased to forty-four, while the third showed a still further increase to sixty- five. Archbishop Dupanloup, who was at Versailles during the first two meetings, was, it is rumored, present at the third and took a part in the business of the sitting. For some time past, we learn, negotiations have been passing between the two rival branches of the Bourbon houses with the view of agreeing upon a direct and harmonious move- ment in favor of one candidate for the honor of obtaining the first position in the gift of the French nation. It has been asserted in more than one instance in the public journals of England “that the head of the house of Or- leans had recognized the rights of the Count de Chambord, not only as the head of the fam- ily, but as the legitimate King of France.” Be this as it may, however, we know that the Duc d’Aumale never loses an opportunity, either in public or in private, of expressing his readi- ness to accept at the hands of the French na- tion the Presidency of the French republic or the throne of a French monarchy. In a letter published by the Duke some time since, which was published in the columns of the Herarp, he assumed this position, and we have no reason to doubt that he still adheres to the ground he then stood upon. The fioal action taken at Tours by the friends of the Duc d'Aumale was the appoint- ment of a committee to wait on the Count de Chambord and get him to retire all his in- terests in favor of the man of their choice. If they succeeded in this the Duke’s adherents counted on that portion of the Army of Ver- sailles which General Charette (who is loyal to the Count de Chambord) controls, to be entirely theirs in whatever movement might be inaugurated to reach the desired end. This movement seems comprehensive enough so far as It goes; but we cannot lose sight of the fact that the greater portion of the French army at Versailles is controlled by generals who have for long years been identified with the fortunes of Napoleon and are still strongly imbued with im- perial sentiments. Thiers’ declaration, too, before God and man, that he would remain true to the republic, if honestly meunt, is not to be regarded as an opposition which can 80 readily be got over. There is something more, then, in order to secure the success of such a movement as that which the Tours plotters aim at than the fusion of the rival branches of an aspiring house. Should it or any other scheme, however, succeed, and the republic be overthrown, those who now rule in Paris, and who urge its weak-minded citizons to deeds of bloodshed, robbery and sacrilege, will be wholly to blame for being the instigators of a treasonable revolt which checks the development of free institutions in Europe for years to come. Suretr Brennan does not go on the junket to California, He has other fish to fry, NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY. APRIL 25, 1871—QUADRUPLE SHEET. The Leaders of the Paris Reds. Since the republic was proclaimed on the fourth day of last September the changes which have taken place throughout France, and fren in Paris, are such as excite wonder and attract attention, The men who in the young days of the new republic occu- pled the leading positions, whose appeals ex- ercised an influence over the populace jot whose republicanism was never for a momén doubted, have nothing to do with the men who now bid deflanoe to the government of, which M. Thiers is the chosen head. During the long days of the siege of Paris, while Prus- sia held the gapitgl of ce within its iron grip, these mien, or the most of them, at least, employed their time not in strengthening the hands of the government by the enforce- meént of discipline and the development of the military qualities of the National Guard, but by encouraging the spread of demoraliza- tion among the troops, cultivating dissensions, and preparing the minds of those who were foolish enough to be influenced by them for their grand scheme of the establishment of the Commune, The republic was not sufficlently liberal for them—they wanted something more than what justice would sanction or honest dealing between man and man would warrant in enforcing. Perhaps no better answer can be givon to the question of why the Army of Paris was not able to cut the line of the Prus- sian investment than caa be deduced from the dissensions which now exist, not only between the leaders of the republic and the chiefs of the Commune, but which actually exist in the ranks of the reds even now while fighting the republic for the idol of their own creation. The chief men of the Commune, the leaders of the reds, are heretics from the republic, radical in their sentiments, impressed by one idea, and that one which suggests a dangerous and an unwholesome doctrine. Among the noted if not the most promi- nent of the reds of Paris previous to the war with Prussia was Gambetta, a man of won- derful energy, good talents and remarkable ability for organization. These qualities he showed after his aerial trip from Paris to the provinces. The influence wiclded by this man throughout the whole nation, outside of the capital; up to the close of the war, was power- ful; but when hostilities ceased he who exer- cised the power of a dictator almost fell com- pletely out of sight. Other men came to the surface—men of experlence and ability, such as Thiers, Favre and others we might name. Peace was restored, and the prospects of France began to grow brighter until the cloud of Communism in Paris rose to obscure it. From heated argument in the National As- sembly at Bordeaux and extravagant editorials in the radical journals of Paris, conducted by such men as Rochefort, Valliant and others, the opposition of the reds settled down into a recourse to arms in order to enforce their doc- trine, not only in the capital but all over France. Communism, which up to this time had been but a theory, now shaped itself into a dreadful reality. Men were not slow either in choosing sides, Those who desired the welfare of France, who longed to see her free, who wished her prospersity and sighed for the day when she would again take her position among the nations of Europe, resolved to stand by the republic which was proclaimed in September and duly sustained by the country when M. Thiers was elected the executive head of the nation; while, on the other hand, those who had little to lose and were animated bya belief in a form of government which has few qualifications to recommend it, and whfch by thinking people was and is considered impracticable, raised the blood red flag of the Commune, and have endeavored to enforce its principles on the people of France. The fruits of the differences between the republicans and the Communists are already plainly to be seen. The nation is retrograding instead of advancing. Capital is scared from the country, industries are ata standstill, churches are pilfered, priests are persecuted, private citizens are outraged, murders are committed, aud security for per- son or property does not exist in the once famous capital of France. While the present picture is a melancholy one to contemplate there are, happily, signs which augur the complete annihilation of the elements which now disturb, perplex and threaten France with destruction. The clemency of the Versailles goverament, mis- taken at one time for timidity, is beginning to produce good eff ect; while, on the other hand, the administration of the Commune is lapsing into weakness, The red leaders, too, are passing away. Some of them have already fled, others have met death by fighting against the republic, afew have been imprisoned by their own companions, and quarrels for supremacy are not uncommon in their own ranks, Gustave Flourens, ‘one of the most rabid of the reds, and Generals Duval and Henry, have all been killed. M. Assy, head and front so recently of the Commune in Paris, at latest accounts, while endeavoring to escape from the capital, was arrested and thrown into prison. General Bergeret is also in the same fix. M. Blanqui, another leading rebel, is mistrusted, and is now under a cloud of suspicion. Citizens Rauc and Parent, two others of that ilk with Blan- qui, are sick of the business in which they were engaged and have resigned, and so the list might be extended. Already there are twenty-six vacancies in the Commune Assom- bly in Paris. General Cluseret, taking advan- tage of his position, ruies with an iron hand and persecutes with relentless severity those who he has reason to believe are opposed to him. If any conclusion canbe drawn from this it is that even among the rebels themselves the ap- proach of dissolution is perceived, and the day is coming when the leaders of the Paris reds will pass out of sight and leave France to be reconstructed, we trust, by the government of an enlightened republic. Peter B. Sweeny does not go to Cali- fornia. The parks of New York are more objects of interest to him than the Parks of Colorado. He may, however, go to Europe for a short period. Tne Dirrerext Boreavs in tie various departments of the city government are all busy preparing their reports for the Commis- sioners, upon which the Mayor will base his report to the Common Council in May. The Mayor’s address this year will be unusuc’-y interesting and Important. Spalo—The Troubles and Hoges of the Nation. Tho Heratp writers in Madrid describe the condition of the Spanish nation, its present hopes and dangers, with its conservatisms through the modern refining influences of elegant.culture and high-toned society, jn & special correspondenge, The Jetters are dated in the Spanish capital to the 2d of April. Whey Wppear fo our columns to-day. This gonseepondense conveys tho assurance that Spain has preserved a vast amount of that my high-toned dash and upward and onward min which bore her flag aloft—and so proudly— in days long past, and which enabled her to carry her pioneer banner to the shores of the Weak a World, and to first show the Cross of man’s redemption on the banks of the Missis- sippi. This saving essential is, however, neu- tralized to a very great extent by the demorali- zations of politics and the exercise of some very poor, mean, little strategy by the leaders of the different political parties. Spain looms up under the new royal régime, notwithstand- ing. We can perceive that the home situa- tion is improving. The celebration of the solemnities of Holy Week in Seville—a grand public event in the eyes of the Spaniards— passed off with an ¢éclat worthy of the better days of thecountry. Persons’ of great worth and distinction attended. There was no dis- turbance. Amadeus’ Court was still brilliant and attractive. The daily routine of palace life in Madrid is at once simple, moral and dignified under the matronly guidance of the young Queen, The United States Minister had had a private audience of the King. General Sickles also enjoyed the honor of a private téte-d-téte with the Queen. Her Majesty was most affable. She isan excellent scholar anda linguist of varied attainments, Minister Sickles presented her with some works of American authorship, to her very great satisfaction. So far our special letter reports from Madrid present avery pleasing picture of the position of the Italian dynast in the country of his adoption. The prospect is marred, however, to a very considerable extent.‘ The democracy looms up in its orga nism for European agitation and governmental change. It is hard-fisted, selfish, relentless, and, apparently, sincere. It directs its power against the existing order of affairs, and is itself moved to order by a power which it cannot control. The force of the Workingmen’s Union is felt against the crown of Spain. Labor is dissatisfied with its condition. The advocates of labor rights destroy the feeling of the contentus vivat in the Spanish provinces. Popular disturbances have taken place in consequence. People have been slain in the revolutionary effort. The Spanish press inclines toward the work- men and to socialism. We perceive danger to the revived crown—danger, perhaps, to the people of Spain themselves. The Euro- pean problem must soon be solved. Must the Old World States have each a recognized centre of acknowledged executive, or can the “points” of the pronunciamente of British Chartism be welded into a homogeneous code of rules applicable to a common tamily—a Magna Charta of pure democracy? The Work ot the High Commission. It now appears from our Washington de- spatches that the adjustment of outstanding questions between England and the United States proposed by the Joint High Commis- sion is a mere sham adjustment. It proposes merely a basis upon which other tribunals of arbitration named by the present high one may reach an actual and sub- stantial settlement; but it reaches no such settlement itself. A new Commission is to audit the Alabama claims, a new Com- mission is to decide on the money considera- tion necessary to compensate Canada for the freedom of her inshore fisheries, and a new Commission is to decide who owns the island of San Juan. The present Commission has done nothing beyond cutting out work for these new commissions and taking a very unsatisfactory measure, after which the new Commissions must cut their cloth, They have not touched upon any question of England's right to recognize Southern belligerency, but agree that she is responsible for the Alabama’s depredations. This latter agreement they hope to make a part of the international codes ; and that is about all they can be said to have definitively settled. No Alabama money is to be forthcoming, no Yankee fishermen are to trim their sails for summer cod in Canadian waters, no Western steamers are to steam unhindered from Chi- cago to the sea through Canadian canals, until the new commissions yet unformed have finished their prospective labors. Such a con- summation as this is not the one devoutly wished by our people, and it is satisfactory to know that in case it is rejected by the Senate another arrangement will be broached. That it will excite stormy discussion there can be no doubt. AFrairs IN VENEZUELA.—By special tele- gram to the Heratp from Havana we have later advices from the republic of Venezuela. Another farce in the way of revolution is about being enacted in that country. Guzman Blanco, the ruler of a few months, has become unpopular, and several factions are up in arms against him. He has despatched troops against the unruly ones, and this will commence the war that will doubtless end in Blanco being overthrown and another of the same stripe putin his place. So it goes in Spanish Amer- ica; peace cannot be maintained for any length of time; civil war must remain the chronic condition, and countries naturally wealthy must be kept ina state of poverty by the in- habitants, who appear unable to profit by all that nature has done to render thom prosperous and happy. Ong or THE Great TuKors: 6f President Lincoln in regard to the rebellion was that the mass of the people in the south were loyal, the politicians and the 'seding public men being the only rebe!s ¢t heart. The number of claims of loyalists likely to be presented before the Southerp Claims Commission bears out the theory strongly, and the Union will probably have to pay very fancy prices for very ordinary devotion. WartonrG any Warrixe—Two hundred thousard German soldiers around Paris. If the Versailles government cannot put down tho “reds” the two hundred thousand Ger- mans know how, and they meaa to do it, On their side there is no lack of powder and 1 there is less lack of pluck. The British Lucifer Match Democracy ts Motion. Mr. Lowe's parliamentary plan of imposing @ tax on lucifer matches in England—borrowed, ag the Chancellor says, from the charges of thg United States revenue achedule—has pro- duded ati éxclted popular agitation in opposi- tion to the project. The Gladstone Cabinet calculates that this new impost will bring in @ special revenue of five hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. The = ple dislike such o moans alsing ie ‘exceedingly, Hence eo budge? is condemned out of doors and assailed within the walls of Parliament almost nightly, London is in a ferment. English- men want free light, They disliked the window taxes which were consequent on the Continental wars; they detest the match tax plan of the present day. Tu- muliuous assemblages were formed in London esterday seeking for its re peal. The masses blocked the street routes leading to the Parliament House. The crowd was noisy—it is said, turbulent—in its demeanor. It was eventually dispersed by the police. Birmingham acts against the tax in the Parliament, Mr, Dixon, member for the great manufacturing centre, has iven notice of his intention to move a resolution of the Commons for its repeal. The most momentous political events have sprung from the very slightest causes. British democracy appears to be nurtured in flame and supported by sulphur. It demonstrates itself in the primeval glimmer of English anti-tax re- bellion. Watt Tyler came from the fire- side of a blacksmith’s forge to vindicate decency against the immoralities of a tax- gatherer. The high-toned blacksmith was animated by the flame of patriotism and kept warm by his sense of morality. His cause triumphed even by his early death from imperial assassination, From the days of John Hampden to those of Joseph Hume Englishmen have been found to demonstrate the irregularities of British taxa- tion, its budget pressure on the very life necessaries of the poor, the government charges on fuel and all the accessories of warmth, on tobacco, on the very light of heaven. Charles the First experienced the hate of the ‘insolent pipe men,” who puffed the smoke of their tobacco in the face of the condemned monarch when on his: way to the place of exccution. Dean Swift advised the Irish to “burn everything which came from England except English coal,” and thus to get rid of British taxation. The Irish Volunteers of 1782 lined the streets to the Par- liament House in Dublin with cannon, the fuse match of the day smoking in the hands of the gunners, when they agitated for the Declaration of Parliamentary Independence. Feargus O'Conner had his ‘‘torchlight” and “matchlight” meetings, and to-day the British populace is enjoying the furor of an anti-match tax movement. The aspirations of the lucifer democracy appear to have worked against the royalties from the very beginning of the world. Mr. Chancellor Lowe claims that the match tax presses, “equally on all classes” of English society. It can scarcely bo so with any item of government tariff so long as one man enjoys an income of fifty or one hundred thousand pounds sterling a year and the other has not the wherewith to put tobacco in his pipe or the price of a match to light him to the gate of the poorhouse. Hudibras says “the value of a thing is just as much as it will bring ;” but modern political economy has taught us that the value is fixed by the amount of cash which the purchaser has in his pocket. A box of taxed matches is vastly dearer toa London ‘‘cabby” than it is to the Prince of Wales or the Marquis of Lorn, al- though the actual charge is the same in each instance. Sclence in the Public Schools. The excitement which at present exists in the Eighteenth ward suggests a subject which is commanding attention all over the Union, and which is interesting to the English-speak- ing peoples wherever they have founded a con- tre. In London and Liverpool, in Dublin and Belfast, in Edinburg and Glasgow, in Sidney and Melbourne, as well as in New York, Bos- ton and ‘Philadelphia, the question is discussed with warmth, whether science, properly so- called, should not be more fully recognized in the training of youth than itis to-day. Tho conviction is general that the old system, which ignored natural science, has proved a failure. It is good to believe, The old system took this for granted, and devised and maintained a form of tuition which proceeded on the principle that to believe was necessary, Believe what the master says—ihat was the old dogma. The growing common sense of the times—a common sense which in its more enlightened form is duc to the newspaper--insists that belief must be based on intelligence. To know the reason why—that is the new dogma. We must give our voice for the new school. We believe with Professor Huxley that hitherto the educatioual tree has had its roots too much in the air, its leaves and flowers too much in the ground, and that the time has come when the educational tree should bo reversed, its roots finding a solid bed among the facts of nature and drawing thence sound nutriment for the foliage and fruit of literature and art, Education is useless unless it con- tributes to two great ends—the one of which is the increase of knowledge, the other is the development of the Jove of right and of the hatred of wrong. A knowledge of the exact sciences is the best means of arriving at this two-fold purpose. We are giad to know that the labors of such men as Huxley, in London, and Doremus, in New York, are hav- ing their reward. It will be well for the generations that are to follow if the rising youth is taught more of life in all its aspects— more of itself and the world around it, than its predecessors were privilezed to know—.ven if it should know a lite loss of Latin and Greek and a little less of dogmatic theology. How true it is, and how much it is a disgrace to our vaunted intelligence, that very fow readers of tho Herarp—those perhaps only excepte2 who have enjoyed a medical edaca- tion—can tell what is the meanizng and use of an act which they perform a scure of times every minute and the suspension of which would involve immediate death—-we mean the act of breathing. The modern apostles of