The New York Herald Newspaper, March 13, 1871, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AXD ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tuz RICHELIEU OF ‘THE PRRIOD. BOWERY THEA’ Bowery. Hann. ‘ee be TRE, wery.—ON Hann—A Day FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth sireet.— Samaroaa. NEW YORK STADT THEATRE, 45 Bowery.—ANNA Exiza. GLORE THEATRE, 738 Rroadway.—Vaniaty Ente PAINMENT, &0.—APTER THE WAR” _ BOOTH'S THEATRE, 25: Mvcu Avo Anour Noturs WOOD'S MUSEUM Broad) ‘ances every afternoon and e: » between Sth and 6th avs,— corner 80th st.—Perform: ns. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Droadway.—Tae SrRoTac THE Back Crook. y ACLE OF WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway ana 13tn treet. ROMANCE AND REALITY. J 7 LINA EDWIN'S THEATRE, 720 Broadway.—Lrn SKFTOURS—Davy's LoyE. anand GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th av. ana 23d st— ‘Les GEORGIENNES, MRS, F. B. CONWAY'S PARK THEATRES, Brooklyn. — East Lynne. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HALL, 585 Broatway.— NEGKO MINSTRELSY, Fanoes, BuutRsgues, £0. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Va- BIELY ENTERTAINMENT. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comzo VocaL- Is, NEGRO Acts, &c. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 28d at., between 6th and 7th avs.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, £0. HOOLEY’S OPERA HOUSE, Brooklyn.—! EY" Eatry & Leon's Mixerenua ai EQuETe SHS NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourteenth strest.-SonNrs IN Tur RING, AcROBATS, 20. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, ie SCIENCE AND ART. - MY, 618 Broadway. TRIPLE SHEET. New York, Monday, March 13, 1871. — CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. Pace. 1—Advertisements, 2—Advertisements. 3—Sumner: he Effect of His Displacement on the Republican Party; Opinions of the Press on Mr. Sumuer's Removal—The Campaign in New Hampshire—Sanawich Islanas: Terrible Earthquake Shocks and Injury to Property— News from Australasia—Music and ithe Drama—The Rain Storm. 4—Religious: The Concentrated Eloquence of a Score of Puipits; Lenten Lessons; The Race for Everlasting Life; The Masked Malefactors of the Period, the Beauty of Christ and the Man- sions of the Redeemed in Heaven; Piety Under Diaiculties, 5—Religious Services in Brooklyn and Washington: Beecher on Perfection; Dr. Newman on the Marriage Reiations; Gentle Warnings to the Youthful Spectators of the Naked Drama—A Stabbing ray—A Valuable Wife—Tre Taylor Wil Case: Surrogate Hutchings Admits the Will to Probate; Important Decision—The Hogan Will Case. 6—Editoriais: Leading Article, ‘General Grant, Mr. Summer and the Repubiitcan Party—A Touch ef Genera! Jackson”—Amusement An- nouncements. ‘Y—Editonals (Continued trom Sixth bbe sonal Intelligence—Paris: Collapse of the In- surgent National Guard—General Reports— The Franco-German Riot—The Emperor Wil- liam—Misceilaneous Foreign Items—Spantsh Revolutiontsm—Tne Dardanelles: The Re- Strictons of Travel—The St. Domingo Com- mission—The South Carolina Troubles—Art Notes—A Brother's Revenge—Views of the Past—Business Notices, S—Destructive Tornado: The Swath of a Three Minute Gust tn the Vicinity of St. Louis; Seven Persons Kilied and Fifty.two Wounded; the ‘Town of Fayette, Iilnots, Totally Destroyed — The Southern Disorders: Alarming Condition of Affairs in the Palmetto State; Lawlessness im Mississippi—The New YorRK HERALD and the New Jersey Legisiature—A Nathan Tragedy in New Orleans— Obsequies of @ Colored State Senator. 9—Financial and Commercial Reports—A Whole Family Destroyed—Robberies in Jersey City— Waylaid and Robbed in Hoboken—Uourt Cal- endars for To-Day—Deaths— Advertisements. 10—The Joint High Commission—Shipping Intelit- gence—-Advertisements. 11—Adverusements, 12—Advertisements, Tue Execrion which takes place to-morrow to New Hampshire has not as yet called forth any very warm canvassing by the politicians on either side. An unusual apathy prevails regarding its result. It is generally conceded that the removal of Mr. Sumner will reduce the republican majority, but no one claims that it will effect a democratic victory. Toe St. Domingo Coxmuissioners.—The United States steamer Tennessee, with the St. Domingo Commissioners on board, will proba- bly leave Kingston to-day for Key West, where they may be expected to arrive about Saturday next. Should no delay be expe- rienced at that port we may look for them home about the 28th inst. = Ovr SpeciaL CoRRESPONDENT AT AMIENS telegraphs that the Emperor of Germany is so seriously indisposed as te be unable to review the German forces in Northern France, as he had intended doing. His Majesty has been ailing for some weeks past; but, although an eld man, he hae a remarkably vigorous consti- tution and will doubtless get over this last attack. THe Jomr Commirrge oF REPUBLICANS appointed to prepare a satisfactory thunder- bolt for the Ku Klux before adjourning are already at work. They can find hard enough words for the preamble, but not hard enough penalties for the body of the measure. They can only ‘‘fall a-cursing like a very drab,” owing to the inconvenient limitations of the constitution, while they feel like tearing every mother’s son of the Ku Klux limb from limb. Tue Wassixcton Market TrovBLe.—The easiest way to put a stop to such riotous pro- ceedings as occurred in Washington Marketen Monday is to carry out the proposed plan of selling all the public market property to pri- vate citizens, or ony ene who will buy it at its proper valae. When the Corporation ceases to be the lessor of market stalls, and the people have a chance ef erecting markets by private companies or otherwise, we shall have something respectable in the way of mar- kets, which will be a credit and not a disgrace to the city. Ril isaie VERSAILLES AND THE Fr 1 ASSEMBLY.— The French National Assembly decided in a most emphatic manner against returning im- mediately to Paris. The preposal to return to Paris was negatived by a vote of 407 against 104. The proposal te move to Ver- *pailles was adopted by 406 against 104. There can be no doubt that when order is fully re- established Paris will again be the eapital gity and the home of the Senate and the Corps Legislatif. Meanwhile it cannot but be grati- fying to all who are interested in the future welfare of France to know that moderate counsels are prevailing, and that the quietude and security of Versailles are preferred to the uoceriainties of Paris. So far M. Thiers is doing well, and France is proving reasonably obedient ta bis rule, General Grant, Mr. Sumner and the He- publican =Party—A Touch of General Jackson. The removal of Mr. Sumner, through the action of a republican caucus, from his posi- tion as chairman on Foreign Relations of the Senate, is, in a party view, the most important and momentous event, so far, of General Grant's administration, In bold relief it brings out General Grant in a new character— as the recognized head of the republican party. He ceases by this act to be the servant, and becomes the acknowledged master, of the Senate. He rises from the subordinate posl- tion of Andrew Johnson to the commanding attitude of Andrew Jackson. He has been subject to the will of Mr. Sumner, as the great republican oracle and dictator of the Senate; but with Sumner’s removal the tables are turned and the President is master of the situation. Consternation prevails among the Conscript Fathers from this act of their own doing, and surprise, mortification, fear and wrath are the prevailing expressions from the republican journals far and near. They tell us that in this unwise removal of Mr. Sumner from the position which, with his learning, peculiar abilities and great experience, he so admirably filled, nothing but demoralization, divisions and disasters can come to the party in power; that his opposition to the St. Domingo scheme is justified by the general sentiment of the party, and that General Grant, in due season, will discover that in this thing he has committed a fatal blunder as a candidate for the Presidential succession. From the democratic press, on the other hand, it is charged that prominent among the influences which have brought about this re- moval of Mr. Sumner from the Senate chair- manship on Foreign Relations has been the influence of the British Minister with the President in reference to Mr. Sumner's un- compromising attitude on the Alabama claims, considered in connection with the expected comprehensive treaty of peace be- tween England and the United States from the Joint High Commission, and that Sum- ner’s displacement is, in fact, from the Presi- dent and the Senate a concession in advance to England. Next, we are gravely informed that there has been no other such high-handed proceeding as this in the Senate against the head of a committee personally obnoxious to the President except in the case of Senator Douglas, who was removed from the head of the Committee on Territories because of his “squatter sovereignty” dogmas, on the requisi- tion of President Buchanan, in obedience to the wishes of the slaveholding eligarchy of the South. General Grant is warned, too, that as this removal of Douglas was the ruin of Buchanan and the democratic party, so will be this removal of Sumner to the present administration and the republican party. But all these are contracted views of the circumstances, the causes and probable conse- quences of this displacement of Sumner from the head of the all-important Senate Committee at this juncture on Foreign Relations. The head of this committee, in his official relations with the President and Secretary of State, may be considered a member of the Cabinet, The Executive Department, with the Senate, is the treaty-making power. The head of this Senate committee on treaties and foreign appointments represents the Senate in the White House. But how can the President, after having been publicly denounced in the Senate as a confederate of corrupt and reckless speculators in the St. Domingo scheme—how can he held these confidential relations with the Senator thus boldly accusing him of cor- ruption and perjury? The truth is that in the suspension of the friendly personal relations which had existed between the President and the Senator that mutual confidence which ought to prevail between them in their official intercourse was destroyed. It cannot be for- gotten that after President Johnson accused General Grant, in that famous correspondence on the Stanton War Department imbroglio, with deception and falsehood, General Grant on all occasions avoided the presence of his aceuser as far as possible, even in the dis- charge of his official duties, How, then, could he be expected to overlook these graver charges of Senator Sumner? There was no alternative for him but to demand a new head for the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela- tions, especially in view of the momentous and comprehensive international questions now under discussion before the High Joint Com- mission and the great ‘‘manifest destiny” pro- gramme of the administration. We think, too, that the case of Senator Sumner resembles more the rupture between Calhoun and General Jackson than the quarrel between Douglas and Buchanan. During Jackson's first term Calhoun was Vice Presi- dent and President of the Senate, and ia the position he soon began to show his hand as an aspirant for the Presidential succession. He first assisted in fomenting a social quarrel among the ladies of the Cabinet, which was carried at length so far that Jackson found it necessary to dismiss the whole concern. In getting rid of them Martin Van Buren, his Secretary of State, came bravely to the Gene- ral’s relief by setting the example of a resig- nation, which all the rest understood by promptly resigning. A new Cabinet followed ; but Jackson, in consideration of the good ser- vice of Van Buren in settling the Cabinet difficulty, appointed him Minister to England; and se sure was Van Buren of a confirmation that he was in London before the Senate had acted upon his nomination. But when it was brought to the vote there was a tie, and the Vice President, Calhoun, as President of the Senate having the casting vote, cast it against Van Buren, and so he was recalled. But this vote was the ruin of Calhoun; for in the Presidential election of 1832 Van Buren, according to Jackson's desire, was put on the ticket with him and elected for Vice President, thus cutting out Calhoun as President of the Senate and from the line of the White House by the very man he had sought to disgrace. Incensed to any scheme of revenge, Calhoun next tried the rash experiment of Seuth Caro- lina nullification ‘against Jackson ; but in this the bold agitator was promptly snuffed out by Old Hickory, with General Scott as his peace- maker in South Carolina, under instructions, “By the Eternal,” if they attempted to vio- late the laws of the United States ‘‘to blow Charleston out of the water.” From that day Calhoun became the active schemer for a Southern pro-slavery party, looking to dis- unien anda Southern confederacy. His Inst speech in the Senate, on the compromise measures of 1850, was a sort of prophesy of disunion. He died a disappointed man, but his Southern disciples, filled with his Southern constitutional chop-logic, took up his grand ultimatum of a Seuthern confederacy, and among the first fruits of this movement we find from the Northern reaction the radical abolitionist of Massachusetts, Mr. Sumner, made chairman on Foreign Relations in the United States Senate. This change from Mason, that pugnacious slaveholder, subse- quently of the Confederate States firm of Mason and Slidell, marks the practical begin- ning of the great revolution which, we may say, is finished with Sumner’s removal from his post by his own party in the Senate. Sumner, at war with the administration, now takes the place of the factious Calhoun, as Massaehusetts in the government has taken the old dictatorial position of South Carolina, General Grant, the President and the recog- nized head of his party, comes forward, like Jackson, to’ enforce discipline as master of the camp. He has, above all, a grand programme marked out touching our international and commercial interests and our ‘‘manifest destiny.” It embraces a comprehensive settlement of all our outstand- ing accounts with England on a solid basis of peace; a central position in the splendid island of St. Domingo for the absorption of the great trade of the West Indies, and a half- way house there for the vast squadrons of ships which, with the opening of the Darien ship canal, will pass and repass between New York and the Pacific and the Oriental nations and islands of Asia. Mr. Sumner, as an impediment to all these graad designs, has been removed. The republican party in the Senate has elected upon this issue to stand by the President, and there is no other course of safety to the party at large. Mr. Sumner and his friends may, perhaps, be strong enough to break down the administration and the party if they choose; but from Grant to the demo- cracy they will be out of the frying pan into the fire. Still, there is great danger that this attempt of General Grant to introduce the discipline of a regular army into this free militia organi- zation of the republican party may break up the whole concern. The State election in New Hampshire to-morrow, we expect, will throw some light upon this subject. They have had time enough there to form a judgment upon this removal of Sumner. The New Hamp- shire republicans are intelligent men, and they fight for their party like old soldiers. If, therefore, to-morrow New Hampshire shall go forthe democracy, it will be a sign of an impending general republican break-up. Otherwise, it is probable that the sacrifice of Sumner will be accepted by the party as the casting of Jonah overboard—an act required to save the ship. The Revolutionary Movement in Spain—Fatal Collision between the People and a Munici- pality. By a special telegraph letter from Madrid, forwarded to London, and thence through the Atlantic cable to New York, we are informed of the continued progress of a most excited political agitation in the kingdom of Spain. The moving impulses appear to be a dislike to the existing government as it has been recon- structed under his Majesty King Amadeus, and a desire to influence the Parliamentary elections. It may be said, perhaps, that the movement is really against order, the Execu- tive authority, the law as itis administered, and the settlement of property. It is one of the symptoms, or symbols, of the ‘“‘red” revo- lutionism of Europe, aimless at the moment, but eternal as a spirit. The present conse- quences in Spain are alarming. They have induced city riot and caused death. Our special cerrespondent in Madrid reports by telegram, under date of Saturday evening, that bands of people had demon- strated, by armed force, against the munici- pal authorities in Alicante. The Mayor of the place replied with firearms at the head of his officers. Some few persons were killed by the exchange of shots, and a tumultuous, riotous assemblage was dispersed. This Spanish insurrectionary feeling cowers fora moment under the discipline of timely measures of repression when they are exe- cuted in a decided manner. It does not sub- side, however. It merely festers under the compression and inoculates the surrounding parts to the corruption of an identical social slough. Such is the situation, as we take it, in Spain. His Majesty Amadeus appears to read it in the same light. He remains in Madrid. He is not exactly cooped up in the palace, but it looks as if his freedom of per- sonal action were impeded somewhat through fear. His intended journey to Alassio, in order to meet and welcome his convalescent wife, the Queen Maria, has been postponed, the preparations fer the trip suspended. This hesitation of the monarchy emboldens the out- side treason. The truth is that the blood of Spain—‘‘blue blood” and base—boils against the Italian “foreigner.” The Spaniards have not been reconciled to the new government since the moment of Prim’s death. They look for native authority, but the nation is de- moralized and the genius of government ap- pears to have fled from the soil. ‘Cervantes smiled Spain’s chivalry away,” and foreign invasion and intestine strife have prevented its returo. Paris Quizt.—Our despatches this morn- ing report that the insurgent National Guards of Paris have abandoned their rebellious pro- jects and surrendered the cannon which they had seized. All demonstrations in the Mont- martre district had ceased. This is favorable news. We shall probably learn to-day what means were used to avert the threatened in- surrection. If there has been a compromise with the National Guards the government does not appear disposed to yield in other respects. General Vinoy has suppressed several radical newspapers, inclading Roche- fort’s Mot d’ Ordre, and forbidden the publica- tien of any new journals devoted to politics and social economy. This action is un- doubtedly an attack upon the freedom of the press, but the exercise of arbitrary power seems essentially necessary in France ,at the present moment. Newspapers which glorify assassination, advocate robbery and encourage anarchy can be suppressed without their sup- pression endangering the liberties of the people, Sunday Guides to Salvation. Not even abundant zeal and waterproof overcoats and cloaks were sufficient induce- ments to sinners to crowd the churches yesterday. During the hours of divine ser- vice the rain fell in torrents, and those persons who listened to the sermons must have for- gotten all that the preachers said in endeavor- ing to reach their homes without getting drenched. Our reports this morning will, consequently, prove of more than usual inte- rest to the “seekers after grace.” Mr. Hepworth’s discourse, in which he argued that success was always the reward of a virtuous life, was notable for its sound ideas in some parts and for its errors in others, That life is alone successful which is happy, and certainly virtue is not always rewarded with happiness. Men and women daily walk through life with sad hearts and bruised and weary feet, resisting the temptation to sin and having no hope, save in the hereafter, for re- lease from misery. Mr. Hepworth is right in pronouncing false the idea that the mere acquisition of money is success. It would have been better had he urged upon his congregation that a virtuous life is preferable to ene of sin, because the wretchedness of the sinner is tenfold that of the virtuous on earth, and has not the strengthening prospect of relief in heaven. We may be virtuous without success attending us through life, for we may lack happiness. Perhaps it is not exaggerating to assert that, in proportion to their numbers, there are more tears of anguish shed by the pure than by the wicked. On the subject of our future home Rev. Chauncey Giles held forth eloquently, while Dr. Ormiston earnestly described the Chris- tian's race for everlasting life. A discourse on moral self-consciousness, based on the parable of the Prodigal Son, was listened to by Dr. Chapin’s congregation. Dr. Bellows took a rather gloomy view of the moral status of the times, holding up to his hearers a pic- ture of the sins and follies in which weak humanity so often indulge. In contrast with this sermon was the discourse of the Rev. Mr. Tyng, in which was shown the beauty and grandeur of Christ as the Saviour of man. Dr. Hall depicted the dangers which beset the rich and the tempta- tions which surround the poor, while Mr. Frothingham enlightened mankind on the subject of religion and salvation. Brother Beecher’s sermon, after he had lec- tured the congregation for not redeeming their promise in the matter of a money subscrip- tion, was quite interesting. The Apostle of Plymouth church first considered what the divine standard of perfection is, and next devoted his attention to those who endeavor to make mankind per- fect by exhibiting ‘‘an infernal spirit” toward the weak and erring. In Washington Dr. Newman preached on the impertant sub- ject of the marriage relations, expressing views which ‘‘those flippant women” who clamor for the suffrage will not admire, but which every thoughtful man and woman in the country will approve. As will be seen, our reports of sermons this morning are unusually interestiag. Live topics were discussed yesterday, each differ- ing widely from the others in details, but all leading the sinner along the roads which ter- minate in heaven. The Returning French Prisoners. Within a short space of time the French soldiers who are now prisoners of war in Germany will be returned to France. Already preparations are being made te convey ninety thousand of them home. A transport fleet is preparing to start for one of the German ports, there to receive the released prisoners. It is a matter of vast concern to the nation and the future prospects of the republic to ascertain how these returned soldiers will act when they again regain their liberty on French soil. They marched to battle with the imperial standard, and suffered defeat, captivity and disease as the soldiers of the empire. When they return to their native land they will find that a vast change has taken place during their absence. The empire has been pulled down and the republic erected in its stead. What effect will this produce om their minds, and what influence will it exercise over their actions? The marshals of France, generals, subordinate officers—or at least the greater portion of them—we feel satisfied, are still true to the fallen Emperor. Documents denouncing Nepo- leon, signed by long lists of officers, have from time to time been published in European jour- nals hostile to Napoleon, but really these papers amounted to nothing of any conse- quence. There are as prisoners of war in Prussia, at the present time, fully four hun- dred and twenty-thousand men, These sol- diers, or a very large majority of them, it is but natural to expect, will carry with them to their homes a strong Napoleonic feeling, and this very feeling may prove a source of serious concern to the present government of France at no distant day. Will these men serve as soldiers under the republic as they formerly served under the empire? or will the republic require their aid? These are very natural questions to ask at the present time, and questions that cannot be satisfactorily answered. There are in Paris now two hundred thousand troops, ex- clusive of the mobilized National Guard, which numbers something over one hun- dred thousand men. These latter troops are no advantage to any government. When we consider their recent acts of insubordination, as well as their present threatening aspect, we can form some idea of the many difficulties General Trochu had to contend against while the siege of Paris pro- gressed. Notwithstanding that the Paris troops proper outnumber the National Guard in its entirety two to one, they are powerless to check the lawless preceedings of these rioters. The fact must be borne in mind that, the only thoroughly drilted troops which France pos- sesses are the soldiers of the late empire, who are now about to be released. When these soldiers retura to their homes we cannot help thinking that they will exercise an influence over the immediate future of France more de- cided than ig generally believed, Tne Taytor Wit Casz.—We publish this morning 8 synopsis of the decision of Surro- gate Hutchings in the famous Toylor will case. SHEET, It will be seen therefrom that the contested will has been admitted to probate, and to this extent the validity of the instrument is estab- lished. The decision in full is a very lengthy document, the Surrogate evidently desiring to Present every detail and salient point in the testimony for and against, with his own cor- clusions thereon, not only in justification of his ruling, but for the benefit and guidance of the Judges of the Appellate Court, before which it is determined to carry the case. rar Gakaeone Ministry and Its Troubles. Our special cable despatches day after day give us fresh and convincing evidence that Mr. Gladstone's sorrows are multiplying. Since the opening of Parliament the Premier and his associates in the Ministry have been almost nightly the objects of the most bitter attacks. Mr. Disraeli loses no opportunity to pour forth his abuse. Some of the younger men, like Sir Robert Peel, who followed the lead of Lord Palmerston, and who hitherto have been reckoned among the warm sup- porters of Mr. Gladstone, have openly rebelled against their chief. The tories are enraged because they have been so long kept out of office, The more conservative of the whigs are dissatisfied with Mr. Gladstone's too rigid adherence to the principles of the Manchester school. The radicals, again, are disappointed because the progress of reform is slow. Then there is a deep feeling diffused among the whole body of the people—a feel- ing shared alike by tory and whig and radical, and which finds expression in loud murmurs of indignation—that some- how, during this continental war, the honor of England has been tarnished and her pride humbled, and that for this the Ministry of Mr. Gladstone is to blame, Considering the state of feeling in both houses of Parliament, as well as the state of feeling throughout the three kingdoms, it would not be surprising if, through a combinatien of the disaffected in both houses, Mr. Gladstone should find him- self without his majority, and so deem it wise to resign. For the present Mr. Gladstone is still stronz, experiencing but little difficulty in carrying his measures, But the difficulties which surround his position are numerous. Any day a ques- tion may arise in connection with the foreign policy ef the government which may suddenly swamp it. The correspondence between Lord Granville and Count Bismarck and between Lord Granville and Jules Favre has been laid before Parliament, and the general feeling seems to have been that Lord Granville had a most difficult part to play and that he played it well. But Count Bismarck has promised to give his version of the policy of Great Britain during the war, and no doubt the Count’s versien will be spicy enough. Then Jules Favre will give his version. So, now that the war is ended, and the necessity no longer exists for drawing the sword, the presumption is that John Bull will have a grand domestic row concerning his wounded honor, his injured pride, his lost glory, and that the Queen’s Ministers will find it difficult, if not impossible, to retain their places. Then, again, there is this grand Joint High Commission, the mem- bers of which are now feasting and flattering each other by way of preface to their more serious labors, No matter what may be the result of this High Commission, it cannot fail to tell powerfully for good or for evil on the men who are now the responsible advisers of Queen Victoria. We shall not be sorry if Mr. Glad- stone succeed in steering clear of the many difficulties which now surround him; for in our judgment he is the most competent man who, in many years, has guided the destinies of the British empire. Besides, if Great Bri- tain no longer occupies the proud position she once did among the nations, the reason is to be found in the altered circumstances of the out- side world rather than in any changes which have taken place inside the empire itself. No Minister creates, no Minister can hinder, the inevitable; but it is one of the advantages of the British constitution that the Prime Minister of the hour is always a convenient victim to a dissatisfied public. If the Joint High Commis- sion satisfactorily settle the questions pending between Great Britain and the United States, the Gladstone Ministry will have done more service to their country and the warld than if they had taken part in and shared the loss and the glory ef the late continental strife. SournerN Disorpers.—The lawless deeds of the Ku Klux and the colored militia men in South Carolina continue to keep the people of that State on the verge of war. The citizens seem to be under arms most of their time. Barnburnings and mob outrages are varied by armed conflicts between the two races. The lawlessness is such that it borders upon anarchy, and the only remedy for it lies in the presence of United States troops. Lynch law cannot be offset by the rulings of United States courts, nor erganized raids of colored militia resisted by judicial warrants and attach- ments. But im nearly all the instances reported in our letters and telegrams from the disaffected districts it is notably the case that the presence of a troop of United States soldiers is sufficient to secure peace at once and maintain it. There is no vexed question of unlawful federal interference raised among the actual sufferers or actors in these disas- trous scenes ; that is left for the Congressional spouters, safely stowed away from the scene of danger; but the “minions of a despotic government” are warmly welcomed by both black and white as the surest and most relia- ble guardians of the peace. EARTHQUAKES AT THE SANDWIOH ISLANDS.— By special telegram from the HgRALD’s cor- respondent at Honolulu, sent via San Fran- cisco, we learn that on the 18th of February a very severe shock of earthquake was expe- rienced, doing much damage to build- ings, opening clefts in the hills and mountains and throwing up large masses of earth in the valleys, Fortunately no lives were lost. These convulsions of nature in a country so volcanic in its char- acter as the Sandwich Islands are of common occurrence. Occasionally, however, one of more than ordinary violence is experienced, which serves to remind the inhabitants that they are liable at any moment to be swallowed up or shaken down. Serious disaster may be postponed for a long time, but it is sure to come at last, as in the earthquakes at St. Thomas and on the west coast of Senth + America during tho last fow nears. The Preas, the Pulpit and tho Stage. The press, the pulpit and the stage are the three great co-ordinate agencies in elevating and giving tene to medern society, The pul- pit and the stage are as old as history itself; the press is comparatively young; but it bas grown with such amazing rapidity and, withal, has attained such magnificent propor- tions, that it leads the others in influence and power. The history of the press, as we know it to-day, isa very brief one, and dates back net more than thirty years; but it may be said to have had a pre-historic existence almost coequal with the Reformation. Asa stimulator of thought, an educator of the masses, a conservator of peace and order, a terror to tyrants, and the ‘‘defender of the faith” and liberties of mankind it stands alone and unparalleled. Where the pulpit or the stage can reach ten the press can reach @ thousand, and does so more effectively than either. The press has suffered martyrdom in defence of truth and justice, liberty and right, and in these latter days, when persecutions against the the pulpit have ceased. The stage has always been free, or comparatively free, from persecution, It has been petted bv kings and people, too much, perhaps, for its own good. But, though it has sometimes run into extravagances, it has maintained a pretty fair equipoise all along its history. The ten- dency toward vulgar extravagances in this age is certainly very slight, and in this country, where the stage has no endowment from king or government, the people, its patrons, can always apply the corrective to any excesses that may be introduced. It was not without some surprise, therefore, that we read the remarks made by Dr. John Hall before his congregation ona recent Sabbath in regard to the relative positions of the pul- pit, the press and the stage as educators and powers for good in any community, He almost questioned the sanity of the man who should intimate that the stage was an educator which might be compared with the pulpit. But if such a comparison was to be made, “something which is common te both must, in his opinion, be eliminated.” That ‘‘something,” the Doctor went on to tell his hearers, is ‘“‘the numerous persons who submit themselves on Sabbath to the pulpit and during the week to the education of the play; because it is impossible to say how much good in them is the property of the pulpit and how much the property of the play.” But here the compari- son breaks down at the threshold; for there is probably no community in the civilized world to-diy one part of which has been wholly educated by the stage and the other wholly by the pulpit. And, indeed, we can hardly conceive of such a community dwelling at all upon this earth. But while the Doctor tacitly admitted that there might be some good taught by the play, he went on to charge “that the representatives of the stage were to be found among the swindlers and black- guards of the community.” We might assert the same thing with equal force of the repre- sentatives of the pulpit. We have in our mind’s eye at least a dozen ministers who have been guilty of gross immoralities and crimes in this city or neighborhood within a brief period, but most of the scandals have been hushed up and their authors quietly pro- vided for elsewhere. The position of a minis- ter is such that his faults and follies affect others than himself, and it is very rately that a church is willing to acknowledge its own error or mistake by making a public example of its criminal pastor. Not so, however, with the actor. He is amenable directly to the manager of the theatre for his shortcomings, and indirectly to the public—his constituents. He, because of his profession, labors under the imputation of being a “blackguard” from the start, no matter how pure and good he may be. And hence, while not a breath of suspicion could be raised against the late Mr. Holland's personal or moral character, he was denied Christian burial by ‘‘a representative of the pulpit,” whose narrow mind could not admit that any good thing could come out of Nazareth, And we fear Dr. Hall would refuse the same service under similar circum- stances. His broad denunciation of the stage seems to indicate that he, too, is governed more or less by prejudice in this matter. But the Doctor, as it seems to us, went altogether out of his way to strike at the press and the stage ashe did. He was preaching in behalf of superannuated preachers, and he must needs show the vast superiority of the pulpit over its associate agencies. And so he weighs each, one after the other; and the pulpit far outweighs the others, in his estima- tion. But was not the subject in hand one that commended itself to every Christian heart present, without instituting any such compari- son? If it was not, then we have not such strong faith in the Doctor's piety or his preaching as we have had. It is, perhaps, well for the Church and this community that, as the Doctor says, ‘the could only remember one case in which there had been scandal in the life of a Protestant clergyman in New York during the past four years ;” but to add asan apology that bis sanity was properly questioned rather weakens the case. We have not known a murderer placed on trial in this city during the past four years whose sanity has not been questioned. And indeed medico- legal jurisprudence is very properly coming nearer to the point every year of questioning the sanity of any man who commits crime. But this doubt, except in rare cases, does not affect the conviction and punishment of the criminal. But the Doctor was not content to stop here. He must goa step further, and state, without deeming it invidious, that “to no other class were the community mora indebted than to the clergy for the maintenance of their institutions. They were foremost in every good work, and their services as exam- plars of the higher standards of morality were incalculable.” And in regard to the obliga~ tions under which the press stands toward the pulpit, ‘from a careful study of all past his- tory, he thought the observation could be maintained, that in the measure in’ which the pulpit loses its power, in that same measure will all literature lose its quality and character, and the irreligious literature mani- festly be increased, But to suppose that this irreligious literature is to supersede the pulpit is to suppose that religion is to die out alte gether.” Here again is an implication that the press Is irreligious, and to suppose that it is to supersede the pulpit ig to suppose that re»