The New York Herald Newspaper, December 18, 1870, Page 6

7 : NEW YORK HERALD BROADW AY AND ANN STREET. JAMES QORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York HERarp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. AMUSEMENTS TO-MORROW EVENING. NIBLO'S GARDEN, THE BLACK CxooK. Lroedway.—Tuz SPECTACLE oF WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway ana 1th street.— Coquerres, nk LINA IN’) THEATRE, 720 Broadway, —Lirr.e Jaca SHEPPARD GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th av. and 23d st.— Lrs BRiGaND! OLYMPIC THE Sie Broadway. ~TuHE PANTOMIME OF Wry Wii WOOD'S MUSEUM ances every afteraoon Broadway, ener Sth st.—Perform: ‘TK, Twenty-fourth street.— FIFTH AVENUE TH On Assu % 728 broadway.—Vanrety ENTER BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery, ‘Tux SuNcURST Nxck axp Nrck— between th and 6th avs,— ROOTH'S THMATRE me VAN WINK Av'S PARK THEATR4, Brooklya.— BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC.—UNoLE Tou’s Canin TONY PASTOR'S Ot "ERA HOUSE, Wl Bowery.—Va- qurty Ex M4 Broadway.—-CoMto VOOAL- SLACK DWARF. » HALL, 585 Broadway.— BULLRSQUES, 40. between 6th RICri RS, 0. street and Broadway.— ND. Brooklyn.—NEGRO MIN- BROOKLYN 6 Hogurs & Warre’s Miner —WRLon, ASSOCTATI 60R Dox SOMERVILLE, and Evening —\ Firth avenue-—Day Io Reaions. NEW YORK CI Fourteenth street. THE RING, ACROLATS, dO, -SoENrS LN DR. KAIIN’S ANATOMICAL MUSEUM, 745 Broadway.— SOUENCE AND ALT. NEW YORK M SCIENCE: AND Al TRIPLE 8 enEwe, New York, Sunday, Decembe ZUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway,— CONTENTS OF TOD! PAGE. 1—Advertisements, important Opinion of ou the Union Pa- Garret Mystery-~ and and Maine—A Doubie Tomhs—New Ha- lows—Jonrnalisile News. ’ Holy Orders at the Cathe inary in? An Impos- nation in This City—The Hc e ral News $—Reli ious inteitigen ew York City At Si. Bernard's Church—Coffee ‘on—Navigation Impeded on the Diamoxd Mines tn South Africa— ¢ Bloody Blast: Oficial Investigation. im Regard to the Carmansville Bxplosion—The New York I Lp in New Jersey and m yer: Hand’s Senteiice, d Josephine —the sh 3? Important to Insurers ‘aud ecdings mth suran ce ( ompan e€ dl rhe New Emperor vad the Pope’ —Ainusement An- ts of the World— Luxembourg Qnes- e Gove of e island © ty- The Rotten ntelhgence—Fire Drivers in Brook- Marriages and port—Advertiseme nts. rie—Shipping Intelli- ~» Ovr—Fourteen houses in Phila- @elphia engaged in the shoe trade. Tue War Sirvation. —Th spatches from France are azain very meagre and unsati Ing. Some wild rumors are put afloat in Lilie of another sortie from Paris and the invest- ment of Versailles by the victorious French. The bombardment of Paris is said to be deferred on account of lack of ammunition in the German cemp. Canticot Ovant To BE RELEASED.— ful review of the argument of Mr. it, connsel for Mr. Callicot, in the s corpus case before Judge Woodruff, we are fied that Mr. Callicot onght to be immediately discharged. Mr. Bartlett has made it clear that the law on which Mr. Cal- Jicot was convicted, to say nothing of the weakness of the evidence against him, had been repealed lony before Mr. Callicot’s trial. The court which nominally convicted him had no jurisdiction w matter, The s¢ mere nullit utever over the subject nee against him was a and as for habeas corpus, there za habeas corpus if it does this, Mr. Callicot ought his Ch ristmas Law ror THE EXPORTATION 0 oF DistitLep Spiers. —A large number of our most respect- able merchants have addressed a communica- tion to Secretary Boutwell representing the necessity of a new export law for distilled Bpirits. They aver that the substitution of alcohol for n ia the matter of exportation avonld materially contribute to the benefit of our commerce. All that may be true, but fhe idea recalls to m once heard. A a hittle aneedote we : visiting a rural dis- siran; trict inguired what nt of grain they raised An the county. ‘ replied the farmer's boy, “I n we raise about a hundred thousand » ls which we fatten our hogs en and about five hundred thousand bushels whicb we make into whi: a heap y, besi NEW YORK HERALD. SUNDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1870.-TRIPLE SHERT. : The New Emperer of Germany and the Pope. The Roman and Papal question has acquired fresh interest from the fact that the Papal enyoy at Versailles has received from King William the assurance that, so soon as the present war is ended, he will regtore the Pope to his temporal power. When we remember the correspondence which took place between King William and Pius IX., in August of this year, when France was experiencing her firat serious reverses—a correspondence which did justice to the head and heart of the Holy Father and to the head and heart of the King— we are not much surprised by the intelligence that the new Emperor of Germany means to spread the mantle of his protection over the Holy Father. On that occasion the King, after having expressed his regret that he could not make an end of the war which had been forced upon him, assured the Pope that he was “united to him in bonds of Christian charity and true friendship.” Later, when the Pope made a direct appeal to King Wil- liam to protect him frem the spoliation threat- ened by the Italian government and people, the King, though he could not interfere with a friendly Power or with a people seeking their legilimate rights, begged his Holiness to ro- gard him as his ‘‘sineere friend.” In view of these facts, and taking into consideration the known sympathies of certain influential mem- bers of the Prassian Court, the announcement that King William means to restore to the Pope his temporalities is deeply and seriously significant. Any one who will take the trouble to refer to the letter dated September 8, and addressed to the Holy Father from Rheims, will perceive that the relations between the two illustrious personages are entirely changed. Then Wil- liam was only King of Prussia, in the midst of a doubtful contest and striving to put down an arrogant and presumptuous foe—his main purpose, after victory, being to make Germany aunit, Now he is the triumphant conqueror, the commander-in-chief of the united hosts of Fatherland, and the Emperor elect of that Germany which, since the days of the great Otho up until 1806, was the right arm of the Papal power. The crown which in 1806 was laid aside by Francis the Second, of the House of Hapsburg-Lorraing, William of Hohen- zollern is asked to resume in 1870. In Sep- tember William spoke only as the King of Prussia, In December he speaks as the chief of United Germany and the probable restorer of the Holy Roman empire. As King of Prussia he spoke only in the name of the Protestants of the North, As Emperor of Germany he speaks in the name of the mighti- est people in Europe, well nigh one-half of whom are attached to the Holy Catholic Church, ‘To make good his position King William knows well that the interests of the Holy Father must not be ignored. The inte- rest which he took in the welfare of the Roman Pontiff did much to make Napoleon the Third what he was from December, 1852, to September, 1870. The absence of Papal sympathy from the royal house of Italy is portentons of coming trou- ble. As Emperor of Germany and the ruler of so many Catholic subjects, William will need the sympathy and friendship of the Vicar of Christ. This latest promise of protection, or rather of assistance, seems to indicate that the new Emperor of Germany is not blind to his needs and to his opportunities. In connection with this matter, and as bear- ing specially on the argument, let it not be forgotten that in the situation of to-day there is much to remind us of the days which wit- nessed the restoration of the Roman empire under Charlemagae, in the year 800, and the establishment of the Holy Roman empire, un- der the First Otho, in 962. At both these epochs the Bishop of Rome was in trouble. Charlemagne and Otho each in his day crossed the Alps, delivered the Pope from his ene- mics, and each as his reward received at the hands of the Vicar of Christ, in circumstances and amid services of becoming solemnity, the imperial crown, The Holy Father is again in trouble, Another and a migity Power, emanating from the ancient seat of the Lombards, has invaded the dominion of the Holy Father and reft him of his temporalities. The voice which brought Charlemagne and his Franks, Otho and his Saxons to the sunny plains of Italy and to the rescue of the Papacy again sounds from the time-honored centre of the Christian world and cails for help. In the person of the Emperor elect of Germany we behold another Charlemagne, another Otho. The ancient prophecy has been fulfilled:—‘‘The ravens have disappeared from the summit of the hill where the Great Frederick sleeps; the pear tree blossoms in the valley; the resurrection has taken place and Germany is one.” Why should not the new German chief, imitating the example of his illustrious predecessors, after he has subdued all his enemies, cross the Alps, march to Rome, reinstate the Holy Father in his temporalities and receive from him in return that crown which was once the symbol of absolute and universal power? There are many who will be disposed to re- gard this as partaking altogether too much of the fanciful. The Holy Roman empire, dead for the last sixty-four years, and for ages noth- ing more than a name, it will be said, can never be revived, King William, we shall be told, is a Protestant prince, and his Protest- ant subjects would regard his coronation by the Pope as a wanton insult, All this is no doubt true; but we live in an age which is 89 full of marvels that men cease to wonder, The more apparently impossible the event the more likely is it te happea, Jt is undeniable that (he moment is opportune for reviving the ancient institution, as well as the ancient title, There is nothing to hinder the Germans from making themselves masters of the whole of Western Europe. France is crushed, bleed- ing, helpless. One brief campaign, if a can paign were necessary, would reduce to sub- jection the Iberian and Italian peninsulas, The kinge of Italy, of Portugal, of Spaia, of France, of Belgium, of Holland, would not lose their separate sovereignties, because they recognized a superior—a common lord and mas- wasted in wakiag bread.” We hardly thiak the Secreiary of the Treasury is prepared to Bend aleonol in Hieu of ad to the hungry ople of Burope-——his Paritan antecedents and stinets forbid that—buat we bope he will give communication ef so many infuential Now York merchants respectful consideration. iy undeniable ter. The astern empire restored under Rus: the Western empire restored under Pitstia, history would be repeating itself ina very remarkable manner, That King William and his advisers intend so to use their opportu- nity we are by no means satisfied; but it is that the opportunity exists, Whether the German ‘crown will ence more seek association with the sceptro of St. Peter— whether the restored empire shall be conse- crated by the chief of Catholic Christendom, we know not, This, however, it seems safe to say, that at the hands of this new and mighty Power the Pope is not Ilkely to receive any injury. While the Eastern question waits for solution, while Paris still refuses to sur- render, while the whole European horizon is black with portentous clouds, it is gratifying to find that the conqueror of the hour offers words of comfort to the aged and honored aad now much afflicted chief of the Catholic Church. Aunesty for the South. The House and Senate are both deliberating on measures of amnesty to the participants in the rebellion of five years ago. It is remark- able in regard to the two general bills now under discussion that ene, a generous, open- handed absolution, is the offering of Senator Schurz, a lifelong advocate of the principles of the republican party as set forth in the plat- form of the war and ratified on the numberless fields of battle in the South; while the other, a stingy doling out of the crumbs of amnesty, a snarling concession to a great national demand—in fact, an addition and multiplica- tion of penalties under the false pretence of amnesty—is the work of. General Butler, a war republican, who was a zealous democrat until the opening of hostilities drew a longi- tudinal dividing line between the two parties and left Butler on the republican side. These two bills, besides causing very heated debate in the two houses, are enlisting the active interest of the country at large. The Legis- latures of some of the Southern States are instructing their Senators to vote for the measure proposed by Mr. Schurz and request- ing their representatives to faver Mr. Farns- worth’s generous substitute for General But- ler’s bill in the House. Tho _Regroes in the South send memorials favor- ing the generous offering, against the piecemeal pretence, and we doubt not that Senator Revels and Representative Rainey, the two colored men of Congress, will vote for the most generous bill. These are the people most directly interested in the mat- ter. While all Northern people have their sympathies interested one way or another, the people of the South feel the need of amnesty pressing daily upon them personally, or see it pressing upon their near neighbers. They are, therefere, most competent te judge of the expediency of granting full pardon and re- enfranchisement to the men who nine years ago commenced a rebellion and five years ago gave it up, and their voice should have weight, As for General Butler, it must be remem- bered he is what the lawyers call a prejudiced juror. He has already formed his opinion, and has quite likely been influenced in the formation of it by his deep-rooted dislike of the Seuthern people generally. Fort Fisher and Dutch Gap rankle too deeply to leave him unbiassed. One of his principal conditions of amnesty—the cessation of all lawsuits on either side growing out of the war—has a sus- picious look. It seems even quite likely that the diplomatic statesman of Essex is trying to play a ‘sinful game” under cover of amnesty. He has had his own harassing experience of these war litigations—probably more than any other official of the Union army—in fact, he runs a muck of law suits whenever he leaves the House, and he doubtless has the idea in his head of securing amnesty for him- self before he will give it to his enemies. Butler’s bill in a nutshell, then, amounts to about this :—‘‘Cong ress will pardon you (with ten exceptions) if you will pardon Butler,” The Building Slaughter. The investigation as to the causes of the direful calamity resulting from the fall of the piano factory on Thirty-fifth street having been formally commenced by the coroner, the public will scan with anxious scrutiny the tes- timony to be evolved in that investigation. Probably the public verdict has already been pronounced, and that verdict is emphatically against the Inspector of Buildings, Mr. Mac- Gregor, as the one upon whom the fearful re- sponsibility rests. The law is so clear, and his duties under the law are so well defined, that there is absolutely no excuse for permit- ting a building of this kind to be erected. We are well aware that hundreds of buildings are being put up every day just as frailas this one—a fact which only proves that the office ef Inspector of Buildings is either grossly abused by nezlect of duty on the part of the officials connected with it, or that it is a plea- sant sinecure from which Mr. MacGregor and his attachés draw handsome salaries, allowing people to be killed and property destroyed at the disposal of Providence. In the destruction of this building on Thirty-fifth street we have a test case, and we trust that the investigation will be conducted thor- oughly and honestly, The friends of those slain by this sad event, and the public at large, moved by human sympathy for the suf- ferers, demand that the responsibility shall be placed where it belongs. “Have We AN Estaprisnep Crvron ?” asks the Church Journal. It is about time we had some sort of an established insti‘ution that will retard the fearful strides of crime and dissipation inall our great cities. Ifwe do not have an e$- tablished Church let us have an established system of free reading rooms and other places for moral and intellectual cultare, A “True Gzoraian” ror Horrman,—The Atlanta True Georgian comes out in flying colors for Hoffman as the democratic candi- date for President in 1870. The editor, Dr. Sam Bard, was formerly a radical of the worst kind and was appointed by General Grant to the Governorship of the Territory of Idaho, but failed to ebtain confirmation by the Senate. The Doctor came to this city a short time ago ang became dazzled with the magnificeace of Tammany. ‘Solomon in all his glory” never presented so glorious a spectacle to his eye, Being a man utterly incorruptible and of the highest possible personal integrity—perhaps that’s the reason the Senate refused to confirm him—Dr. Bard, with native disingenous- ness, fell into the embrace of the all-potent Tammany Regency, surrendered his radicalism and isnow engaged in sowing the seods of Tammanyism in the South. He is an earnest worker, and the Hoffmanites may congratulate themselves upon having secured an auxiliary so zealous. Christianity in Congress. Every now and then our genial representa- tives in Congress relieve the dry deliberations of the session by exquisite Scriptural humor. On these occasions they study the Bible tho- roughly, cramming with quotations, until the good old family edition in the library looks like a new land survey, with its dog ears and reference marks, Whenever a member makes @ Scriptural quotation the House roars. The members enjoy a Bible joke better than any- thing Joe Miller ever said or Bill Mungen ever had printed in the Globe. If a sweet morsel about Sunday schools or a delicate touch upon the ‘anxious seat” is administered they laugh till tears roll down their cheeks, and if a neat representation of the old-fashioned camp meet- ing is improvised by some especially ambitious joker, like Mr. Lawronce, of Ohio, they clasp their hands over their stomachs and cry “peccavi” at once; while if that member rises to the very pinnacle of wit and humor, as he often does in this line, and actually gives out the lines of a Methodist hymn, the very but- tons of the members’ vests and pants fly off, like poor Peggoty’s back buttons, and they give up without any further effort. The actual comfort and _ instruction that can be got out of a humorous rendition of the Bible is only to be realized by a view of Congress on’ these biblical field-days. Cox, with a few judicious improvements on the old reading, can throw more interest into a Bible sketch than Dr. Clark ever did in his ‘‘Commentaries,” and consequently he induces more people to listen tohim. No donbt the well-timed and witty discussion which Messrs. Cox and Lawrence carried en in the Honse on Thursday, on the subject of mercy and amazing grace, evidently by preconcert, ensnared some few of the unholy members into a knowledge of God's Word which they would never have acquired by their soher Sunday reading or hearing of it. The glorious fact that there is such a book may have been let in even, for the first time, upon the darkened minds of some savage members from the far Western wilds, or some bigamous or dishonest members from even more highly cultivated portions of the Union, Indeed, if these Christian readings had been instituted earlier we might have had a better record of Congressional morality. Mr. Bowen, of South Carolina, and Mr. Batler, of Tennessee, both of whom listened to the jokes on Thursday with unusual zest, might not have so suddenly brought sorrow upon a promising Congressional revival by falling from grace, even into the pits of bigamy and perjury, and, possibly, into the unclean cells of a State prison, They might not, and then again they might. ‘‘What’s bred in the bone will out in the flesh,” and Congressional psalm singing is not likely to have touched the hearts of such as these, Indeed, it is not unlikely that these two may already have leavened the whole lump, and that the crowd of members who find such sport in the new Coxonian reading of the Bible may be permeated through and through with bigamists and frauds. Legislative Deadheads. The proposition pending in Congress for the abolition of the franking privilege brings up the whole question of the deadhead system so prevalently indulged in by the members of State and National Legislatures. Railroad companies, telegraph companies, steamship companies and even express companies are re- markably liberal in extending privileges—that is the polite expression for a very mean and discreditable business—to public men. The great railroad corporations which occasionally require legislative favors take pains to smooth the way tothem by the distribution of annual passes to members and officers of State Legis- latures. The telegraph, steamship and ex- press companies do the same. The extent to which this system of indirect corruption is car- ried en is positively disgraceful to us as a peo- ple, and is calculated to make republican in- stitutions a scoff and a byword among nations whose public mea are of too high a stamp to be approached or affected by such paltry con- siderations. The franking privilege is a es of the same deadhead system. There is no more reason why the mails of a Senator or Congressman should be carried free by the government than his person should be by railroad or steam- ship companies, or than his messages should be by telegraph companies, We are apt to boast of the equality of all men under our in- stitutions, and yet there is no highly civilized country where such inequalities are permitted to exist. Tho Postmaster General shows that nothing but the exercise of the franking privi- lege prevents the reduction of letter postage from three to two cents; and we suppose that, if the deadhead system was abolished by the Weatern Union Telegraph Company, it would not be necessary to increase the rates to those who pay for their messages. Thus the people suffer directly from the ex- istence of this pernicious and most discredi- table system. What they suffer indirectly by its evil influence on legislation may easily be inferred. We hope, therefore, that when members of Congress are placed on the popu- lar level in regard to the mails of the United States,a law may also be enacted declaring the acceptance of deadhead passes from rail- road, steamship, telegraph and other com- panies a penal offence, subjecting legislative and other officlals to expulsion from office. By this means we may escape from what is now a public reproagh to us as a People. Governor 2 HOLDEN goes ‘to his ; impoachment as if he were going to be hanged. On Friday he professed religion and to-day he is to be baptized. He might have entertained some hope, even after he chose to accept thése familiar accompaniments of the scaffold, but he has cut away all chance of safety by securing Ben Butler as his counsel, Ben was the evil genius of his client in the last im- peachment trial he was engaged in, and he is not likely to be more lucky in North Carolina, where the jury he must influence have doubt- less long had an inordinate craving for his blood. Tar Evancenisr (Presbyterian) inquires | whether the present Papal agitation is not a trick ? Suppose it is, Is there any objection to the use of devices to propagate religious seati- ment? If there is, and the objection had pre- vailed in the early days of the world, we are inclined to think we would in the present era have but few well established religious sects. a Staying In Upos Thelr Dignity. Tho familiar phraso of a man standing out upon his dignity is reversed in the case of Callicot, in the Albany Pennitentiary, and O’Baldwin, the pugilist, in the House of Cor- rection, at Boston. They have both been par- doned, but they both refuse to have the prison doors shut behind them and enjoy the light of freedom outside the prison walls. Callicot remains in upon his dignity because he con~ cludes that to accept a pardon would be to. acknowledge that he had committed a crime, which he emphatically denies having com- mitted. Thereforo he leaves the question of his release to a writ of habeas corpus and the wrangling of the lawyers, The gigantic O’Bald- win demurs to the condition appended to his pardon, that he shall quit the virtuous State of Massachusetts withia twenty-four hours, never to retura withio its borders. The Irish giant does not relish this despotism, which smacks of the old blue laws, and, being neither a witch nor a Quaker, he does not see why tho g6od old Christian spirit of the Puritan fathers should be applied to his case; so the burly pugilist stays in on his dig- nity, He holds that to be exiled forever from the enlightened Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the contre suo of all our civilization, is a punishment as terrible as that of Cataline, when he was banished from Rome, or the love-sick Romeo, when he was banished from Verona and Juliet. The best thing O'Baldwin can do now is to persist in refusing this pardon, and stay in prison until his sentence is fulfilled—it is only six moaths more, anyhow—then he can travel over the whole State, free as air, and give lectures on muscular morality, the blue laws, the prize ring and the peculiar Caristianity of ‘‘the Hub.” In this way he might eclipse Beecher and Sumner and Phillips, We question whether he would not be as popular as any of them. A martyr is always @ card in New England. They have made so many of them in that quar- ter that they have learned to appreciate them. O'Baldwin ought to try this plan by all means. There is money in it, too, Tho Irish Deep Sea Fisheries—Industrial Decay in tho Island. At a moment when the government of Great Britain is about to reopea—perhaps reaffirm— its troublesome and belligerent policy towards the people of the United States with respect to the British-American fisheries rights line, it is well to recall the fact that England has at her very door, on the coast of Ireland all round, an abundant, inexhaustible source of wealth in deep sea fisheries which she will not deign to look at—which she neglects even to exhaustion, Here, again, her statesmen show themselves governed by a dog-in-the-manger system of policy; for not only will they not afford encouragement to British capitalists to develop the Irish fisheries, but they. persist- ently prevent the Irish from attempting to do it themselves. The imperial government ob- tained a sole control over the fisheries of Ire- land by the Act of Union. Since the Act came into operation—in the year 1800— the Irish fisheries interests have gone down gradually to pauperization. This fact is made apparent on British official authority. The government Inspectors of Irish Fisheries— Messrs. J. A. Blake, Thomas F. Black and Major Hayes—have just mado their report on the subject for the year 1869. The document shows that the Irish fisheries are languishing to destruction, the able-bodied fishers— the ‘dark men of Connemara” and Baltard and Arran—have either emi- grated to America or given up the work; the boats and tackle are of the most frail and wretched description, and the total de- crease of the property and in hands within the last ten years amounts to 2,697 boats and 10,776 men and boys, They consider that ‘‘no great improvement can be, looked for in the Trish Sea fisheries unless loans are advanced to fishermen for the purchase and repair of their boats and gear.” Their inquiries into the subject of trawling led them to the conclusion that the prohibition against trawling, “while inflicting great injury on fishing enterprise, did net benefit the interests intended to be served.” Not being authorized to expend money in the collection of statistics, the in- spectors ‘found it very difficult to procure trustworthy information regarding the capture of fish; but they ascertained that the take of herrings on the east coast alone in 1869 was over £150,000 worth.” The quantity of oysters taken during the year was about an average not exceeding £50,000 worth. The sal- mon fisheries were most prosperous, and there is a marked increase in the breeding stock in the rivers. The quantity of salmon captured in 1869 was ‘‘far greater thanin the preced- ing year. The amount exported to Liverpool was 11,086 boxes, and to London 8,880 boxes, the former being greater than in any year for the last ten years.” Now, here is a splendid field for the exercise of English governmental care and also for British enterprise. Let the English govern- ment turn its eyes from the Bay of Fundy to the Bay of Galway and then endeavor to do something for the fishermen of Ireland, leay- ing the fishers of America to take care of them- selves. Toe Cuvron Journat grudgingly objects to the confirmation of two or three hundred charity boys inthe Roman Catholic religion, Would it have them grow up in ignorance of the necessity of their making some provision for their future and eternal welfare? Almost any religion is better than none; and it would not be a matter of surprise, if the fact could be ascertained, that these little fellows were made Roman Catholics, not as much from the superior activity of the Catholic clergy as from the laziness or indifference of their Pro- testant brethren, Private Rerarrons of VFarraguT AND Porter.—Jadging from a couple of letters which we gave in yesterday’s Heratp the private relations of the late Admiral Farragut | and Vice Admiral Porter, immediately prior totbe death of the former, were of a very friendly character. ‘This will tend to silence the assiduously circulated reporia of the ex- istence of a pormanent unpleasantness between the two Reval: heroes. Five Mut: Re. 50xs Wuy ROIA Snourp vz PRompriy Reoonstrvotzp—The investment by Senator Cameron of five million dollars iv new banking institutiong in the State. This great ulcer is drawing- {0 moreover, the animated letter o oe Ad respondent in one of our late issues hits the right nail, with exactness also, on the head. He shows that the militia, the armed force of the Territory—which according te law should be under the command and control of the Gov- ernor, and, through him, of federal authority, according tothe general organic law of the Territories—has been always virtually under the command of Brigham Young and his ex- traordinary bishops. He makes it plain that the immediate and pressing exigency now is to vindicate that law and remodel the militia ofthe Territory. In point of fact, his letter suggests that the armed force of the Territory should be virtually federal, and, under the peculiar circumstances of this case, not local atall, The federal courts, therefere, must intervene and sat this matter right as a pre- liminary to the flnal settlement of this vexed and dangerous question. | But this is altogether a tangled skein and will require great patlenco and forbearance. The position of the Union towards Mormon- dom is one which forbids any reckless action, which, in the fanatical state of the Mormons, might so easily lead to deplorable calamities. This is a case for patience and statesmanship. The Union has--quite blamelessly, it could not avoid the mischief—but still it has allowed a large body of fanatical theocratists and poly- gamists to establish itself within its nominal jurisdiction. A vast inierest has grown up, anda social institution, involving the lives and fortunes of tens of thousands of innocent women and children, has been permitted to get a firm grip of a large district. All are agreed that this state of things must cease. But we cannot approve the hasty temper of any man, if such there be, who would not exhaust every art of patient, deliberative statesmanship to insure that it shall cease without bloodshed and the sacrifice of helpless lives. This cam be done if the whole business be manfully faced and the nature of the difficulty be thoroughly studied. The very first condition ef safety would appear to be to accumulate federal troops in the Territory in sufficient force to insure the due execution of the flat of the federal courts in bringing the militia itself under the legal federal control; for it must not be forgotten that the decree of the federal court breaking up the pseudo militia at present in existence has no force to back it except the federal force. That ready obedience to the fiat of the federal judicature which is tze glory of this land cannot, we are expressly told, be reck~- oned on in Utah, where resistance is openly threatened. A decision of tho foderal judge against the present militia might, therefore, in the absence of adequate federal force, pre- cipitate a conflict botween the Gentile and Mormon elements of the population, who already confront each other in a state of growing and perilous exasperation. We sig- nalize this possibility of mischief to the authorilies at Washington; for it would bea subject of great reproach to the President and his advisers if this tragi-comedy of polygamic Mormondom were to end ia a veritable tragedy which would set platform oratory on fira throughout all the land, First we say, and, above all things, let such force be accumulated in Utgh as shall compel Brigham Young and his misguided people to abide by such legislative and executive action as may be taken to break up the system, or else depart bodily with his disciples from the jurisdiction of the Unioa. Let there not be a possibility left to him and his of making an armed resistance which would certainly be put down in the end, and into which it would be almost criminal to tempt him by leaving the armed Union power weak at this critical mo- ment. A-migration en masse is always open to the Mormons instead of submission, though where they could go is very doubtful, Once having strengthened the Union force within the Territory to the point of visible irresisti- bility, we should be free to devise and execute just and comprehensive schemes for abating the whole evil. Upon this point we shall be brief to-day, because we may recur hereafter more fully to this weighty subject, which challenges Chris- tian charity and legislative skill in no common degree, and which it would be a veritable triumph to deal with successfully, We would observe, then, and emphasizes the observation for the benefit of every serious man within the Union, that, so far as we know, there is no precedent in history for tho successful break- ing up by legislative acts of a polyzamic sys- tem. The problem of doing tiris touches upon the most subtle and delicate difficulties with which the legislator and administration have to deal—the regulation of the sexual life which certain men. and women may choose within four walls to lead. The sword it is which in past ages has cut such knots, as when Dominic carried fire and sword through Languedoc in the Middle Ages and exterminated the Albigen- ses, We are certainly not going to use any such means now; and, therefore, we are bound to be patient and thoughtful, to find out what peaceful and legislative means are’ appropriate to accomplishing an object which never yet has been arrived at without massacre, proscription, The thing can be done, we are sati ; and we shall shorily make some suggestions on the subject. The problem, we are satisfied, is not beyond the reach of statesmanship; but it cannot be solved by mere jaws punishing polygamy as such and suddenly summoning to the felon’s dock a set of men whom we have for so many years recognized as proprietors, local officers, and so forth, and whose offeace has been so long condoned. We must approach this question remembering our responsibility for the past; and we are satistied that so dealing with it we can rectify the evil peace fully for the future, At all events, let us so deal with the matter as to be free from all seli-reproach for any calamities that may impend, and so that we may feel that these are not due to carelessness or intemperance on our pari, but to the “pure cussediness” of these incorrigible and embar+ rassing Apostles. Epvoation iw T From the pen of a well informed correspondent we give some interesting particulars in regard to the state of public education in Tenaessee. Ilis sugges~ tions deserve consideration in quarters compe~ ‘ tent for antion in the premises,