The New York Herald Newspaper, October 28, 1868, Page 3

a . @ very brilliant . “aye.” (Loud shouts of ‘‘Aye,” followed by SEYMOUR. GRAND DEMOCRATIC RALLY “NO SUCH WORD AS FAIL.” TAMMANY HALL AND UNION SQUARE. FRANK P. BLAIR ON THE STUMP. Immense Turnout of the Great Unterrified. Speeches of General Blair, Mayor Hoffman, the Mayor of Troy, Isaiah Rynders and Others. Processions, Club Demonstrations, Fireworks, Nasie, Calciam Lights, Luthusiasm, te. Agrand mass meeting of the democracy of New York city was’ held last evening at the Tammany Wigwam, Fourteenth street, and around Union ®quare. It was intended as tue grana fAnaleto the campaign demonstrations of the canvass of 1868 in the Empire City, and corresponding preparations ‘were made to give it all the eclat which the impor- tance of the affair demanded as a spectacle, what- ever its effect on the result of the polls on Tuesday of next week may be. Tammany Hall within and without was in a blaze of pyrotechnics, bunting and enthusiasm, and Union square shone dazziingly in the glare of rockets, tgrches and transparencies. From Third avenue to University place poles had been erected, and festoons of Chinese lanterns were suspended along the entire distance. ‘The interior of ¢Tammany Hall presented appearance, a large pro- portion of the decorations used during the session of the July Convention being brought into requisition, A bust of Washington was dis- played beneath a canopy of blue, trimmed with gold fringe, upon the balustrade over the platform, and the crests of the various States on emblazoned shields, handsomely draped with the national colors, flanked the rostrum on either hand. About three thousand persons were assembled in the hall, em- Bracing a goodly show of ladies, and a noticeable feature of the assemblage inside and out was the presence of a very strong force of Metropdlitan Police. It was not till a quarter before eight that the mem- bers of the Committee of Arrangements, with Mr. A. @akey Hall at their head, made their appearance on the platform. This was the signal for a burst of recognition and uprosriousness on the part of the wnterrified. After the restoration of some littie order— REMARKS OF A. OAKEY HALL. Mr. Haut said that as Chairman of the Committee ef Arrangements it was his duty to call this vast and pesceful assemblage to order. Many of them would have noticed that the motto of the invitation to the meeting contained a phrase from a speech by one of ‘New York’s favorite sons, General Slocum. (Cheers.) The motto was, “Continue on the ramparts,” General Slocum’s works oj a memorable occasion had been attacked. The rebel foe had brought scaling ladders. His ofticers came and asked him ‘what would be done. His reply then was, as it would be if he were here to-night, ‘‘ Continue on the ram- than quintupled by the vast assemblage outside. ‘He had been requested to say this. It was the in- tention of the enemy next Tuesday, if possible, to oke them into a riot. The prayer of every Lo; Pesgoer on paper was, “Let ua have peaco;” the prayer of e' Loy: was ‘Let us have a riot next Tu 7 (Voices “They can’t have it.” z They have democratic next other side did not t. The other reason ~ that a riot would dim! the democratic ma- Jority here next Tuesday. clusion he nominated as chairman of this “1 and peaceful assemb'age James S. Thayer, and he asked al! who were in favor of the nomination to respond with an old-fashioned Tammauy mg = ping of hands.) REMARES OF THE CHAIRMAN. Mr. THAYER, Chairman elect, came forward and delivered a h presenting his view of the issues dnvoived in the Presidential campaign. Allusions to Seymour and Blair and Hoffman and President Johnson called forth much applause, and @ pasaing allusion to General Grant was received with a 1ew—but a very few—hisses. ring the speech Mr. Hoifman took his seat on the platform and on his beii ized was the recipient of a round of appiause. Some hisses were indulged in ‘when the names of Thaddeus Stevens and Henry J. Raymond were mentioned In the speech of the Chat: rman. ‘At about s quarter past eight General Frank P. Blair arrived ‘and took @ seat on the platform. He ‘was recognized by only a few persons, who called his vame: but the call was not taken up and the Chairman continued his speech without interrap-: tuon, Geveral Biair was accompanied by his brother, Mr. Montgomery Biair, and Mr. Samuel J. ‘Tilden, 1a covc.usion the Chairman declared solemnly that he had never once doubted of the success of the democratic party in the preseni Presidential contest. Another allusion to General Grant as ‘the man on horsebuck”’ brought out some more hisses, and then there was a pretty general call for Blair. The Ouair- man said General Frank P. Biair would be intro- duced to them ina few minutes. This assurance Kept the boys quict for a little while longer, but be- fore Mr. ''hayer closed his speech the call for Blair ‘was reuewed. Finally the chairman subsided, and Genera) Frank P. Blair stood up to be introduced. As he stood at the table, facing the aud.ence and bowing good hu- moredly to the people, they, on their part, without waiting for an introduction, broke out into an irre- bie Buout of We.come. ‘The chairman gave up Bre atte tito go through with a formal introduc- tion, and it was not necessary. For some minutes audience continued cheering, shouting and wav- hats and handkerchiefs, and Frank continued ‘his modest, pleasant, good humored bow. SPEECH OF GENERAL FRANK P. BLAIR. Order being at length resiored General BLAIR ke ag follows:— FgLLoW O1tizkN®, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN—I have ome from the banks of the Mississippi in obedience to your summons to be present here to-night at this great meeting. . (Atvolce—“louder, Frank.) I bear also with me the greetings, tne cortlial greet- ings of the democracy of the West to the de- mocracy of New Y city. (“H, hi,” “good, clapping of hands and = other imilar ‘mani‘estations.) Their voice gives out no uncertain sound in this exigency in the history of the wd (A voice—' Louder.) They are still, my tellow citi- gens, confident and defiant. (Hear, hear, and much applause.) The battle which roaches them they know invoives the safety and the perpetuity of our ernment. They are ready to meet it. Not aman fine deuweraticranks in the West will shrink from ft. (“Good.” “Hi, bi.) I tell you, my friends, my can- ‘did opinion that the undismayed and unterrified de- mocracy of the West will yet wring from adver- saries on tle 3d day of November. (Cheers.) My fellow citizens, the greatest Senator from my State, or one who was the Senator from Missouri (Coionel Benton), uttered, in my @pinion, the noblest and wisest sentiment that ever fell irom man, when he exciaimed, in the moment of his triumph over his bitterest enemies, to those of bos ir.enus woo came to salute and rejoice with him {n his uiumph:—“My friends, exultation is natural, but moderation is the ornament of victory.” This sentiment, | conceive, represents the genius of our constitution, sheitering the feebieness of minoriti throwing its safeguards around individuals Reems with its oroad mgis every shade of differ. op inion, radiant, as it were, with the noblest sentiments of toleration. I believe, my friends, that this is the only and true J ge sh) of a republican government, and that without this spirit we cannot maintain our government or our institutions. ‘Calis of “Louder,” and some confnsion, added to ty the music of a passing band.) Well, I cannot talk beat aai rseetntad oe aided? by bands of music. ap- piste and cries of “Go ou.) Is that the spirit, my ‘ow citizens, in which this reconstruction policy has been bronght forward and pressed on the peopie of this country? On the contrary has it not been brought forward in the most proscriptiye, persecat- 40g spirit thas ever animated any set of men tn the world? And, as was remarked by the distinguished genieman who preceded me, they expect to Produce @; they promise to produce and prosperity in this country by fystem of proscription and persecution, thas been tried over and over again. It never has suceceded. it has been tried in amost ali the countries of Burope. it has been tried more es- pecially in Ireland, (Hear, bear.) It acems to me NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1868.—TRIPLE SHEET. that we have borrowed, letter for letter and lan- for language, the Very statutes by which Great | to ritain has the Irish and have ap- them to bar people in the South. (Hear, hear.) Produced peace and prosperity in old Ireland? (te no,”’) Shall we make @ Dew Ireland in America? “Yea,” “No.”) I say we should make a happy | immedi ireland in America, but not one proscribed, perse- cuted and trodden down as the old ireland is. I know, way fallow citizens, that there are some, even among the Irish in this town, jame to be the leaders of tne Irish, cals to make this new Ireland down So the same time are calli on the world to aid old Ireland, the green island: to throw oa her oppress | Milligan and Bowles. in ora. y are aiding the radica's to oppress the South, even infinitely more than Ireland is op! by Great Britain, avi m4 fell citizens, have bo ed the y, my fellow cit! t ve borrows ingenuity of our radical mae infinitely shrewder and keener than the British oppressors of Ireland. | court to goon but that t ‘on and a humiliation | would be an adverse decision They have invented a degradat: for our people at the South that the British would shrink from and refuse to the Irish under clr some who wi ding the radi- | the United States; and, as rho are ai aged borden 5 while it was pel they (Voices—“That ie 80; they are | away from the court its adistloue Y case in which McCardle was punished, or attempted by the hnlltary Gonmuandes who was put fy change ler, who was pul of ‘he “district in. which ‘Mississippi was This man, McCardie, the editor of a , pud- lished some remarks which that high and 1a! Hy Ne tentate thought were derogatory (0 his dignity. He lately caused him to be arrested and had him tried by & military commession. The commission found him guilty, condemned and convicted him to pay ie in jail. The case was appealed on 8 writ of habeas corpus to the Gapremve Donrt 9 in Col ‘knowing that the principle of this case had valread’ been. decided in the case of the State of indiana, the court would decide this allaw taking the conviction, my fellow citizens, tifat_ they knew the Supreme Court would declare this law to be un- Would they not have allowed the were satisfied there rom the court? And again, that was not the only decision; the one Ireferred to—the case of Mili! and Bowles—which and that ect to be unsenstisaticns), constitutional ¢ cumstances. Why, they have put the people o! the | covers the princip.es involved in this Reconstruction South under the hee! of their negroes, They have | act. The very essence and gist of that act, overthrown their governments and put the foot of | as you know, was that it deprives the negro on the necks of the white people atthe | about 300,000 white men in the South of South, England never did that to the Irish, | their franchise and citizenship and conferrs the My fellow citizens, there is a ent .of | franchise upon the negro, thus giving the negro en- history which tells of the revolt of one of the | tire control of those States. It wou'd not havedone Provinces or cities dependent upon the Roman re- public, This revolt was overthrown by the prowess of the Roman soldiery, It then became a question in the Senate of Rome what disposition should be made of these revolted ple, and there were Sena- tors there at that time ike the Sumners and Wilsons of the present day. (Hisses.) God, for some wise and inscratable purpose, allows such people to live in all ages, They arose in the Senate and exclaimed, “Let us exterminate these people who have revolted against the Roman repubiic, Let us put them to death, and that is the way wo will have peace. That will give us peace—to put our enemies out of the Way entirely witn the sword.’ But there was an aved Senator who arose in the midst of the assemblage and said, “Conscript fathers, Jet us make these people Roman cilizens, and thus excend the power and glory of the republic,” (Ap- la ‘The magnanimity of this advice struck the 'y of the Senators, and his policy was adopted ntinued as long as Rome continued a repub- and under that polley her power extended unttl it overshadowed the world, and her glory survives to-day to animate the nations and to nerve the arm of patriotism to defend their country agaist that military despotism under which at last she sank and which now threatens us. This, my fellow citizens, is ap worthy of all commendation — wort, all commemoration. It was a grand and @ magnanimous example. Its results led to the grandeur and to the glory of the republic, Whereas the examplo whica iheve cited of Ireland, oppressed by the british government, makes her a example of simply to have given the ‘o the suffrage, because the white men had outnumbered them and would have outvoted them; hence it was necessary to de- prive so many white men of their suffrages as would give the negro the supremacy in those States. That was done, This was done by legislative enactment, and in a case which arose in the State of missourt, this same principle was involved. The same State was depriving certain men of their franchises and depriving certain others of the right to practice their professions, depriving people of the right to teach, ‘and depriving ministers of the Gospel of the mght to preach unless they would pefore- hand take @ certain oath—a test oath, Tais case, my fellow citizens, went before the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of the Rev. Father Cumming, a Catholic clergyman, who was in- dicted in the State of Missouri for preaching the G ox- pel of Jesus Christ and Him crucified. He was found gulty of that offence, fined and thrown into prison. 18 Case Was appealed to the Supreme Court, and the court announced that the law under whieh the dectsion was had was unconstitutional, null and vod, because it was a bill of attainder ex post facto, That covers the principle, and to-day under that decision Tam very happy to say that anybody can preact in the State of Missouri without getting out a commis- sion from the radical court, ‘ ‘hat decision covers the principle of this disquall- fication of the Southern white on these reconstruc- tion act ‘The court held that it was a bill cf at- tainder—that is to say, men were charged with crimes, and convicted of crime, and punished for crime by a legislative enactment, without trial, with- thorn in the side of Great Britain, and makes her | out witnesses and without a jury, when the consti- anything but an aliy and anything but strength to her power. And so with all nations who have pur- sued this proscriptive, thia persecuting policy. This has always resulted in harming rather than helping the country that applies this panacea. I have, my fellow citizens, to say to you tn regard to this matter that I have from the start, since the war was over, desired to seo a liberal icy pursued in regard to our Southern States, believing that it was Jor the good not only of the South but of the North, of the entire country; that we never could be reunited by the process which these gentlemen propose: that anything that appeared like a rcorganization of eur government under this system would be fallactou would be deceptive; that the peopie of the South, 1! they were oppressed, would retort the oppression with hatred, as all other brave and nobie peopie have done. When they were able to do so they would break the chain and etrike the oppressor. (Ap- plause.) We must not, my fellow citizens, forget that thege men are but men after all; that we can- not produce kindness of feclmg in them nor re- store their love for the Union aud for the entire country by these oppressive, these proscriptive measures; that they are men and that they will resent them, and resent them effectually. I will tell you, my feliow citizens, that the radicul party are Sowing the seeds of future dissension and of future war for ourselves and for our children, They are sowing the dragon’s tceth that will spring up armed men yet to afflict us, yet to wage war upon us only. The only method is tlie grand ana magnanimous one offered ‘by the old Senator to whom I have alluded, who said, “Let us make these men citizens of Kore, and thus extend the power and the glory of the re- ubhic.? There is one point to which I would raw the attention of fellow citizens here espectally. The old State of Virzima, the mother of Siates and of statesmen, which hag given to the Mishel 80 many ot its most exalted and illustrious statesmen, which fas given to us our most exalted Presidents, this State is now ex- cluded from the vote for the President of the United States by Congressional act, denied the right to vote for tf citizen of this country as the President of the United States, and ean, because she hes refused to degrade and humble herseif at the fect of her own slaves, (A voice—‘'l hope she never will.) General Blair, resuming—I hope 30, too. This noble old State, whose son, Thomas Jefferson, wrote the Decia- ration of Independence; whose other greater son, George Washington, ‘established the ernment; 0 les of the Revolution; at the on of the Xevolution donated to this government—a weak and feeble confederacy— that ride, that broad domain at the South, known | government, and the tution required that they should have a fair triai under judicial form, under a law which says ¢ the offence charged was committed, and that the men so charged of the offence shail under this law be convicted or acquitted, Now, my fellow citizens, allow me to illustrate for one mo- ment, and briefly, the effect of this measure, by ap- plying it to an individua! case of a legislative body issuing a bill of attainder and punishing a man under it without trial, Look at the case of Alexander H. Stephens—(loud cheers)—a very distinguished gen- tleman of Georgia, who was the Vi resident of the so-called confederacy. Yon all know, my fellow citizens, that these reconstruction acts disfranchise him, take away from him his right of suffrage and of citizenship and denyhim the right to deposit his ballot. I contend that he cannot be punished, nor can any other man in the South be punished without a trial and a verdict rendered by @ jury, and that any act by which they are punished—singly, as individuals or by States or communities—that any such act is a bill of attainder, and consequently void, and de- clared to be so in the case of Mr. Cummings. (Ap- arp Now suppose, fellow citizens, that Alick vephens could get a trial before a jury—and I make this supposition ee} to show how outrageous it is to pumish a man and not give him a chance to de- roved that he was 3 fend pitas suneie they the Vice President of this confederacy, and suppose he, not having fled, shouid put in the proof of the Georgia State Conven- tion that he, Alexander Stephens, rose and made the ablest speech that ever was made, North or South, in defence of the Union, and that as soon ashe had concinded that specch the only reply was that of @ genticman who read an article from the New York 7rivune, which said:—“If the people of the South choose to secede from the Union they have a perfect right todo so. They have as good a right to go out of this Union as the original colonies had to declare their independence of Great Britain.” That was the response to his speech, and in addition to that the Convention was surrounded by armed soldiers—men armed out of the arsenals and arm- ories of the United States. And the government had rmitted them so to arm themselves, and thus the Convention was overawed and a despotic and arbitrary government was established through the South, by which all the men of the South were swept ito the revolutioa and by an act of conscri tion put into the armies to agut against the gove! ment of the United States. Now suppose Stephens rd Henry | were to make this proof and ask the court to instruct the jury that the law was reciprocal of the duty that the government owed to the citizens—that is to say, that the citizens owed a duty of allegiance to the - the ab genie verritory—gave it to the country | protection to the citizen, and that these duties were pay debts due to the soldiers who fought and won the War of 1 Al citizens, not oniy did oh people, and people, this being the site of six |i mi ent States—not oniy did she give of Virginia give this he soil villi have now nm built, but through her son, Thomas Jefferson, gave with that soil the ordi- nance of 1787 with the clause in it dedicating it to white men and to freemen, forever ding the Northwest and the Y pie empires that their fore- sight told them would rise in that country from that canker that was gnawing at her vitals. Fellow citi- zens, now that these young States have grown into empires, Cape ‘ten millions of white people, what do we see? Their Senators and Representa- tives turning upon the old State, whose bounty gave them al! that made their prosperity, wealth ower; — turnin; “ag the children jose ~=— whose tt guarded them the evils and the curse of negro slavery; turning upon her and enslaving the cuil- dren of Virginia upon her own soil in repayment of her noble bounty w the young republic and to the great Northwest. It seems, my fellow-citizens, to me as if the children had turned upon and were strangling their mother. Itis a cidal act—an act against which the whole world will rise up and cry out, “Shame.’’ 1 do not believe that in the his- tory of politics—in the ar nations—anything equal in ingratitude to this ever been known; that these men should be now enslaved by those who were made by the bounty of Old Virginia—that the sons of Virginia, roe her soil, should be asked and compelied to take the chains which they have stripped from the arms of their negroes, and allow these ne- roes to lord over them at the homes and in the Birtnpiace and in sight of the graves of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. I have been arraigned, my fellow citizens, here and ail over the country by all the orators, great and email, of this radical party, for certain expres- sions of opinion which fell from me some time ago m referenc: to the reconstruction acts. 1 declared that in my opinion they were unconstitutional and therefore null and void. ou.”) For this saying, my fellow citizens, for hold- tng and expressing this opinion, I have been held up to my countrymen as @ revolutionist and cne ready to senew the rebellion. Now it isa received doctrine and has been the undenied doctrine of all persoas in this country, ns tar back a8 My memory goes, that any law in violation of the constitution Was null and void, (A Vorce—“fhat’s s0.") Nobody demies this. You cannot find even the hardest of these radicais who will deny that proposition, naked and simp! that if unconstitutional they are null and void: that Con has no more power to pass @ iaw in viola- tion of the constiiution than the same number of ntlemen selected out of this assembly and sitting fr'this hail. (Applause.) If that be true, then, the uestion to be inquired of before am set down as a@ revolutionist is, whether these acts are unconstitutional or not? whether they are in derogation of the Constitution or not? I contend that they are, and I think I can prove to you not only that they are palpably so upon their face, but that the radicals themselves confess them to be so by their acts, and that the Supreme Court of the United States has decided the principles of those acts to be unconstitutional tn several cases brought before the court, Now, in the first place it would seem to me terous to argue the question that this estab- fisting of a military tis in the South is not an unconstitutional act. ‘here do they get the author- ity to make a military despotism to supercede tue civil governments in the States and in their place to put & military despotism, an arbitrary military authority? Where do they tind it in the constitution? Well, fellow citizens, there are some of them silly eno to say that they have this right under that clause of inst. the constitution which says, ‘The government of the | from being punist United States suall vee rep government to each of the States in the Union.” I should think if anything were necessary in addition to the palpabie violation of the constitution in erect- ublican forms of (Applause and “Bully for | peopled with 10,000,000 of white | phens defended gov and | ment did not gee itself und refused upon which so maaty Somes, cities and happy | overthrow and opp! | reciprocal and ble, and if the government insepara! fellow | refused ita protection it had no nght to claim the allegiance of the citizen. Now, Alexander Ste- the government when the govern- to defend him, but gave conspizstors arms with which to ress him and bear him down, and I think if these facts were brought before the jury, and they found that the government would not pro- tect the citizen, then they would say that the gov. ernment could not convict him—(applause)—of trea- son against the government. They say I exceed. ingiy lenfent to all these rebels and want them all loned, It is not so. I am will- ing that the government should come forward and prosecute legally, under the existing lawa, any of them who are dangerous to the republic, or have offended, and if they find, them guilty that tuey should be Boney I would like to see a man by the name of Edwin M. Stanton—(hiasos)—tried under these laws, and tn his case I think I would under- take the prosecution ag pe 1 think I could prove that when he was a Cabinet ofiicer under President Buchanan, receiving a salary from the government, and with the oath to maintain the con- stitution still on his lips, he met one Aibert Gallatin Brown, of hecgeg ey who was coming out in obe- dience toa call of the government of his State to fight agalnst the government of the United States, and he suid, “Mr. Brown, £, home; be with your people; stand by them and f think I can promise you that these biack abo'itionixis of the North will concede everything you demand.” Now, here was a man, an officer under the governmént, going to a man who was declaring his intention of kindilog a war against the “United States, and patting bim on the back and telling him it would be a success, (Hisses and laughter.) On suother indictment 1 would prove that he berame Secretary of War, and that in the fortunes of this war thousands upon thousands of onr soldiers fell the hands of the enemy, and that he refused to them for rebels captured unless the South- government agreed to exchange also the negroes they had token. More than that, men at the South actually came forward and offered to give us our wonnded who were in their hands without any compensation or exchange whatever: but he refused it, and then they asked that our govermnent would provide medicine and food and supplies for these woun men, and Edwin M. Stanton refused that also. (Hisses.) Now, if any of those soldiers were on this jury againsi Stanton what do you suppose would be their verdict? (Voices—‘Guilty ! iy id ™) Inthe two cases there is this difference, however—there is a law standing which prevents tie bringing of any suit against Mr. Stanton or any indictmeut against him, aud if that were laid aside | would like to see ints case tried. If you recollect, this man Alexander Siephens was imprisoned and thrown into Fort Warren and Stanton turned the key on him. I should like to fee on which side of the door the traitor stood when Stanton turned that key on him. (Applause.) In these remarks | have tried to show the effects of this bill of attainder, and will say that under it a trial might also be had of this man Butler—(uproarious shouts of “Spoons,” “Spoons,” and laughter)—on this suit. But I am opposed to this principle or method of try- ing and condemning our citizens, because it is un- constitutional and because if a man can be punished by legislative enactment then no man, woman or chud is safe. ‘There is nothing to intervene and shield us from malice if our enemies are in power, if by legisiative enactment men can be punished in this way and attainted. I should be against it even in the case of Stanton, who regard aa the greatest felon in America. I would not ec it done in this case, because I would not strip myself and feliow-citizens of that shield which the coustitu- tion guarantees to us, and which inhibits any man without a fair and impartial trial, according to the law as it existed at the time of its commission before a jury of his countrymen. For this reason, my fellow-citizens, | have gone to this extent in illustrating in these cases. This Re- ing @ military despotism, that the eat used in | coi ction bill is unconstitutional, because it pun- favor of it Would suffice to supply all other proof | ishes by disfranchisement more than three hundred that it was unconstitutional, The idea that Con- | thousand white men at the South, and that | ge can, under the Ciause auth rinciple has been deciared in the cases which I ie government to guarantee blican forms ve mentioned to you, But if it be the case that of government, establish «@ itary despot- | these laws are palpably in violation of the conatitu- i and do tion and confessed to be so by the radicals them- ism, they can go_ forwi thing which is diametrically opposite to the thin; that they were required to do. A man might as wel contend that when they are required by the consti tution to tee republican forms of government they can set up a monarchy. What is the difference repr ia ite duration? Perhape tue malivar? ses tin ite du mal potism isthe most arbitrary form of the two, but probably the monarchy wi be of longer dura- tion. The argument which they use shows it to be absurd. I say, my fellow citizens, not only are these acta in palpable violation of the constitution, but that they are admitted to be so by themselves and have been declared to be so by the Supreme Court of the United States. Upon this it I will be very brief. We all know that Thaddeus, who was a very brave man (although we ali thought him to be a bad mag, but ashe is dead we wil say nothing bad about him), had the courage to get up in his place in Congress and more than once declare that all these acta were outside of the constituiion—that the constitutio# gave no authority for them. But What shows, my f@low citizens, more clearly than anything else, severad of the radicals in that opinion, whep the cage of MeCardic came np to the Supreme Court from Missiseippl, This was a reod with me + selves, and prevented the courts from deciding a case which came up it under the law itself, and shown to be so by the two cases I have men- tioned, then, I ask you, who ts the revolutionist? Those who held that these laws were hull and void and ink should thi not be executed, or those who have passed these laws in derogation of the constitution and put them in execution in deflance of the will of the people and of the pledges of the United States to the Reo) ie under the constitution, and is not upheld by the Su- preme Court itself? Are not the revolutionists the malefactors?—and ia it not the greatest piece of au- dacity and mendacity to turn around and charge us, who desire to maintain the constitution, with veing the revolutionists, when they have almost com- pleted & revolution in our couniry? Now, I do not ki any democrat who does not acknowl the principle [I have enunciated, 1 know any Intelligent man who does not ackpow! it, that a law of Con; m violation of the constitution, 18 null and voi nd what follows? 2 can tell you something th: hot generally known, When ihe McArdie case came be- Tore tie Supreme Conrt that waa the immediate and moving cause of the iptpeachment of the Presideut of government owed a duty of the United States, and but for that case and the dec!- sion they expected tie Court would pronounce on It, they never would have tried him. They had aut passed Upon this question of Lin) ment ‘and had voted it frivolous and untenable, when suddenly this case caine before the Court. Then what was to be done? ‘The Court had decided almost unan'mously in the case of aliens and Boyles tiat this trial of a civilian before @ military commission was unconsti- tutional, null and void, ‘They had so decided the very case, arising ander the Itself, and hence it Was necessary that they should attempt to remove Andrew Johnson from his seat, for the reason that they thought and the people thought that when the Supreme Court had de- cided this act to be unconstutional it was the duty of the President to put his foot upon it and trample it into the dust, And I stand here to say that it is iny belief that if that cage had not been postponed until after the election Mr. Johnson Would have beeu condemned, and not even one of the seven radical Senators would have been found in Congress to save him from condemnation on those articles of impeachment, Frivolous as the impeachment charges were they would have carried them through. It was thetr intention; they had no idea of the President using his power to prevent these usurpations from taking effect. They intended to impeach him, and woud have done {t, for they knew that when that law was declared Unconstitutional and void it was the bouncen duty of the President to decline to execute it. How could he, who has sworn before Almighty God to maintain the constitution of the United States, see that instru- ment perish under the laws of a bay Congress con- taining not more than two-thirds of the members entitled to seats in that body? How could he see the constitution perish and keep his oath inviolate? He could not do so, fellow citizens, and hence it was that Congress first took away the jurisdiction from the Supreme Court and then found articles of tmpeachment against the President and kept them hanging over his head un- til the court postponed the case Lill after the Prest- dential election, Now, fellow ciiizens, I do not think it necessary to comment upon a case so palpa- ple asthat, Inever heard a democrat or a rational republican contradict the view that I have taken of this matter; and yes, tor the sake of electioneering, bi shout out, “Frank Blair is a great revolutionist; he is going to make war and begin another rebel- Non.” (Cheers for Blair.) ‘They suy that he 1s going to renew the rebeiliou, and that as for themselves they are the most peaceable people in the world. (Laughter) “We are ail for peace,” say the radicals, “and here isthis violent fellow Blair, with horns on his head and full of poreupine quills, determined on rebellion,” (Laugbter.) Now, in the first place, here is this party of peace, wit the whole army and wih the Genera! designated by that party as its candi- © for the Presidency commanding that army. The command has heen taken away from the Presi- dent in vio ation of the express provision of the con- stitution which makes him Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and that comand bas beeh bestowed on the general desig- nated by those radicals as their candidate for the Presidency. He has got that any down South with its bayonets pointed at the throats of eight millions of white people, pimioning them to the very ground and requiring tuem at the point of the bayonet to vote for him. Does hot that look as if he was very much in favor of peace? (Laughter.) If I, or if any man holding my senttinents, were to step forward and attempt to put aside the bayonet I am told to begone, that am a revolutionist, that I want to make another war, while the man who ts using the bayonet to compel the people of the South to vote for nim, exelaims “Let us have peace,” and they ail sing out to the same chorus, “Let us have peace, and by all means let us get rid of this war- like fellow Frank Blair.” (Laughter.) Now, my fellow citizens, Ido not command a musket, not one, (A voice, “You have though.) I have dope it im @ emall way. (Cheers and laughter.) I do not ac this time command a single musket, And why is all this miserable pre- text, this contemptible idea that I am going to at- tempt to revolationize, while I have no power, no authority, and while even if elected Vice President. of the United States I would be but a fifth whee! to the wagon? (1 ter.) The position which I took about it was, my fellow citizens, that ifthe demo- cratic candidate were elected to the Presidency these reconstruction acts would be again denounced by the people of the United States; that having already been denounced by the courts, and having already been denounced by the onl in the election of 1867, that denunciation would be again levelled against them. And I wish to know now whether it is the intention of those radicals to claim that if the people again condemn those measures they are to stand in spite of that condemnation by the people of the United States? (Cries of “Never! never |") Do they mean to put the people at deflance? (A voice, “They do.) ‘This government was made by the people, made for the people, and there is no clearer doctrine, or one that has been acceded to more generally than that the people have a right to rule in this government of ours. Yet these men say “that would be revolution on the part of the President elected to carry out the will of bra a ae thereby putting up their will, the of that fragment of a Congress, elected without asking the consent of the people to do that act which has been once condemned, and if again condemed they sav that the will of those con- demed rrepresentatives shall stand, and that the will of the people shall not uvail atall. J wish to know now who are the revo:utionists—whether Tam a revolutionist for desiring to carry out the will of the le, for desiring to maintain the con- stitution, and for desiring to carry out the decisions of the Supreme Court? Ain i @ revolutionist for that, or is not that party which has defled the peo- ple, violated the constitution and contemned the lecisions of the Supreme Court the revolutionist, and does it not deserve to be put downy ieee) How would this revolution begin if Mr. Seymour should be elected? (Cheery.) Suppose, when’ he ts eiected—that ia the way | will put the proposttion— (cheers)—that he should take the ground that the de- cisions of the Supreme Court must be respected and Must be executed, and that the will of the peopie must be carried out, and that those laws being de- clared unconstitutional by the courts, it was his bounden duty, having sworn to maintain the consti- tution, to set them aside? Suppose he should do that thing, who would begin the revoiution® (A not. (Laughter.) They would not begin it. They are very boid when they have the power an their hands, but I can tell you they are not quite so bold, and will not be — ‘80 bold when the power passes into the hands of another man. (Cheers.) J tell you that they will not begin the revolution, They will not lift their finger. And! promise yonon my aa- cred word and honor that if Mr. Seymour does this thing I wil not revolutionize. (Cheers and laugh- ter.) Now, my fellow citizens, this is the bold, naked, coniemptble pretext = whieh these men have set up and on which they have made almost their entire canvass. ‘They say tiat Frank Blair, backed by the rebel gene- try by restoring the constitution, carrying out the wiil of the people and executing the decrees of the Supreme Court. ‘That is ail there is of it. 1 do not propose to do anything else; but, if elected. so nelp ine, God, if T have the power to do it, J will carry out this, (Cheers, long and vehement, and three cheers for that sentiment.) And (can promise you | another thing—that there will be no revoiation; that | those reconstruction laws will perish without one word being satd, if the people put Seymour and Biair in the places for which they have been nomi- nated, (Cheera.) There will be no effort to keep lie im their bodies, because — these men know them to be unconstitutional, and they know that Mr. Seymour will execute and maintain the constitution wien lie swears to it, There will be no revolution. And ican tell you, my fellow citi- zens, that there is great danger ff the people shonid assent to and ratify those uncopsti- tutiona! measures, for the party which has committed them will not stop short. who have established a military despotiem in ten a despotiam in ten States will put it up inall the States If they have the power and if you put that power in their hands. tell you, fellow citizens, that the man who ts desi: nated by them as their candidate for the Presidenc: and who has already put i execution those uncon stitutional laws and has executed this miliary d Potism in the Sout, stands dy, if the power he committed to his hands, to establish and execute tne same despotism in ten more—aye, in all the States of the Union. A Votwr—He has got no policy. General BLAIR—It will not do, my fellow citizens, to talk that way about him. Tknow a heap better than that, I tell you that he has a policy. I tell you he has just a8 much a policy as Cromwell had—that he has just as much a policy a8 Louis Napoleon had. His policy is to retain permanent dictatorial power in this country. That is his policy. Lf gyou think he has not @ policy you are dreadfully mistaken, I . you, and in making that mistake you can te are endangering your country, and ali of us are endangering our country who make that mistake. I reiterate, my fellow citizens, that it is mighty bad licy on our part to think that he has no policy. Fionas @ policy, and the worst kind of a policy for this country and for the constitution. I do not be- lieve that General Grant would consent to accept the constitutional Presidency of this country for four or eight years and resign an oftice = : “1-4 im for his in dignity, equal in salary, which laste life, aud which is in accordance with his military education and his military tastes. He would prefer the . office which he now holds to be con- stitational President of the United States, especiaily if he to be up by Congress as Mr. Johnson has He has no idea of that at all. ie has the military instinct about and that military instinct has told him that the party which was to make a military despotism in ten States is to make it in all the States; and he has gone with that party be- cause he has an instinct for that in Which he and they intend to establish, and he intends to be at the head of it, in my judgment. For what poasi- ra on inthe way they have gone font ever on,vi of the conntituvion as they have violated ir © What do you suppose have they given the negro frage? One of course, is that the negroes, they think, will vote for them. They know they have lost the confidence of the white people and they think they can still maintain the confidence of the pal Py aw cit! the are fast geting ow mean these carpet-baggers are, and the negroes themselves have a contempt for them now. But that is not all, They have a still | deeper design in giving the ballot to the negro, Their object is to d the sufi and thus to dest the sw e. Who would care for sharing the cusrege with those uneducated, incapable negroes? Who would not refer to submit to the arbitrary power of a 1c Traut and dictator than to submit to the sway of the voice—“They wouwld.”) Ah, Ltell you they would | Tals of the South, is going to revolutionize the coun- | The men | Siates are ready to establish it in ten more States. (Voices—“They are. That's 40.) 1 spea of their willingness to do it, Those who have put up | (Voices—“We never will.”’) | allies? I repeat, fellow citizens, that one of (heir ob- jects in giving the ballot to the negro ts 10 dezrade the sui fe, and thus to desiroy the eulfrage and to reconcile the white people of the country to abandon a valueless and useless affair like the suffrage, which isshared with them epnally by those ignorant Do you sup} » fellow cttizens, it they would have given this immense power to the negroes and made them supreme over ten States of the South un- leas they had auch @ design? Do you suppose they would not only have made negroes supreme over the South, but should actually, in those reconstructed States, have given the ten times the political power that any white man in the State of New York enjoys, without such @ design? At this moment, as was said by one of your own distinguished geniie- men, a democrat trom this Stale—Mr. Tilden—those ten States of the South, with three millions of ne- groes, have twenty Senators in Congress, and the great State of New York, with four millions of white people, have but two Senators, It is the saine, though in a leas degree, in the matter of representa- tives and of electors in the Elec.oral College, | Now, fellow citizens, I find that my voice is too feeble, after the efforts I have made all over the et lf iptaking in the open air, to make myself heard di inctly here this evening. And I feel, also, that 1 have taxed your patience perhaps beyond endurance, (Voices—“Go on.”) I must, fellow citizens, ask you REMARKS BY ISAIAH ISAIAH RYNDBES then stood ceived with great last time he woul the day of election. Up to this time they had only a trifing skirmish with the picket guard, but when the main army is brought into line in battie array on the Sd of November next victory will perch on the democratic banners, He had heard a friend say, on election day vote often—(cheers)—but he would tell them not to vole but once. It was charged against the democratic party that they mean to vote often on election day, but the demo- cracy had voters cnough, if every honest man voten once, to carry the election, (Cheers.) The frau- chise is the dearest right and privilege of the poor man, and he called upon them not to degrade ft by Committing fraud at the ballot box. We have honest Yotes enough tocarry the election, and he for one Would do all in bis power to put down double voting at oe polls, He did not want his democratic frienda Ss imitate what the repubiicans have done in ennsylvania by voting early aud voting often—- (cheersi—and who charged the honest democracy with the crimes they themselves committed, NG fraudulent voting for him. Let every man sarised fo vote, vote, and we shall lave a free vow or '® free fight. (Cheers and laughter.) He would rward and was ro- He said ibis was the toexcuse me from further speaking. I give you now my thanks for yout patient attention, (Cheers.) The succeeding speakers were Brick Pomeroy, Governor Brown, of Florida, and Congressman J, V. L. Pruyn, of Albany. Judge Pierrepont at the meeting of war democrats, in reference to Mr. Seymour's position on the finances, related a conversation between Mr. Pierre- pont and Mr. Seymour some time since, in Albany, to this effect:—Judge Pierrepont had sald to Gover- nor Seymour, ‘1 have been West and have acquaint ed myseif with the tone of Western feeling, and the democratic party must come to a repudiation of the whole debt of the country.” Governor Seymour's answer was that this was @ proposition not to be thought ot or entertained one moment that if the country could not pay its debt it would be then time enough to say 80; but that the idea of repudiation was one never to be entertained. And yet Judge Pierrepont—said Mr. Pruyn—turns round and charges Mr, Seymour with intent to repudiate the public debt. There never was a plece of grosser in- consistency in the annals of political history After singing by the other Speeches from a few lesser lights of the party, the meeting in the wigwam broke up a little after eleven. o'clock, The Grand Stand, The proceedings at this stand, No. 1, or grand stand, Were opened by Mr. Douglas Tayior, who, in @ few wel! pointed remarks, introduced as chairman of the meeting Mr, John McKeon, MR. M’KEON’S RE ‘The chairman briefly address said a great struggle was before the Au an peo ple. The present was @ crisis in our country in which every man must be interested and one which in the land ought to thoroughiy uader- avery human being was interesto«t in a pro- per administration of public anairs. Tbe poorest as Well as the richest in the land were all to be asfected by the result. Several years had now passed since the sound of clashing arms had ceased in the \and, cers.) ‘The people had a right to believe that with the cessation of ho-tilities the normal condition of our government would have been restored. On the contrary, instead of Southern States being permitted toresume their functions under the constitution framed by Washington and Franklin—the embodi- ments of patriotism and of wisdom—these States were excluded from its protection and held as con- quered provinces under the ruie of military despot- ism. Congress has usurped all the powers of the government, has stripped the Executive branch of the authority conferred by the constitution. | It has crushed the judicial power of the Supreme Court of the United states, and so far has usurpation ad- vanced that to-day our government is no longer one regalated by checks and balances of @ coustitution, but has been revolutionized into a legisiative oll- garchy, unrestrained by any constitutional restric- tions. What are the consequences of the disturb. ance of the regular machinery? In the’ first place, the unnatural spectacle of the great Caucasian race made subordinate to the African. (Groans.) In the next, military power used to support this State of things; the industry and resources of the most fertiie portion of the country paralyzed; the commerce of our own section of the countiy driven from the sea; the proud flag, which every American hailed with pride as it floated in a foreign port, scarcely visible abroad; extravagance and corrup- tion Lestering at every pore of the body politic. An immense debt, destructive of our credit as a nation, Dressing on the resources of the country; a scene of uneasiness and insecurity prevailing in all branches of business. The quest.on is, shall this state of things be continued? General Grant, in his declaration to the public, says he will carry out the wiil of ihe people, by which he means that he will do nothing more than register the decrees of Congress; that he will interpose no obstacle to their wil, It is, in fact, a promise to surrender every power to a cabal. (Groans.) General Grant means this and nothing more. He is an honorabie man and would not disappoint them. The people must determine whether this state of doubt and confusion shal) con- tinue. (Cries of ‘No, no.) Will they keep a party in power which has proved itee!f jucapable in tine of peace of grasping the momentous question created by @ gigantic civi! war? The countrg demands peace and rest. It cries out for relie! st Op- ree taxes. The remedy is with the people. ‘hey have the power and can alone strike the blow which will give them relief. The masses are alive to the emergency, as seen by the late election. (Cheers.) We have right and jus- tice on our side, We are fighting tue vattie of the constitution and the Union and must succeed by a grand raily at the polis on the 3d November next. (Cheers.) REMARKS BY MR. BEACH, OF TROY. Mr. Bracit, Mayor of Troy, was the vext speaker, He said he stood before them as @ stranger to them rsonaliy, but, decply impressed and astonished yy the renee cence of the spectacle presentedy to him, of the power of the democratic multitudes who inhabit this giortous metropous of our country, lic wroie tw the gentleman who had asked him to raise bis voice there that night that notwithsianding ; that his voice was almost worn out by exert at other theatres of action in the interior of tits state, he would appear there that nigat and speak to the j gallant democracy of this city a few words of en- « couragement and hope; and ag the eloquent chairman of this meeting had said that he came from the resi- dence of the republican candidate for Governor of this State he was happy to — that he had a per- sonal interest in the matter, ‘hat was tue Amert- can government to-day? We had no kings at Washington, we had no emperora there, surrounded by te minions of despoiism, but a President and Congress, and the Americaa people put them there. ‘therefore he thought they would way with him that the government of the United States was the government of the peopi and that the people of the United ea were the government. (Cheers.) The duiy resulting from that state of facis was the trust which was tinposed | on the American people to trausmit ihis government at least in as good a state as it was received by us to our children, (Appiause.) That was the reason , he appealed to them that night, and if | they believed those facts with him, he | Was certam that they would disperse from that great meeting with tue fecing of entering into this ¢ ext with renewed faith and mcreaged entha- | slasm to oe this government in the only way, | in his opinion, in which it conld be preserved, and that was hy the election of Horatio Seymour and Fran- (Great cheering.) He had read a great ak papers, and 10 them he had read a ny speeches of repubican orators, ineimd- 2 of the speeches that had been mado ta this the republican monitor candidate for Gov- i the meeting. He cis P. iiair, ernor, Jolin A. wold. (Hiskes.) Now, he told them—and he hallonged any republican to contradict it—that upon the issues of this canvases they had never spoken a word, printed a word or offered a syllable, hut that their ery, from the adoption of the Caicago platform, and even af. | ter the Convention in New York, was, “War, ’ war,” and nothing out war, (Cheers.) he had supposed that the war had in April, 1865. Now, in the name of av after we liad lived in this country uuder re- publi dominion during three years of peace he asked them What on earth the question of war had to do with this political contest ? The speaker then went qn to draw a picture of the wretchedness of the South and the prosperity of the North at tue close of the war, and wound up with an earnest appeal in behalf of Seymour, Blair and Horman. REMARKS BY MAYOR HOFFMAN, Mayor HOFFMAN, Who Was received with loud ap- plause, was next introduced, He said he oniy stood before them to thank them and not to make @ speech, Thirty speeches here and elsewhere have rendered it uumecessary to say More than to thank them from the bottoin of his heart, Everywhere the dewocracy was at work, sure of victory, But yet they look to New York, where, they believe, with tens of thousands of democratic voters, that efforts will be made to stop registration aud @ fair expres- sion of feeling. But he told the people everywhere the Gemocrycy here were determined to poll the | i largest vote over polled in the city, and that those who would try to interfere with the ; iva ne wil be dow! ‘the rights of the peopl Rained aud the country everywhere shall know it. (Oheers.) With the names of Seymour and Nair there was no qjich word as fail, aa their — pom Dna (veers set up against tue indiscreet word o1 FE fe of the candidates onthe Presidential ticket. But t the securities of the country at seventy centa onthe dollar, (Cheers) -Hally 10 the polls on the ad of November next and record your disapprova- tton of these and with Seymour and wiair for our next Freaaue and Vicé President tue country shall be saved. (Great cheers.) REMARKS OF MR. TRUSSMAN, Mr. Trvussman, of Troy, was the next speaker, and who addressed the assemblage at great length, re- viewing the action of reas in depriving the Southern Staves of representation in the —_ national ré and = commenting on the acts tie = repul party, winch he denounced as illegal, despoue and uncon: stituvional. The democracy was determined as one man to drive these men irom power and to put Sey- mour and Blair at the head of national attains. ‘Me Empire State must be put at the base of the columa of the rising democracy, and it will be followed by all the other vicious and ignorant negroes and of the still more Janorant aud Vicious carvet-bagaers, Who are their carry the whole country throug the pexiis tual now. Bvironit, (Cheers) . ™ — caution them ail on election day not to create disturbances around the polls, ite that is. what the republicans want, No, vote every man of you that is entitled to vote, and every man. whatever party he may belong to, that votes illegally mugt and will be sent to Blackwell's Island; butt am gure thas Mr. PRUYN, referring to a speech recently made by | when these voters are sought out they will be found to all belong to the republican party. (Cheers) Thero- fore stand up to your honest votes tor the democratia party and you shali secure the victory. Let bo an honest victory—a victory not won by fraud and corruption, for we are the only party of the country that without power, without patronage, without money stolen from the pubiic treasury, — cav. stand up and fight the battle of principle alone. (Cheers.) I leave the fight in your hands, knowing * you will be the victors. The Captain concluded by telling a humorous anecdote, whic kept his hearera in roars of laughter for a time. CHARACTERISTIC SPEECH BY GENERAL BLAIR—HN SUPPLIES AN OMMISSION, General Br.air then came on the stand and was received with great cheering. He said le wanted ta supply an omission in the speech he had just made at the wizwan had been hammering away fox an hour anda half. ile was charged all over the countrygwith being a Know Nothing. His opponents had forged a speech for him he had never utiered and never saw till it was forged and uttered by them on the snbject-of Fenianisin. (Cheering. He waated tosay to the people of New York an to the people of the whole continent that every time he had been a candidate it had been his good ‘ortune to beat a Know Nothing—(cheers)—and & shali have to beat a Know Notuing this time, (Oon- tinued cheers.) That was his hisiory on the subject of Know Noihingiam. Tue whole y of Schuyler Colfax, fellow citizens, is that he was vomited out of the stomach of a Know Nothing lodge into poliiice, Voices on the platiovm, “That's the styic;” jal's something,” “dive me that for talking;’ iy boy.”) L believe he belongs to i every political sdctety in the country, fled with th I wanted to it with a and, not satis~ 2 made two or three of his own. If trap to catch him with | would bait political society and | would have him as sure as any old rat that was ever caught in a trap wita a piece. of roast cheese, (Great inughter in the crowd and convulsions among the audience on the platform.) T thought I would tonch on Us poins here, ag 1 had omitted it at the Hall, to show up what a flagrant set Of faisifiers those people ai Why, he is the very dad of the Know Nothing as the candi- date of Pennsylvania for the Vice Presidency, and & have a righi to charge hing with that crime, which I consider a crime, and which I heve, in every political canvass [ have run against @ Know No'hing and beat him, (Cheers.) And now, fellow citizens, I think tt is going tobe my good fortune to oeat them again. (Cheers and great excitement on the platform.) Mr. Biair, thanking the audience for their kindly greeting, then retired. Outside Scenes. The display in Union square was certainly the most picturesque and decided!y the most enjoyable of any that has occurred on tits famous meeting ground of the political clans dur- ing the campaign season. It was enjoyahie from the fact that no pushing and crushing ward organizations made thelr Le ne shoving people hither and thither and making mat- ters generaily uncomfortable. The broad area around the square was illled by a auict, leisurely as; semblage of citizens, who sauntered in from Broad- way and the adjoining streets between the hours of seven and eight, and departed just as leisurely be- tween tlie hours of nine and ten. There were only two stands in the square, one in front of Broadway and the other a few hundved feet away, close by the equestrian statue of Washington, ‘he main stand resembled an oriental pavilion at some hittie dis- tance away. The Union flag hung in folds around it. Lights glimmered inside and above it, and what with the commingling of bright bunting and brighter peaitent, the waving lines of Chinese lanterns, the rilliant and beautiful recurrence of many-colored Bengal fires, the music, the rockets shouting up spasmodically against the du!! and leaden sky, ue upturned faces of @ vast living mass humanity, the scene was eminently ani mated and picturesque. From Third avenue to University place janterns swingiig gaily from pole to pole extend 1, Calcium lights shot the con- centrated essence of moonveams up and down Four- teenti street, and in the enciosure of Union square @ conirivance was arranzed for burning some strange compound that sent up at intervals a great widening wreath of smoke—now gold, now crimso} now purple, now green, tinging the half-withere: foliage of the trees with each of these shades in suc- cession, and throwing the reflec'ion over tie street upon the brick fronts and upon the faces of the multitude sheltered bel hivem. It was a really grit, pleasant political gathering, very | 2 Indee? rectly in front of the maim stand, from which one might look abroad In the glare of tue nights and see nothing but a sea of human fa bat there was no crash, ao noise, no dis.uPbance and little dimculty in efiecting a passage frou one the square to the other. e ladies were not so numer- ous as on former occasions, probably owing to the suspicions character oi the Weather, Which might ba called healthy or the reverse according (o tasie. 16 ‘was generally deemed dyspeptic. A yas jet on the main stand, representing a spread cagle surmount- ing a shield, and the words ‘seymour, Union and victory” underneath, had a hard time contending against the Southern wind that coursed up Broad- way, and persisted in biowing out pyniour? now and the “Union” the next momen’ ‘Did we live in the days of Rome,” exclaimed a reflective and philo- sophical citizen, might looxed “upon asa@badomen.” It kept & man tolerably busy trim- ming the device in gaspiping. so as tu prevent the disappearance of the eagle in the first place and Seymour and the Union tn the next, Metropolitan Democratic Clab. This club had its headquarters on F street, near University place, brilliantly iilu Arldresses were made by Messrs. J. i. Crittenden, ©. Colman, . Chapinan and Thomas F. Thresher. ‘The attendance was numerous and orderly. Stund Near Washington Monament. When the speaking began here the attendance wag slim, but the sound of speech echoing over the square among the impatient ones awaiting tue advent of the orators drew a crowd tiuimediaely towards it. It was a conspicuous mark. ‘Tae buniing was very red and showy and appeared to possess a magnetio attraction. Mr, ALGERNON SULLIVAN roceedings with a brief a ‘88, predicting victory for the democracy on t of Nove: General BATON, of Pennsyivania, fuliowed and re lated many revolutionary © an Interspersed wih expressions of profound attachment to the democratic party. Mr. Eoperr also made an address, after which the crowd dwindled away in the direction Of ho ue. SEYMOUR IN OHIO. rteenth ninated, presided and opened te rm ber. jevernor Seymour in Columbus. COLUMBUS, Oot, 27, 1808, Governor Seymour, on being introduced by Sena- tor Thurman, said:— Tam glad to have @ chance to stand before tha peovie of Ubio at the capital. It gives me great pleasure during my journey to pass taroug vo ‘arre 8 portion of the country that | have never seen be- fore. Not only because I have had uuioided beforo me its great plains and fertiie feuls, bul because | have had also an opportunity to mevt so many of Its citizens, It adds to tue preasure (hut . have receiver from my Dg oro pe those courtesies which @0 80 far to disarm the asperities of a political can- ass. I stand beiore you now ia no self-seeking spirit. It is not because { wisi to taxe upon myselt @ cares, the anxieties or respousiviiities of the Executive, but it is because I aia concerned at the condition of my country. When [ pass through your own great State, when I see its fertiie farme, when [ meet ite sturdy laborers I feel if there is not unquali- fed prosperity here it is not because God has not ven us a fair vant it is not because labor is not estly Fd forth, but because imisiakes have been made by those who conduct our public afairs. When I turn to the commercial articles of tue newspapers to-day I see the price of your products gues uown; £ see it said that 'k and corn, ra sea by your labor, be: price you had @ rigit to hope, ‘This is @ serious eo It don’t concern mere money concerns the Well being of the families of iry by the fireside and in the midst of family farther reaching ‘hau this. All meia agree that it is upon the Vy ae of agriculture that we base our hopes for the piosperity of our land. I see another compiaint—tnat your businces men look anxiously forward to see if they are to have a cur- their produce to market. Why is of Ohio and indiana and of wi to-day, with ail their industry, With all their national advan feel a perpiexity? Wi it the scarcity of currency grows out of no business cause, grows out of no misfor- but it is made by speculators who, for the pur- pose of putting down stocks on the Eastern market, Speech of or for the purpose of buying your produce low, have contracted the volume of tie currency for unworthy and selfish then, in our ee tngut tre f 4 y wre thu; government—- ecw er abate iat fovernment thaf can 80 affect you In your homes imail your dearest 4 teresta? What influence in this that without legal jurisdiction can 30 tell be ne the interests of gue country? If it ia the fault of the men In nh “4 is the inadvertent consequence of tie icy of tha government, then I ask all men witht e | my Yolce to think weil before they clare by thete States, which will form tw line and | votes at this election that the poiley of thas CONTINUED ON TENTH PAGE