The New York Herald Newspaper, December 23, 1869, Page 3

THE ALABAMS, CLAUS, ne Dipiomatic Correspondence on the Subject. Review of Our Grievances by Sec- retary Fish. Instructions to Minister Motley Regard- ing His Course. Letter from Lord Clarendon to Minister Thornton. The British Government Ready to Reopen Friendly Negotiations. WASHINGTON, Deo. 22, 1869, ‘The Presideut to-day sent to tue Senate a reply to the resolution of the Senate of the 20th inst., re- questing the President to communicate to that body, U compatible with the pubdlic mterest, copies of any correspondence between the United States ana Great Britain concerning the questions pending be- tween the two countries since the rejection of the claims convention by the Senate. Mr. Fish to Mr, Motley. ract.] PARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINUTON, May 1, 1569, Sin— Your predecessur has aireaay been directed to notuy Lord Ciarendon that the Senate has re- used its aavice and consent to the ratification of the convention signed at London on the ith of Stnuars jagt tor the settlement of ali outstanding claims. Under some circumstances the announcement made to your predecessor of the rejection of this Convention might be suilicient; but the. maguituce of the claims involved and ‘he gravity of tie ques- Vions depending between the two governments re- quire more (han the mere announcement io which the delicacy of his own relations to the negotiation limited the directions to him. The government m Tejecting the receat conveution abandon neither its own Claims nor thuse of its citizens, nor the hope of an early sausiactory and friendly settlement of we questions depending between the two governments. You will so say to Lord Clarendon, or im your discreaon you may further — proceed to communicate the views given — below. The terms of the convention having by accident became known to the public in this coun: ‘try beiore the action upon it by the Senate, were disapproved by the people with an approach to unanimity that foreshadowed, possioly, even a less favorable vote on tae question of ratifcation than Was actually given, This adverse judguient, wuile Unantmous or nearly so, i 148 conclusion. was not reached by any siagle train of argument nor from any one standpoint of policy, nor with any single standard of estimate or the claims, either of Lue nation or of its cilizens, nor with tne same degree of importance attached to various points that have been discussed im the correspond- euce referred to in the convention. Various sources furnished currents runaing through dillerent aud Widely separate chauneis, but meeting to form one common sirain of nought, both wiih the people and in the Senute—dittevent Winds viewing it from dif- ferent standpoinis—eacn measuring by 1tsown siand- ard and judging in its own way, arrived at te one conclusion, ‘Ine time aud the circumstances under Wich the conveution Was negoliaced were very un- favorable to its accepiauce either by the peopie or by the Senute. ine nation had just emerged Jrom its periodical choice of @ Cuief Magis- trate, and having cuanged the de ository of ts contidence and its puwer, lucked with no favor on an attempt at the setwement of the great and grave quesuons depending by those on ae eve of reliring fiom power, Wichout consulting or considering the views of the ruler recently en- trosted with their confidence, and without com- Mmunicution with the Senate, to Wnuse approval tie treaty would be consticuuonaliy submitied, or with auy of its members, If is WhoUy unuecessary to Bay to statesmen of the intelligence wiich always marks Wose of the British empire that ihe rejecuon of a treaty by the Seuate of Lue Untied Stated implies no act of discourteay to the goverument with Wuich the treaty may have beea negotiated. ‘The United states can eater into no treaty Without the advice and cou- sent of the Senate, aud tbat advice und consent to be inteilivent must be discrininaung, and their refusal can be no Subject Of complaint wad can give BO Occasion ior dissatisiagtiva or crilicisin. On the 12th of May, 1503, a couvention between the United states aud Great Britata tor setthuag (he boundaries on our nortieusiera and northwesvera frontier was signed at London by Mr, Kufus King and Lord Huessesbury, on the part of their respeci- ive governments, and submiciea to the Sevate vy President Jeierson, With @ message oi the ith of October in that year. Lhe Seaate approved of the couvention, but upon tue condition that the filth article suould be expunged—a condition which was hever complied with. Upon one pomt the President aud the Senate and the overwhelming muss of the peopie are convinced, nameily—tuat the conven- lon, from its character and terms, or from the time of 1 negotiation or from the circumstances attending its negotiation Would not lave rewoved the sense of existing gri¢vance, would not have afiorded real subsiantial sausiacuon to the people, Would not have proved a hearty, cordial settlement of the pending questions, but would have lett a feeling of dissatisiaction imcvusistent with the rela- ons Which the President desires to nave firimiy estab lished between two great nations of common origin, common language and objects in the aa- vancement of the civilization of the age, Tie i resi- dent beiieves the rejection of the convention to have been in we interest of peace and in (ne direction of a more perfect and cordial ftrendsiip between the two countries, and im this belief he fuily approved the action of the Zenate. ‘that action 18 quite recent, and has been the cause of some excite- Ment and popular discussion on both sides of the Atlantic, and possibly of some little disappointment, 4 not of irritation, m Engiand. The tone ot the press and the prociatwed opimons of some public men ineach country suggest that the present is hot ihe most hopeful moment to enter upon a re- newed discussion either of the objections to the Jately proposed convention or of the basis Of a re- newed negotianon, A suspension of the discussion on these questions for a short time will allow the subsidence of any excitement growing out of the negotiation or rejection of the treaty, and will ena- ble the two governments to approach the more readily -to @ solution of their diderences, But in communicating with Lord Clarendon you Will be particular to assure him that the desire on our partis that thelr suspension be limited to the Bhoriest possiple time consistent with its object. Th esivent hopes that her Majesty’s government will view the propriety of the suspension in ine same livntin which he proposes 1t—as whoily in the interest and solely with a view to an early and Jriendly settlement of the quesuon between Wie two governments. He hopes that when the question shall again be considered it may comport with the views of her Majesty’s government to embrace ‘within the scope of the negotiation some agreement by the two governments deiining thelr respective Tights and duties as neutrals, in case the other government became, unfortunately, involved in war with «a turd power. the avsence of some agreement or definition on this subject was among the causes leading to the rejection of the recent conventiou, under whitch, had it beea adopted by the two countries nove of the gTave questions which have arisen would have been passed upon by a triounal whose decision either party, much less other nations, would regard aa authority 80 a8 to prevent repetition or retaliation, It might, indecd, well have occurred in the event of the selection by lot of the arbitrator or umpire, in dif. ferent cases involving, however, precisely the same principles that diferent awards resting upon antag- onjatic prmciples might have been made. If, how- ever, the two great leading maritime commercial na- uons of the world establish a& rule to govern vhemselves, each with respect to the other, they way reasonably hope Wiat their conciusion wil be accepted by the other powers and wilt hecome for the lature recognized as a part of the public law of the civilized world. The President recognizes the right of every pow when a civil conflict has arisen within another State and has attained a sum- cient complexity, tuagn.tude and conpieteuess, to define its own relations and those of its citizens and subjects Lowards Lie parties to the conflict, 80 far #s (their rights aud lalerest are necessary affected by the confict, The necessity and propriety of the original concession of belligerency by Great Britain at the time it was made have been contested and are not admitted, They certainty aro questionable; bat the President regards that conces- blon as a part of the case ouly 80 Jar As It shows the Deginning and the antus of that course of conduct Which resulted so disastrously to the United States. It tw important tm that tt foreshadows subsequent events. There were other uations that acted con- eous with Bngland in making & similar concession; but it was in England only that the concession Was supplemented by acts causing direct Gamage to tho Uniced States. ‘The President t# careful to make this discrimina- tion, becuuse he 1s anxious as much as possible to simplify the case and to bring into view these sub- sequent acts, which areso important to determining ‘te question between the two countries. Lam, air, your obedient servant, ILTON FiStt. IN . To Jonn Lornror MoTLEY, i Mr. Fish to Mr. Motley. (Extract 23:] DErARTMENT OF STATR, WASHINGTON, June 28, Tab, } 8in—The President wishes that whenever negotin- Wons or dixcusmons on the sibject ci the “Atapama plaims.” so called, shall be renewed they be con- sidered in the United States, and he desires that at the proper me you should convey wish to the Fo La of Forega Adair, 108 impossibie to pay "iin nnary ot tas t en that time will arrive, but it will Piive arrived whenover the British goveru ment Fall propose a discussion, or shell intumave & desire to reopen the negotiation. Lan, sir, your onedient servant, HAMILTON FISH, To Joun Lornxor Mortey, Esq. Mr. Fish to Mr, Motley. ak iene ore JHINGTON, 2 -mpon your amaaion the the most hopeful to enter upon renewed di Fr negotiations with the government of Great Britaim on the subject of the claims of this government against that of her Majesty, aud you were instructed to bre hd Lord Clarendon the opinion of the President that a sus- pension of the discusston for a short wliow the subsidence of any é: growing out of events then recent, and might enable the two governments to approach more rea- dily toa solution of their differencea’ You have informed me that Lord Clarendon suw no objection to tms course, and agreed with you that it would be well to give time for emotions which had been ex- cited of late to snbside. ‘Ine President is inclined to believe that sufficient time may have now elapsed to allow subsideuce of those emotions, and that thus 16 may be opporwune and conveni at the present coujuncture 'o place in your hands for appropriate use'a dispassionate exposition of the just causes of compiainy of the government of the United States against that of Great Britam. In order to do this in a satisfactory manner 1 18 to 20 back to the very beginning of the acts events which have in their progress and consummation so much disturbed tue otherwise amicable relations of the two governinents. When tn the winter of 1860 and 1861 certain States of Ure Ainerican Unton undertook, by ordinances of secession, to separate themeelves irom the others aud to constitute of their Own volition and by force ® new And independentrepublic, under the name of tue Contederate States of America, there existed be- tween Great Britain and the United states @ condi- tion of profound peace; their political relations were professedly and apparently of the most friendly cha- racter, and their comtuercial and financial relations: were a8 close and intimate in fact as they see:ned to be cordia! in spirit—suci as became the two great liberal, progressive and maritime and commercial Powers of the world, Associated as they were by strong ttes of common interest, language and traci- Uuons the government of the United States nad no reason to presue that the amicaoie sentiment of the British government would be diminished or otherwise prejudiciaily affected by the occurrence ol comestic Insurrection witnin the Unived States any wore than those of the latter had been impaired by the occurrence of the rebellion in British India, or might be impaired by such occurrence elsewhere iM the cominion of Great Britain, Least of atl, couid the government of the United Svates antici- pate hostilty towards 1% and special friendship Jor the msurgents of the seceding States in view of the inducements and objects of that insure rection, which avowedly, and ag every states- man, whether in Europe or America, well kuew, and as the very earliest mention, of the insurrection in the House of Commons Indicated, were to secure the establishment of a perpetual and exciusive slavenolding republic. In such @ contest the government of the United Biaies was entitied to expect the earnest good will, syuipathy and moral support of Great Britain. It was with painful astonishment, thereiore, that the United States government received information of the decision of her Majesty’s government which had aiready been made, on the 6th day of May, 1861, and was announced on that day in the House of commons by her Ministers, and was followed by the issue op the 13th of May, 1861, of a proclama- tion which, in effect, recognized the insur- gents as a belligerent power and raised them to the same level of neutral rights with the United States. The President does notdeny, on the contrary he maintains, that every sovereign Power decides for iseif, on its responsi- bility, the agen whether or not it will at a given lume accord the status of belligerency to the insur- gent subjects of another Power, as the larger question of the Indepeudenuce of aach subjecta and their accession to the family of sovereign States. But the rightruiness of sach an act depends on the occasion and the circumsiances, and 16 is an act like the sovereign act of war. which the morality of the public law and practice requires should be dehber- ale, reasonable and just in relerence to surrounding jacts, Dational belligerency, indeed, like nationai independence, being but an existing fact officially recognized as such, without which such @ deciara- Uon is Only the indirect manifestation Of @ particular hue of policy, ‘ihe precipitancy ot vhe declaration of the Queen’s government, as Nr. Bright characterized it, the re- markable celerity, undue and unirienaly haste with which it was made, appears in its having been de- termined on the 6vh of May, four days prior to the arrival im London of any official knowledge of the President's proclametion of April 17, 1861, by refer- ence to which the Queen’s prociamation has since been defended, and that it was actually signed on the 13ih of May, the very day of the arrival of Mr. Adams, the new American Minister, a6 if in the par- Ucuiar aim of forestalling and preventing expiana- nations on the pee of the United States. ‘Ihe pre- matureness of Une measure 1s further shown by the very tenor of the proelamation, which sets torch its own reason, namely:—* Whereas hostilities: have unhappily commenced Getween tle United tales of Auierica and cersain States styling tuem- seives ‘he Confederate States of America.’”” More- over it 18 not pretended by the proclamation tat war exisis, but unly a contest, im reierence to which 1t ig not auumportant to note that the language used is such as woulda ftly apply to parties wholly inde- pendent one of the other, #0 a8 thus to negative or to Suppress at least the critical circumstances that tiis bare commencement of hostiitties, this incipient con- lest, Was a inere Goimesuc act of Insurrection withm the United Siates, But Wat which conclusively shows the unseasonanie precipitaacy of the measure is the fact that on that day (May 13, 1861) and, in- veed, unui long altcrwards, not @ battle had been fought between the lasurgents and the United States, nora combat even, save the soiltary and isolated avtack on Fort Sumter. Did such a bare commence- ment of nostilities col ly not ‘there was at that time no such thing as a population elevated into a force and by the prosecu- luon of war, which Mr. Canning points out as the test of belligerent condition, The assumed vel- ligerency of the insurgents was @ dction—a war on paper only, not the seid; lke @ paper blockade, the anticipation of @ supposed belligerency to come, but which might never have come if not thus an- Ucipated and encouraged by the Queen’s govern- ment, Indeed, ag forcibly put by Mr. Adams, the Queen's deciaration had the effect of creating pos- Lerlor beligerency instead of merely acknowledging au actual fact, and that belligerency, so far as 1t was maintained, proceeded from the ports of Great Britain and ber dependencies alone, with the aid and co-operation of the subjects of Great Britain. ‘fhe government of the United States, that ot Great Briuviin aud other European Powers, had repeatediy had occasion to consider thia question im all its bearings. It was perceived that the recognition of belligerency on the part of the insurgents, although not so serious an Act as the re- cogniuoa of independance, yet might well be preju- dictal to the legitimate government, and therefore be regarded by it as an actof untriendliness, It was @ step, therefore, to be taken with thoughtfulness and with due regard to exigent circumstances. Governments had waited montus, sometimes years, in the face of actual hostilities, without taking this step. But the circumstances might arise to call for it Aship of the insurgents might appear in we port of the neutral, or a collision might occur at sca imposing on the neutral the necessity to act, or actual hostilities might have continued to rage in the theatre of insurgent war; combat after combat might have been fought for such a period of time; a mass of men may have engaged in actual war until they should have acquired the consistency of military power, to repeat the idea of Mr. Canning, go as evi- dentiy to constitute the fact of belligereucy, and to justly the recognition by the neutral, or the near- ness Of the seat of hostilities to the neatral may com- pel the Jatter to act on either of these contingencies. she neutral would have @ right to act; it might be iis sovereign say vo act, however iconventent such action should be to the legitimate government. ‘There Was no such fact of necessity, no such fact of continued and flagrant existing hostilities to jus- tify tue action of Great Britain in the present case. Hence the United States feit constrained at tue time to regard the proclamation as the sign of a p of uniriendliness to them and of friendliness to the Insurgents, wich purpose could not fail to agravate ali the @vils Of the pending contest, to strengthen the insurgents and to embarrass Lhe legitimate gov- ernment. And soit proved, For, as ume went on, as the insurrection from political cause at lengih to be military, as the sectional controversy in the United States proceeded to exhibit itself, 1 the organization of great armies and fleets and in the prosecution of hostilities on @ scale of giganuc Magnitude, then it was that the spirit of the Queen's prociamation saowed itself in the event, seeing that by virtue of that proclamation maritime enterprises In the ports of Great Britain, which wouid otherwise nave been piratical, were rendered Jawiui, end w the eud contin to be the arsenal, the navy yard and the treasury of the insurgeat con: federates. A spectacle was thus presented wituout precedent or paraiiél in the history of civiized na- lions. Great Britain, aliuough the professed friend of the United States, yet in time of avowed internal peace permitied armed cruisers’ to be fitted out a@ad harbored and equipped m her porta to crawe against \ne merchant ships of the United States, and to burn and destroy them until our maritime commerce was swept frou we ocean, The merchant vessels were destroyed particularly by capiors who had no ports of their own in whicn to refit or to condemn prizes, and whose only nationality was the quarter decks of their ships, bulit aud despatched Ww sea. and, though seldom in name, stil professedly owned in Great Britain, Karl Russell truly said, “it go hap- Sin—When Moment was not t pens that in this conflict the Confederates have no’ ports except those of the Mersey and the Clyde Irom which to send out ships to cruise against the federals.” . The nuinber of our ships thus directly destroyed amounted to nearly two hundred, and tho value of property to many millions, Indirectly whe effect was to increase the rate of insurance 1a tue United States, to diminish exports ana imports aod otherwise obstruct domestic industry aud produc- tion, and to take away from the United States ita immense forefgn commerce and vw transfer this to the merchant vessels of Great Britain; so tuat whiie in the year 1860 the { merchant tonnage of the United States amounted 2,646,237 had, sank to 1,402,023 tons. ‘This de represented by @ corresponding increase nage of Great Britain during the same period to the amount Of 1,120,650 tous, and the amount of com- merce abstracted from the United States and trana- quil greater the United of Great Britain by Brivsh name of the Conlederates. Qobden, in tye House of Commons, characterized by these very words the acts permitted or syfered by the Brittsh government. verou have been Carrying on war from these shores against the United tes,” he said, ‘and have been Jndlesng. an amount of damageon the country grea’. jan would havo been produced by many ormary wars.” ‘The gravity of these may be appreciated by pgeey | what hi pened at other periods. Tn the jactér the war of the French revo- jution Great Britain was compelled to stram every Rerve to maintain herself t the power of Napoleon, In ts, by & sort of war in disguise, she trespassed §=on the of neutrals with special prej ts pt judice of the United States, to the result, at length, of solemn war between the two nations; but neither in the events which. preceded that war nor in the events of the war itself did the United States suffer more at tie hands of Great Britain than we did by the late re- pellion by the aid, direct or indirect, which she al- lorded to the Confederate insurgent States; for while on the ocean our merchant service was destroyed by cruisers sent out from Great Britain, aud our mill- lary service was mainly occupied in watching and counter Working the blockade runners fitted out in Great Britain by the official agents of the insurgents, on the land jt was in like manver the muniuons of war and the wealth drawn by we insurgents from Great Britain which enabled them to with- stand, year after year, the arms of the United states. In the midst of all this remonstrances of the govern- ment of the United States were prompt, earnest and | atm Our Minister in London appealed to the international amity of the Hritish goverument. He ealled on 1 to discharge its obligations of neutral- ity. He invoked the aid of the municipal laws of Great Britain. Ample proofs of the wrongs com- mitted were submitted vo the Queen’s government. Indeed, these wrongs were open, notorious, perpetrated in the face of day—the sub- ject of debate and boast even in the House of Commons. ‘The Queen’s Ministers excused themselves by alleged defects in the municipal law of the country. Learned counsel either advised that the wrongs committed did not constitute violations ot the municipal law or else gave sanction to artful Gevices of deceit to cover up such Violations of law, ahd, strange to 8a. the courts of England or of Scotland, up to the very highest, were occupied month after month with judicial technicalities of statue constructions In this respect, while the Queen's government itself, inciuding the omnipotent Varliament, which might have settled these questions im one hour by appropriate legislation, sat with folded arms, as if unmindtul of its international obligations, and safe ship alter ship to be constructed in its porta to fe War on the United states, We hoid that the international duty of the Queen's govern- ment in this respect was above and independent of the municipal laws of England, it was a sovereign duty, attaching to Great Britain as @ sovereign power. The municipal law was but a means of re- ressing Or punishing individual wrongdvers, ‘The law of nations Was the true and proper rule of duty for the government. if the municipal laws were de- fective, that was a domestic mconvenience of con- cern only to the local government and for it to remedy or not, by suitable legislation, as it pleased, But no sovereign power can rightfully plead the de- fect of its own domesticzpenal statutes as justifica- uon or extenuation of an international wroug done to auother sovereiga power, When the defects of the existing laws of Parlia- ment had become apparent the government of the United States earnestly entreatea the Queen’s Minis- ters to provide the required remedy, as it would have been easy to do by a proper act of Parliament. Bub this the Queen’s government refused. The United States, at an early day.in their history, bad set the example of repressing violations of neutrality w the prejudice of Great Britain by thetr own authority, and in the dischar; of their own nauonal duty without waiting for the assistance Ot muuicipal statute. They alterward enacted Buch statutes for their own convenience and as an attestation of their good faith toward other nations; and on special occasions where defects were per- ceived in Buch cages we enacted new ones to meet the case, not deeming that such legislation was de- Togatory to our public dignity, but on the contrary conceiving that in so doing we best consulted the highest dictates of national dignity, self-respect and public honor, and if Great Britain had so under- ‘stood her national duty on this occasion she would have done much to save tne countries from the present controversy and all its possibie conse- ences. Once before in its intercourse with the United States the Queen’s government had fallen into the error of assuming that municipal laws con- stitute the measure of international rights and obli- gations, That is to say, When official agents of the british government attempted to enlist military re- cruits in the central counties of Prussia, the United States and elsewhere ior service against Kussia, on the hypothesis that if the pronibinons of municmal law could be evaded that would suilice, overiooxing the paramount considerations of the respect due vo the sovereign rights of the neutral Power, so on the present occasion the Queea’s Ministers seem to nave cominitted the error of assuming that they needed not to look beyond their own local laws, ex- ecuted for their own domestic convenience, and might under cover of the deficiencies of that law aie thelr sovereign duties toward another soverfign Power, Nor was it in onr judgment any adequate excuse for the Queen’s Mintsiers, Who profess extreme ten- derness of private rights, or apprehension of actions for damages in Case of any attempt to arrest the ‘ships which either in Bngiand or Scotland were with ostentation publicly pelug constructed to cruise against the Uniled States. Sareiy that Was an imagiaary diiliculty, or uf a real one it pre- sented the election between a serious complicauon of relations with the United States and the hazard of @ legal confict with John Laird and Charles Kunn Prioleau. But the government of the United States has never been able to see the force or this alleged dtmMiculty. The common law of England ia the common law of the United States, In botn countries, and certainly in Engiand, revenue seizures are made daily and ships prevented from going to sea on much less cause of suspicion than attached to the suspected ship of the Coniederates, In both coun- tries, and not Jess in England, the previous order of the government for its subsequent ee oon covers the acts of the subordinate officers. {ao voth coun’ tries, or if not in England assuredly tn the United States, under municipal laws, in this be- halt substauttally che same, the government finds no. dificulty in arresting ships charged with actual or intended violations of the sovereign rights Or neutral duties of the States. Signal examples of tnis occur in the history Of the United States. ‘nus, during the great war between Great Britain and Kussia, on complaints with affidavits filed by the British Consul at New York charging tuat the bark Maury was being equipped there a3 a belligerent cruiser, on this (and far less evidence than the American Consul at Liver- pool exhibited against the Alabama), the bark Maury ‘Was arrested withm an hour by telegraphic order from Washington. Other examples of tne decision and promputude in maimtenance of sovereign hes and in discharge of the neutral duties of the United States have occurred, as well known, under both the last and the Present adwinistrations; nay, at every period in our history the government of the United States hay not been content with preventing the depariure of ships Htted out in violation of neutrality, and with putting @ stop to military recruitments aud expedt- tious of the same nature, but has further smanifested 1ta good falth in its respect for its own sovereignty and laws by prosecuting crimmally the guilty par- ties, Examples of this occur in the early stages of the war of the French revolution; on the occasion of the insurrection of the Spanish-American Conti- nental provinces, and of the revolutionary Movements tu the Spanish-American repub- lics, and on various other occasions, welud- ing’ the existing insurrection im Cuba. But although such acts of violation of law were frequent in Great Britain and susceptible of complete techni. cal proof, notoriously flaunted directly in the face of the world, varnished over, if at all, with the shai- lowest pretexts of deception, yet no efticient step appears to have been taken by the British govern- ment to enforce the execution of its municipal laws or to vindicate,the majesty of 118 outraged sovereign power, and the government of the United States cannot believe it would conceive itself wanting in Tespect for Great Britain to impute tuac the Queen’s Ministers are #0 much hampered by judicial difficul- ties that the local administration 16 thus reduced to such @ state of legal impotence as to deprive the gov- ernment of capacity to upbold Its sovereignty against local wrongdoers, or 168 neutrality as regards other sovereign Powers. If, indeed, 16 were so the causes of reclamation on the part of the United States would only be the more positive and sure, for the law of nations assumes that each goverament ts capable of ent it its international ovitgations; and, perchance, if it be not, then the absence o: suci Capability is itself a spectiic ground of respon- sibility jor consequences. But the Queen’s govern- Ment would not be content to admit, nor will the government of the United States presume to impute to it such political organization of the British em- pire as to imply any want of legal ability on its part to discharge in the ampieat manner ail its duties of sovereiguty and amity towards other Powers. itremains only in this relation to sefer to one Other point, namely, the question of negligence. Neglect on tne part of officers of the British govern- ment, whether Superior or subordiuate, to detain Confederate cruisers, and especially tae Alabama, the most successfal of the depredatora on the com: merce of the United States, on this point the »Prest- dent conceives that little needs now to be said for Various cogent reasons. First, tne matter has been extnuatively discussed already by the Departinent or by the successive American Ministers. If the question of negligence be discussed with frankness, it must be treated in this instance as a case of ex- treme negligence, which Sir Wiliam Jones has taught us to regard as equivalent or approximate to evil intention. The question of negligence, therefore, cannot be presented without danger of thuught or language disrespectiui towards the Queen's ministers and the President, while purposing, of coursé, on his sense of va requires to sustain the rights of the United States in all their utmost ampii- tude; yet intends to speak and act in relation to Great Britain in tho same spirit of international re- spect which he expects of her in relation to tho United States; and he is sincerely desirous that all discussions between ¢| uments may be eo con- ducted not only revent any agyravation of existing diMouities, but to lead to such reasonabie and amicable determination as best becomes two great nations of common origin and conscious dig. nity and strength. [ asstime, therefore, mit. ting detatied discussion in this reapect thet the neg. lgence of the officers of the British government, tn the mateer of the Alabama, at least was gross and inexcusable, and such as indisputably to de- volve on that government full responsi- for all the committed Indeed this conclasion seers, in effect, to be conceded in Great Britain. At all events the United States conceive that the proofs of Reg! 0 in the matter are so clear nO room, remains for debate on that eee ‘and that it sould be taken for granted in ail future negotiations with Great Britain. It ia impossibie not w compare and contrast the conduct of tue Stpres general, a4 10 NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1869—TRIPLE SHEET. es ee le ee” ee een! gards Great Britain. Op the occaston of the revolt of the Britian colonies with that of Great Britain, a8 the ingurrection in the Southern States, no fieets were filtea out by America in the ports of the Netueriapda to prey on the commerce of Great Bri- tain, Only tn a single instance did American cruisers have temporay rage in Texel. Year alter year the exports of manttions of war lor the Netherlands were forbiiden by the States General, the more completely to fulfil) the duty of amity and neutrality towards Great Britain. But, nevertheless, Great tain treated @ declaration of neutrality by the States General, and tne observance of that deciara- tion a8 @ suflicient cause of war against the Nether- lands, prior to which the British government con- tinually complamed of the occasional supplies derived by the colontes from the isiand St. Kusta- tius. How light im this respect would have been the burdens of the United States during the late insur- rection if Britisn aid had been confined to @ contraband commerce between the ineur- gents and the port of Nassau. Not such i6 the complaint of the United States against Great Britain. We complain that the insurrection in the Southern States, if it did not exist, Was continued and obtained iss enduring vitality by means of the resources it drew from Great Briain. We complain that by reason of the tmperfect dis of its neutral duties on the part of the Queen’s govern- ment Great Britain became tne military, naval and financial basis of the insurgent Warfare Zainst the United States. We compiain iN bat destruction of our fiiércbant warine by kritish ships, manued by British seamen, armed with British guns, despatched from British dock- ‘ardé, sheitered and harbored im Britian ports. fe complain that by reason of tue policy and acts of the Queen's Ministers injury inealculable was in- ficved on the United States. Nevertheless the United States manfully and reso- lutely cucountered ali the great periis and difiultes Of the situation, foreign and domestic, and over- came them. We endured wiih proud patience the manifestation of hostility there, where we had ex- pected friendsiip in Engiand, the protagonist of the abolition of negro servitude, in order to perpet- wate which the Soutiern states had secedett from the Uuion, We entered on & great war, involving sea and ijand; we marched to the field with hunireds of thousands of soldiers and expended thousands of millions to treasure for their support; we lavished the biood of our Dravest and beat in battle as i it were but water; we subniitted to all privation without a mur- mur; we staked our lives, our fortunes and our honor on the issue of the compat, and, by the bleas- ing of God, we came out of the deadiy struggle vic- torionus, and, with courage proved. strength unim- paired, power augmented and our place fixed among the mations Kecond to none, we may without pre- sumption say in the civilized world, Providence had smitied on our sacrifice and our exertions, and in the hour of supreme triai we leit that white mindful of good Will shown us by frieadly Powers in the hour of trial, we could afford to account in moderation wita others which, like Great Britain, had, as we thought, speculated improvidently and to their own discomt- ture on the unexpected dismemberment and dowafall of the great American republic. As to Great Britain we had special and pecaliar causes of grief. She had prematurely, as we deemed it, and without adequate reason, awarded the status of belitgerency to our insurgents. But the act of Itself and by its inco- herent nature was of neutral color and an act which, however we might condemn it in the particular case, we could not deny to be of the competeacy of a soverign State, Other Eu- ropean governments also recognized the peiliger- ency of the insurgents, but Great Britain alone had translated a measure indefinite of itself into one of definite wrong to the United States as evinced by the consiant and efficient aid tn ships and muni- tions of war which she furnisted w the Conlea- erates, and in the permission or negiigeuce whicn enabled Confederate cruisers “from ber ports to prey on the commerce of the United States. Great Britain atoue had founded on that recognition @ systematic maritime war against the United States, and this to eiect the establishinent of aslave govervinent, as to which Mr. Brignu might weil say, “We supply the ships, we supply the arms, the munitions of war. We gave aid and comfort to the foulest of crimes, English- men only do it.’” Thus, What in France, in Spain, as their subse- juent couduct showed, had becn an untimely and il-judged act of political manifestation, had 1m Eng- Jana, as her subyvequent conauct showed, been a virtual act of war. We reflected that the Confed- erates had no ships, no means of building ships, no mechanical appliance, no marine, no legal status on the sea, no open seaports, no possible courts of prize, no domestic command of the instruments and agencies of modern mantime warfare, We asked ourselves, ‘What would the Queen’s government have said if the United States had awarded the rights of beliigerency to insurgenis in India or io ireiand in the sane ctreumstances—that is, on the occurrence of a singis act of rebel nostility—aod had bestowed upon them their only means of mari- time as well as territorial warfare against Great Britam In truth, wiele in the hour of their great triumph, the United States were thankiully inclined to senti- ments of moderation, both at home aud abroad, tor AU nome no man has suifered death for political causes. We were thus more inciimed to modera- tion, especially as regards Great Britatn, in view of the enormity of the wronga we had sustained, and the Copsagyent, dimeulty of measur. vag the reparation ave, m if sincerely profiered by the Queen’s government, We desire? no war with England. We shvink from the thonght of another Justrum of fratricid#l carnage like that through which we had just passed, with no change in the conditions of war, but the substitution on the one side of misguided Englisninen in place of misguided Americans. We preferred, if possible, to find some satisfaction of our great grievance by peaceful means, consistent alike with the honor of Great Britain and of the United States, The influence of this condition of mind is apparentin ail the discussions of the subject by or under the instruction of this department during the preceding aiministrations of the government. It resuited in egrnest efforts on our part to deter- mine the controversy by arbitrauion tn the interest of peace and of tuternational good will, which efforts, if promptly met by the Queen’s Minister in the spirit m woich they were made would ong since bave removed the present controversy from the field of aipiomacy ond effectually harmonized the relations of the United Staves with Great sritain. But the amicable advances of the United States to dispose of the qnestion by arbitration were at the start, and persistently long afterwara, met by Lord Russell, in the name of the Queen’s government, with subtleties of reservaiion and exception, the effect of which would have been, Instead of closing up the controversy, to leave us i a condition worse than before and more perilous to the cause of peace. The + government of the United States has never nm abie to appreciate the force of the reasons alleged in support of gnch reservation aud exceptions, When one Power demanas of another the redress of alleged wrongs, and the latter entertains the idea of arbitration as the means of settling the question, {6 seems irra- tional to insist that the arbitration snall be a quait- fled and limited one through apprehensions lest, peradventure, there might thus be implication that such wrongs had been committed by intention, and that such implication would be injurious to the honor of the wrong doing government. On these premises arbitration may be the means of ad- justing immaterial national wrongs but not matertal ones; that 14 tosay, if the grievances be serious the two nations must of necessity go to war, while neltner desires it, which would be an absurd conclusion. Lord Stanley and Lord Claren- don appear to have scen this and therefore to have regarded the particular question with More correct estimations of its incidents than Lord Russell, and thereupon to have admitted ag theory comprehensive arbitration concerning ali questions between the governments. Bnt the con- vention which in this view was negotiated by the Karl of Clarendon and Mr. Reverdy Johnson did not rove satisfactory to the Senate of the United States, ‘tis well known to the government of Great Britain that the President and the Senate of the United States are distinct powers of the government, aaso- ciated in the conclusion of treaties and in the ap- pointment of public officers, but not dependent one on the other, nor of necessity entertaining the same opinion on pubife questions. Each act in ee ale convictions of duty and of right, and the Senate has the same absolute power to reject a treaty as the President has to negotiate one, Of course, it 1s not necessarily incumbent on the President to express approvai or disapproval of an act of the Senate; but the President deems tt due to the Senate, to himself and to the subject, to declare that he concurs with the Senate in disapprov- ing of that convention. His own particular reasona for this conclusion are sufficiently apparent in this despatch. In addition to these general reasons, he thipks the provisions of the convention were inadequate two provide reparation for the United States in the manner and to the de to wnich he considera the United States entitled to re- dress. Otoer and special reasons for the same con- clusions have been explained tn. a previous des- patch, such, namely, as the time and circumstances of the negotiation, the complex character of the proposed arbitration, its chance agency and resnits, and Its failure to determine say principle or other- wise tofixona stabie foundation the relations of two governments, The Presidentis not yet prepared to pronounce on the question of the indematties which he thinks were due by Great Britain to individual citizens of the United States for the destractioa of their prop- erty by rebel cruisers fitted out in the ports of Great Britain, nor is he now prepared to speak of the reparation which he thinks due by the British government for the longer account of the vast na- Mona) injuries {t bas inflicted on the United States; nor doea he attemptgnow : measure the relative effect of the various causes of injury, and whether, by_the untimely recognition of beiligerency, by suffering the fitting out of rebel cruisers, or by the supply of ships, arms and munitions of war to the confederates or otherwise, in whatever man- ner; hor does tt fall within the scope of this despatch to discuss the imporcant changes in the rules of the ee law, the desirableness of whicn has been emonstrated by the incidents of the last few years, now under consideration, and which in view of the maritime prominence of Great Britain and the United States it would betit tnom to mature and pro- to the ovher States of Chrisieudom, All these are subjects of future consideration, which, when the time for action shall arrive the President will with sincere and earnest devre whe differences between the two be adjusted amicably and compatibly with the honor of each and to the promouse ot future concord between them, to which end he will spare no efforts within tho vont of his Cy sta duty to che right and interest of the United At the present stage of con- wo the sole object of the President is to state the tion atid maintain the actitude of the United States in the various relations and aspects of this grave controversy with Great Britain. It ig the object 4 this paper, which you are at liberty to read w Lord Clarendon, to save calmly 3 sentiments which her Majesty's government most Cordially and sincerely reciprocate, The govern- ment of her Majesty, equally with the government of the United States, earnestly desires that al) differ- ences between the two nations may be adjusved amicably and compatiolv with the honor of each, and that all causes of future differ. ence between them may be prevented, and they would heartily co-operate wit the gov- ernment of the Unitea States, and in layiwg down as between theinselves and recom- mending for adoption by other maritime nations such principles of maritime law as might obviate the recurreuce of similar causes of diftcrences ve- tween them; aud it 18 because they earnestiy desire and aiephailonesely. ane with @ more unreserved tree- dom than might be used in one addressed directly tothe Queen’s government, » hat this government seriously considers the injuries it has suffered. it ia not written in the nature of a claim, for the ‘United States now makes no demands it her Majesty's government on account of the injuries they feel that they have sustained, Although the Unwed States are anxious for a settlement on @ lib- eral and comprehensive basis of all the questions which now interfere with the cordial relations which they deaire to exist between the two gov- ernment, rag do not now propose or desire to set any time for this settlement, On the contrary, they prefer to leave that question, and also the more important questions of the means and method of | to hasten the pertod at which these impor- Temoving the causes of complaint, of restoring the | taat objects may ve accompiished that her much desired relations of perfect cordiality and the | Majesty’s government ayo determined not to foliow Mr, Fisn through the long recapiculation of the various points that have deen discussed, the voluminous correspondence that has taken place between the two governments for several years. Her Majesty’s government had, indeed, hoped that by the conventions which. uader tie instructions to his government and with their ful! and deliberate concurrences, Mr. Keverdy Jonnsou signed with me ou the 14th of January of the present year, all corre- spondence between tae two governments had been brought toan end, aud that all matters mi dispute would be referred for a seti.enent to a dispassionate tribunal. With a view to that result, her Majesty's ees had in some dexree departed from their deliberate convictions and declared resolves. ‘ney Agreed to the mode Of settlement proposed by the United States governimeut, Wiich Was more than once in the course of tiv negotiation modified w meet the wishes of tuas goverument; but they did preventing of the probability of like gpenenns in the future to the consideration of her Majesty’s government. They will, however, be ready wheh- ever her Majesty's government shall think the pro- per time has come jor a renewal of negotiations to entertain any proposition woich that government shall think proper to present and to apply to such Propositions their earnest aud sincere wishes and endeavors for a solution honorable and satisfactory to both counines, 1am, sir, your obedient servant, MAMILTON FISH. Mr. Fish to Mr. Motley. (Extract.) DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, Sept. 25, 1969, Rrr—It is probable that his Lordship Lord Claren- don may be disposed to discuss the questions at issue referred to in those instructions. Should | so willingly. because they thought the restoration of that be the case, or should tbe oppor- | a good understanding Lewween Great Britain and the tunity be offered in any other way, you | United States migiit we be purchased by couces- sions kept Within vounds aad nov incousistent with the honor of this country, Her Majesty's government learned with deep con- cern that the Senate of the United States, 1 the ex- ercise of tue power unquestionably conierred upon itby the constitution, repudiated the acts of the wovernment under whose uutiorily the convention was concluded, and by rejecung tt had ieft open the whole controversy teiween the two countries, and had indeduitely proonged tue uncertainty attendant upon such @ state of things, Ter Majesty’s government regret no less sincerely taat the President of We Uuited States concurs with the Seuace in disapproving tuat treaty; but their regret would in some degree be diminisned if Mr. Fish been authorized to inuicate some other means of adjusting the questions velween the two countries, Wich, a8 long aa they remain open, cannot be ia- vorable to @ cordia! goud understanding between them. Tas, hqwever. Mr. Fish bas not been empowered to do, put he expresses the readiness of the President to consider any propo- sition eminating from this country. it 1s obvious, will say to him, a8 previously instructed, that the President hopes that her Majesty's government will be willing to conduct the discussion at Washington, Where any propositions they wave to make, and any views they have to offer will be received and care- tuily considered by tue President with at rend to reach an amicable adjustment, if her Majesty's government are disposed to meet this govern- ment in @ fair spirit and to lend a just ear to the statement of the grievances of Which the govern- meat and citizens of tue United States complain. fam, sir, your obedient servant, HAMILTON FISH. To Joun LorunoP MoTLEy, Faq. Mr. Mouey to Mr, Fish. {No. 122.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STaTes, Lonpon, Oct, 16, 13: Smr—Referring to my No. 119, of the 1zth inst., I have now to inform you ihat [had an interview at the Foreign Office, by appoimtment, yesterday, with her Majesty’s PEACID A Oey, of State for Foreign affairs, 1 said to him thal had received trom | however, and Mr. Fish wil, probably, on reflection, the United States Secretary of State a few | adinit, thai her Majesty’s goveruinent cannot make days ago a long despatch containing 4 | any new propositivu or run the risk of another uo- calm, serious and deliberate statemeut of | successful negotiation until they have information the postion matutained by the United States the main questions at iasue between the two nations, together with a review of the causes and cnlef incidents of the controversy, and that I was at liberty to read the despatch to him tf he was in- clined to hear it, Lord Clarendon signifying his desire to do 80, I read the paper through, no com- ments being made by either of us during the reading. When 1 had finisned, his Lordship, who had listened throughout with profound atren- tion, observed that he could naturally not trust his memory suiliciently to retaii the scope and topics of 80 long and Important a despatch alter hearing it once read so as to be able Lo discuss them. He asked if | was authorized to furnish him with a copy of it. Lreplied im the affirmative, and asked him to address a line to me, officially Making that request, Tis he promised to do at once. I then sald that it was not desired by me to enter into a general discussion of the subject, as [ was instructed more clearly than that which 15 contaimed in Mr. Fish’s despatch respecung the basis upon which the government would ve disposed to negotiate, But her Majesty's government fully azree with Mr. Fish in considering tat it would be desirable to turn the ditlicuities which have arisen between the two governments to good account by making the solavion of them subservient to the adoption, as between themselves in the first instance, of such changes in the rules of puolic law as may prevent the recurreace bevween vations that may concur in them of similar aificalties hereafter. You ma, aseure Mr. Fish that her Majesty’s government will be ready to co-operate with the government of the United States for so salutary a result, which would Tedound to the mutual honor of both countries, aud, if accepted by other inaritime nations, have an im- portant influence towards matntaining the peace of the world. You wiil read this despatch wo Mr. Fish, and give him a copy of it ff he shouid desire to express the hope of the President that her | to wave oue. Iam, CLARENDON, Majesty’s government would be wilting to conduct Epwagp TuoRron, Esq., &c. the discussion Lo vetne freeing. I oe him that any proposition they have to make, an any Views they have to offer there, would be re- OBILZUARY. ceived and carefully considered by the President ARE eS IN with @ purpose to reach an amicable adjustment, if her Majesty’s government were disposed to meet the United States in a fair spirit and to lend @ just ear to the statement of the grievances of which the gov- ernment and the citizens of the United States com- plain, His Lordship said that he had listened atventively to the despatch, but that it would be necessaryior him to read and ponder it weil, and to confer with bis colleagues before dis- cussing the subject at all, and before arriving at @ decision on the proposal that the negotiations when reopened should be conducted at Washington. ‘This terminated our oficial conversation. It is zt duty to state that mothing could be more frank ani conciliatory than tis Lordstip’s manner, nor more earnest than his assurances of tue desire of Her Majesty’s goverament for cordial and peaceful rela- tions with the United States, Ihave the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, JOAN L, MOTLEY. Mariano Manzocchi. Tois distinguishea composer, maestro and pro- fessor of music, who has been for many years iden- titled with the progress of the divine art in this city, died recently at his residence in Thirty-flf{ch strees. He was born in the year 1824 at Naples, and at an early awe gave evidence of rare musical ability. He studied music under Donizetti and Mercadante, and was one of the most emivent éléves of the conserva- toire of tus native city. He produced two grand operas at the San Carlos with such great success that he was sent for by the director of the Royal Italian opera at Madrid for the purpose of bringing out the same works before the Spanish public. Tuirteen years ago le cawe to this country and Hon. HAMILTON Fisu, Secretary of Staie, Wash- | establisved himself in New York a8 one inton, D, C. of the leading masters in singing. is Mr. Motiey to Mr. Fish. pups were very numerous, and some of luem gained the highest positions on the operatic ana concert stage. Among them we may mention Adelina Patti, Madame Cora ae Wo lorat, Laura Harris, Mile. Sconcia, Madame Hermaan, Signor Bignard aod some ol the urst amaieurs of this city. His system of teaciing was considered to be with- Out @ superior, 28 may be seen from the resuits ex- empiified in ile above instances. As he died quice suddenly, leaving is famuy without betng able to make adequate provision lor them, there is an ex- ceilent opportunity now for his iate pupils in this city, and all besiaes who have tie interests of music at heart, to tesuily their gratitude to him aad ther appreciation of the artin waose cause he so lo} and jaitofully labored oy assisting in a granu benefit conceit, wich 13 in contemplation at an eariy date, at Steinway tall. {No, 125.) LEGaTION OF THE UNITED sere od LONDON, Oct. 19, 1869. SrR—1 beg to forward herewith copica of a note addressed to me by Lord Clarendon on the 15th inst., requesting a copy of your despatch No. 70, read vy me to him on that day, and of my repty of the 16th of Ocvover, furnishing the said copy. Ihave the honor to be, &c., JOUN L. MOTLEY. To Hon. HAMILTON FisH, &¢. Lord Clarendon to Mr. Motley. FOREIGN OFFICE, Uct. 15, 1869. Smm—As I am apprehensive thas ia reporung from memory to my colleagues L might mot do justice to the long and important despatch which you read to me this afternoon I should oe mucut obliged to you if you would have the goodness to furnish me with a copy of it. 1 have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion, your obedient, humble servant CLARENDON, CUSTOM HOUSE ODDS AND EXD:, Salo of Unclaimed Goods at the Public Scores. A large amount of goods remaining uvclaimed in the Custom Rouse public stores were sold at public auction yesterday by Join H. Draper, auctioneer. The catalogue embraced every variety of article, from an iron pot to a locomotive, aud as many of the lots were suid by the marks upon tiem, the buyers were at times in doubt as to what they bought. Some of the prices were considerably ahead of the valuation of the appraiser, aud again others sold mucn lower, but on @ geueral average the prices were considered good. ‘I'wenty-seven barrels of soda, Valued at $150, were knocked down for $80. Four casks of white porcelain, valued at $60, sold ior $255. One cask of twine solid for $102 50, whereas the valuation was only ten dollars, One lot, called a box of samples, but of what no one knew, was put up, and, although it was marked no vaiue, it seemed to acquire much importance. The price went up very rapkily and it finally sold for fifteen dollars. Several boxes and trunks of personal effects, valued from one to five dollars, were bid upon aud in each To J. L. Morey, Esa., &c¢., &0. Mr. Motley to Lord Clarendon, LeGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, LONDON, Uct. 16, 1869, My Lorp—I haye the honor to transmit herewith, iD compiiance with the request contained in your note of the 15th imst., a copy of the despaicn from the Secretary of State of the United States, which I read to your Lordship yesterday. Renewing tie assurance of my highest considera- tion, Lhaye the honor to be, my Lord, your Lorda- suip'’s most obedient servant, JOHN LATHROP MOTLEY, To the Right Honorable the Eaxt Or CLARENDON, Lord Clarendon to Mr. Thornton. FOREIGN OFFICE, LONDON, Nov. 6, 1869. Sir—Mr, Motley calied upon me ‘at the Foreign Office on ‘Tuesday, the 16th of October, and read to me & despatch from Mr. Fish on the Alabama cians. When he had conciuded I said, although I had not interposed any observations, and should not a in compliance with the wish imatance brought from ten to twenty dollars. The expressed, enter into any discussion on the | buyers evidentiy thought they were getting a prize, subject, yet, I hoped that my — silence | but ti is not ditticu:t to fortell their mistake. Two would not be considered to tndicate that the despatch did not admit ofa compicte reply. 1 re- quested that he would nave the goodness to gtve me @ copy of the despatch, asI could not understand from inemory accurately to report to my colleagues bales of rugs, valued at sixty dollars each, were bid upon by almost everybody present, and brought re- spectively $400 and $675. If the bales were h and the rugs of fine manufacture tuey might be worth this price, but earn that no one had seen what they were buying, it ls possibie the bar. gain Will not be such a great one. Ail sorts of arti. clea sold for all sorts of prices, ana the oddity of many of them caused nach amusement. COMMISSIONERS CF EMIGRATION. Arrival of Emigrants—Cbristmas on Ward's Isinud. Astated semi-monthiy meeting of the Board of Commissioners of Emigration was to have been held yesterday afternoon, but at the time for which the meeting was called there were but three members present—Messrs. Winston, Loutrell and Kapp. ‘Tne semi-monthly statement of tae Commissioners: resented, The statement showed as follows:— Number of emigrants arrived to Dec, 15. Arrived since December 22,. the contents of the long and important document he had just rapidiy read tome. Mr. Motley agreed to do so if 1 would ask him for it officially, and [ accordingly addressed to him the same alternoon the letter of which | enclose’a copy, and received from him on the afternoon of the 18th inst. a copy ot Mr. Fish’s despatch, of which I now also enciose toyoua copy. ‘This despatch, as you will see, re- capitutates at great length the causes of dissatisfaction which the government of the United States considers itself entitled to feel with the conduct of the British government during the late civil war; but ft does not make any proposition as to the manner in whtch that dissatisiaction may be removed or offer any solution of the difiiculty. On the contrary, Mr. Fish distinctly says chat che President is nos yet pre- pared to pronounce upon the question of indemnity which he thinks due by Great Britain to the indi- vidual citizens of the United States for the destruc- tion of their property by the revei cruwers fitted out in the ports of Great Britain; neither ts ne prepared to speak of the reparation which e thinks due by the British government for tne larger account of the vast national injuries it has Inflicted on the United States; neither does he attempt now to measure the relative eauses of 1- Jury, a3 whether by autimely recognition of belitger- Total to date....... To same date tn 1863 Tucrease during the present year..... Cash account in bank January 1, 1869.. Received since to date seeee ency, by the suffering of the fitting owt of rebel $32 cruisers, or by the suppiy of — ships, Prt | hag see $3266f0 arms and munitions of war to the conied: i a i AR Balance to the credit of the Commissioners. $201,002 Within the scope of his despatch to discuss the im- portant charges in the rules of public law, the de- Airabieness of which had been demonstrated by the incidents of the last few years now under considera- don, and which, tn view of the maritime prommence of Great Britain and the United States, it would be- fit them to matare and propose to the other Bates of Christendom, All these subjects the President, Mr. Fisn says, wul be prepared to consider uereafter, with a sin- cere anid earnest destre tuat ali diiferences between the two nations may be adjusted amicably and compatibiy with the honor of each, and by the pro- motion of future concord between them, to which end he will spare no effort within the'range of lis supreme dnty to the right and interest of the United States, The objects of his Gespatoh, Mr, Fish goes on Ww say, is to state calmly and dispassionately what the government of the United States seriously consider to be the injuries it has suffered. It 1s not written in the nature of a claim, for the United States now make no demand against her Majesty's government Commissioner Kapp requested the secretary (Mr. Casserly) to notify tne Commissioners that on Satur- day next (Christmas) there would be @ distribution of toys, &c, to the cluldren on Ward's Island at ten A. M., and a grand Curistmas dinner given to the iumaies of the Refuge, There not being a quorum present it was suggested that the treasurer obtain the requisite signatures to all the Warrants, after which the meeting adjourned, Stncotan DeaTa or A THIRF.—The Sinday Chronicle yesterday made mention of the fact that the body of & colored man had been dis covered hanging in an unoccupied building in the First ward, on @ street, between Seven- teenth and Etgnteenth streets, and removed to the First ward station house to await an Inquest by the Coroner, who had been notified of the dis- covery. Yesterday morning Dr. Potver called at the station bonse and heid an inquest over the body. ‘The testimony of several policemen given before the Coroner's jury elicited the fact that the remains on account of the imjuries they feel they have | wero tose of & notorious burglar and sneak sustoined, Although the United States are | thief named James Dikes, and better known anxious for @ settlement on a Itberat and | im police circles as Siim Jim, aged about twenty- one years, After hearing the evidence of several witnesses, the jury returned a verdict to the effect that deceased came to his death from asphyxia, or suffocation, while attempting tg rob the premises situated at No. 1,704 G street northwest, of its gas fixtures. From the inanner and poaltion or the body when found it is supposed that the thief entered the premises on Thuraduy night last, and, after havin, cut loowe some ic ipe in the bathroom, al tempted to obtain necese va the room below without compretiensive basta of ail the questions whiéh now interfere witn the entirely cordial rela- tions which they desire stiould exist between the two governments, yet they do not now percee or desire to fix any tne for the setticment. They refer to | that and the more important ques- ions of the means and the method of removing the causes of complainc, of restoring the much desired Telations of pertect cordialily and tho pre- vention of like questions in futare to the con- Mderation of her Majesty's government; bat | passing down stain. The flooring of the bat they will be ready rneneve her bsg contained @ small aperture, through which he un- ernment at think the proper time has come for | doubtedly Bitempted to descend to the floor below. Wed negotiations to entertain any propositions | He had succeeded in passing his body Brongn the which that verninent shail think pro to | same, bat was unable to pass his chest, and, from and apply to such propositions their | compression by the flooring therewith, he was slowly suffocated to death. ‘The man had been sev. eral times arrested for robbing unoccupied houses, and was a notorions and desperate character,-- Washington Chronicle, Dec. 20. at, Rivnest? sincere Wishes and epdeavors for a solution honorable and satisfactory to both countries, I havo recited at length the concluding passages Of Alt, Fisu’s depaigh, because they express many