The New York Herald Newspaper, September 10, 1868, Page 4

4 EUROPE. General Dix on the American Presidency. English Assaults on Disraeli’s Position, Motives and Finance. The War Power of France and Prussia, The QOunard mail steamship Scotia, Captain Judkins, from Liverpool the 29th and Queenstown the 30th of August, arrived at this port yesterday morning, bringing our special European correspond- ence and a mail report, in detail of our cable tele grams, dated to her day of sailing from England. The Paris Figaro of August 28 was selzed. It publishes a long letter from Mazzini to Garibaldi, in which the old Itallan republican expresses his conviction that Napoleon III. is determined to aad the Khenish provinces to his crown, and that ho considers @ general conflagration can only lead to events which will be advantageous to democracy, He bide Garibaldi remember that his mission 1s to protect the peoples against kings in like yanner as engineers, who, by thelr works of improvement, guard humanity against pestilence. It would be impossible, it is sald, to exaggerate the revolutionary character of the letter, A correspondent of the London 7imes, writing from Wiesbaden, gives the following:— rrince de Joinville was robbed of 17,000f. in notes and gold, some promissory notes and a letter of credit. The property bad been stolen from his bedclamber in the Hotel of the Four Seasons during the night, the Prince having omitted to fasten his door and being asleep at the time. The Direc- tor of the Police, M. Seyfried, a most intelligent om- cial, immediately instituted ‘an inquiry and learned from a bonne in the hotel that a German who lodged in the same establishment was observed to hang about the passage the greater part of the night. He proved to be tue robber and was arrested when at play at the Kursaal. Complaints having been made with regard to the high charges exacted by the different railway com- panies in Austria for goods in transit to England, France and Germany, the Austrian Minister of the Board of Trade has determined to endeavor to obtain a modification of the present tari(r, and for tnis purpose convened @ meeting of all the managing directors of the various Austrian lines, the result of which will shortly be made public. The London Lancet reports:— ‘The mental! derangement of the ex-Empress Char- lotie of Mexico has reassumed an acute form; that she is now subject to attacks of furious mania; end on the authority of her medical attendants the “be- ginning of the end’’ is now so near that telegrams are passing daily between Vienna and Lacken, her head and cars in debt; but, judged by a purely politi: | Standard, wit betier tést or the capacity of gov- eraing can be suggested? All bad government, as Mr. Cariyie remarks in his diagnosis of the French Revolution, ends in insolvency. The temptation aa weak minister ig corruption, and corruption: noe increased expenditure, and ingreased expen = means repeated, deficiencies. The tea oat an incompetent minister 1s exirasapanOh, ane extravagance has the same wine remals as corruption, The madness OF oe less ‘mini ts profusion, | and _ profuslol is another form of the same disease. ve r way we rd the position of & mmigiiae vee placed tn, a, minority 1 Toro oreod to the goncla- (opener ¢ suffer for his ambition, necessary consequence that, when we toa Oe doiatee continuously “A and a surplus converted year after year into a deficiency, we should conclude that the management of affairs is for a time intrusted to ® man toho ts careless everything except maintaining his supremacy as a Care It will be seen on examination that tho lberal administration bequeathed to thelr succes- sors an expenditure in process of reduction, and that ‘Mr, Disraeli has managed“ to change the order, and to convert a yearly decrease into @ yearly addition to the national charge. In 1862 our expenditure for everything except public debt was little more than $45,000,000. This is @ fact which should be mere mind. ‘It is not by any means the minimum attained by the late government, but it is a useful standard of comparison for subsequent years. Consider what fol- loved. The next year saw @ reduction, and the next year and the next, T! were the years durin; which Mr, Gladstone was at the financial helm, anc the facts cannot be disputed. A 88 optional expenditure of £43,000,000 in 1862 fell to £40,840,000 in 1863, was brought down to £40,000, 000 in 1864, and to £39,680,000 in 1865. We have thus a reduction of more than three millionus—of Se ye three years. This does not exhibit the full extent of our national progress. As each year brought forth a surplus there was each year a reduction in the form of an abolition of taxation, and in the process of reduction account was taken of a possible increase in tho several branches of income and a remission effected accordingly. Thus it happens that the taxes remitted exceeded the apparent amount of the reduc tion of expenditure. e surpluses secured were applied towards the reduction of the national debt; the prospective and greater surpluses were applied in the remission of taxation. In 1363-4 thd balance of tax- ation reduced was £4,615,000, In 1864-6 this ba'ance ‘was £3,135,000. In 1865-6 it was £5,343,000, In 1866-7 it was £600,000, in thejfour years we haye a total of taxation reduced or ‘abolished of no less than £13,693,000, But in 18¢-7 the scale was turned, ‘The conservative Ministry came into power and the balynce was at once thrown the other way. We are only stating facts; we will consider presently facts? In three years the optional expenditure has grown, says ir. Childers, from 9,680,000 to £A43,730,000, The elasticity of the revenue has gone and the expenditure has increased. charge has been swollen. We have had to pay more Jor the army. Wehave had to pay more for the navy. We have had, in a still greater proportion, to pay more for the civil services. The very charges of collection have increased, Instead of a yearly expenditure falling below the yearly estimates wo have had to reconcile ourselves to the unpleasant fact of a yearly expenditure exceeding the estimates, Deilcits have ety the place of surpluses. For re- duction of taxation we have to submis to an in- crease. Instead of a redundant exchequer we are forced to contemplate impoverished balances. We have no wish to exaggerato a single charge against the present administration. It is unfortunate for Mr. Disraeli at he hasno one who can say a sensible word in his behalf, His apologists are zealous enough, but they appear to be deficient in the habits of exactness. They are forced to resort to fargone years. They are unable to detect the grossest errors of the accusers of the Ministry—way, not even the misprints of their charges. We are disposed to place of continement, The Gibraltar Chronicle of the 19th of August re- ports:— For the first time for poe years past Gibraltar has been visited by an earthquake, On the after- noon of the 18th inst. two most unmistakable shocks were felt at many different points im the town and soul. Some people assert that they saw the walls of honses shaking; others had their glasses and crockery thrown down from shelves and broken, while by many the strange rumbling noise was mis: be the more zealous in stating all that is to be said ofice ata criticaltime. The summer of 1966 was not ces than any which had happened for forty years. So much for domestic policy. But the eveut of Sa- dowa was also {mperative in directin to the armament of our troops. In this way it befell that a conservative administration succeeded to oilice when the commerce of the country had received a most seyere blow, and when it was proved to be taken for tue explosion of some distant magazine, No atmospheric or other prognostications appear to have preceded the shock. « The financial advices from Turkey continue favor- able. The collection returns of the Imperial Otto- man Bank show £500,000 receipts for taxes in one month. The populations in Russia are greatly excited by the preaching of an old Muscovite peasant named Alexis Alexandrovitch, who, after a seclusion of sev- eral years, appeared in the district of Samara, de- claring himself a prophet, He is now going from place to place announcing the approaching destruc- tion of the Crescent and the substitution of the Greek Cross for it on the dome ot St. Sophiaat Oonstantino- ple. The Russian government allows every liberty of action and language to this popular agitator, who besides does not attack the lawa or the administra- tion tn any way. His doctrines are those of the old Russian party. necessary to incur additional expenditures in maintaining our preparations for defence, ‘The Abyssinian expedition came on the back of this, but this additional circumstance is so much a thing apart that we have neglected to include it in any of our comparisons. make a show of defence when arraigned.on a charge of “bloated expenditures.’ It would be a mere show. The gravamen ofthe accusation fs, not that the conservative government has converted the small arms of the army into breech-leaders, or that tiiey have—as they have not—reinforced our shores with a stock of turret ships, These things they might have done, but the truth is they lave left all other things undone. The repressive hand has been felt nowlicre. Instead of @ dragon of economy with lidless eyes guarding the tS heceeey there haa been a watchdog snoring hard by Command, Zxtravagance has been winked at right and lft. Just asin the House of Commons all the arts of manage- another each section of the opposition, so has each department of the administration been cha to be indulgent to the deman of irresy advisers, And what is the answer to all thin? Le itis FRANCE. General Dix on the Political Situation in America, PaRis, August 28, 1868, Certain English paper writers, very badly informed, and certainly very little interested In the grand politl- 1 campaign of the coming fall in the United States, nave undertaken to state the views of two or three ofthe American Ministers abroad on the questions involved in the coming election. One paper has stated in the most confident manner that Mr. Reverdy Johnson and General Dix were head and head for Seymour aa the next Presidentof the United States, This statement I have reason to kaow ts rightly believed to be untrue as to Mr, Johnson, and certainly it 1s as to General Dix. The latter speaks with the utmost freedom and frankness on the subject with all and has no disguise when one asks his opinion. He says that he should regard the election of Mr. Seymour at this juncture as @ great calamity, and that the only hope for the peace and tranquillity of the country during the next four years ts in the Lote good sense and patriotism of Generai Grant. He speaks with the samé freedom against the resolution passed by the Fourth of July Conven- tion of democrats for paying the five-twentles in paper, and considers it @ gross violation of the public jwith pledged under circumstances of imminent danger and diMecuity, He says that the well known indectsion of Seymour, as weil as his conduct during the rebellion, aud the repudiating declaration of the Conveution held in New York which put him in nom- uation, Ought to be degisive of the approaching contest, in every form General Dix, mindful of the trials ond suferings through which our country has passod during the rebejlion, and with @ full kpowledge of the causes aud iufluences that prompted tt and carried it on so long and the elements are now ruling the democratic party, is am avowed opponent of the democratic party and ite leaders and-candi- cates in the coming campaign. He te an open and earnest advocate of the election of General Grant, through Wiich he sees a Career of peace, prosperity and tranquillity for our couutry. I do hot hesitate to state the opinions of General Dix thus fully, for he has expressed them with- Out the slightest reserve to more than one of my intimate acquaintances. No one who has talked with him on the subject has been left ia dark relative to his opinions, which are essential as i have stated above. Of my own personal know Jedge 1 am sure that J have giv h, in a brief manner, Geweral Dix's views on the comiug contest. x GREECE. Looking Out for Farragut, ATHENS, August 15, Iss, | The Grice contains the following allusions to the | expected visit of the American squadron to the | Pireus:— The United States mon-of-war Franklin and Frolic have anchored at Syra just in time to take part in the public rejoicings upon the occasion of the Prince Royal's birth. The population of Syra has given the crews of these vessels the heartiost reception, The visit of Admiral Farragut is tmpatiently Owaited at Athens. The inhabitants of the city are ‘As curious to see him as they are desirous of testity. ing to him their admiration of the talents and cour- pA] displayed during the late war im the United Nowhere outside America are Admiral ts exploi™ better known and cpprectused: these in a eee also, Gal eine of the United Warth well wishers as am: the Greeks. in the triumph of the Union ihe Gfeexs have hailed the victory of a friendi people at the game time 4&8 the conso|idation of liberat und repub- ican institutions, which are also in vogue in Greece notwithstanding the monarchical form with which their attributes are invested among us, We are to be able to iuform our readers that Adini ‘arragut intends to visit A\ fow weeks. Peraere ENGLAND. Disraci¥e Finance—Increase of the Public Devt—Motlves of the Minister. ym the London Times, August 27.) A distinguished statesman was wont to avow the opinion that the it teat b; judged might be found in answer to We question hether he pays hig way, We shouid be loth to com- | Mit ourselves to 80 ee ek an opinion, remember- ing, as we must, that Mr, Pitt and Mr. Fox, dimterent 12 all olse, | Tue plea is merely a | Only @ Very stuall part o Which ® man could be | agreed in thia—that they were votu over . muse the world. The conservative government, it iv cont have not proved themselves efficient economists hitherto, but they are now on the hi road to attain tl character, When they had a reputation to in view of the amine elections they were iavish. Let them be suppo! by @ ma- jority in November and they will prove themselves trply economical. This promise needs no comment. When November comes we shall see whether the cynical eatimate of national sagacity tuvolved tn itis justified by the resuits. — The Cost and Losses in China. {From the London Star (Bright organ), August 29.) From a quiet retreat in Iverness-shire tae Chancel- lor of the Exchequer has written to the conservative candidate for southwest Lancashire an explanation of the increase of £3,009,000 In the national expendi- ture which has taken place since the tories came into omMice. The explanation will, no doubt, de satisfac- tory to the candidate, and able gentleman doubtless expecta it will com- pletely put to silence the liberal compiaints of extravagance, The letter is an election manifesto of the Op ay eee to the constituencies at large, through the convenient medium of ‘My dear Cross"’ of Lancashire, Asai all the statements in this document to be perfectly accurate, and that the items of the excess of estimates of 1868 and 1869 over those of 1866 and 1867 are correctly given, the most noteworthy feature is the entire absence of ex- cuse or reason for the excess. The increase in the army estimates alone amounts to £1,870,000, and the Chanceilor of the Exchequer gives what he calls the “principal causes” of increase. He picks out those entries in the accounts of 1868 and 18¢9 which did not appear in the poses of the liberal Ministry, and confuses these with the reasons why the expendi- ure has increased, But it is very clear, if we are f°, on continually adding to our ex- penditure when any improvement 1s suggested, and leaving the old expenses aa they stood without | public maguitude. diminution or reform, we shail, in course of years, bulld up estimates colossal enough to crush down any nation. That additional sums paid ont of the national exohequae increase expenditure We all know, but the pubile are entitied to an explanation, not only as to what items are sapplementai to the former estimates, but why they should form aa in- crease to the gross expenditure, * * * Bul the navy estimates are upwards of £11,000,000; and can the Admiralty out of this enor- Mous amount of supply not provide ships for reliefs without adding half a million to the burdens of the people? There is another way by which the result might have been attained better and more expedi- tiously than by beginaing to build more ships, the patterns of which wiil be obsolete long before they are Jaunched; but as it has never occurred tothe Chancelior of Exchequer or his govern ment we make the suggestion with all due humility. It that the number of ships on foreign stations might be reduced unui their services were required. We do not know, for exam- pe, any reason why the fleet of Lord Clarence Paget inight not be reduced by a few vessels. It is very agreeabie to entertain the ladtes of Venice and other ports on board her Majesty's ships, but it does uot reqaire a whole fleet for the purpose; aud the feet in these seas has not, of late, had any more serious duty to perform. We retain in the Chinese seas a feet so large, and having so few duties to discharge, that the other day @ Heutenant of a gunboat is said to nave attack and gatlanily @ fed a fleet of Chinese trading junks, under the erroneous tmpres- sion (hat they were pirates, The Americans, witha couple of frigates on the station, havea gained more commpleiely the confidence of the Chinese authorities, and are likely to exercise more infiuence tn futrre upon the Chinese empire than ourselves, although we have spent miiions in maintaining a feet to back up our pretensions, The idea of with- ceawing wholly some of the unnecessary naval force which we keop roaming about the wi never ‘ered the mind or Sir John Pakington, It seems have entered the con ion of Mr. Ward 80 the naval estimates of 1868-9 are in- creased by haifa million to build more ships, because our huge navy cannot as It is afford & system of relief, Nothing so completely marks the incom- ce of & government as an Inability to carry on he service the country without having recourse to extra expenditure for every trif_ing di ce in detail which itis necessary to make from the ments of their predecessors. Manchester Optnton of Conservative Economy, é (From the Manchester G: August 28.) NEW YORK HE very item of on behalf of the administration. They came into | only signalized by a change of government, but by the | cocnrreice ofa financial crisia graver in lis conseqnen- | fear Lord Jobu Manners himself must have some our attention | It is plain that Mr. Disraeli might | | | ment have been spent in conciliating one after | was no dou ad | and wealth of the land; the right honor- | will they have neglected. Ertravaganee ts their distino- tive use, ane at hry peered - peculiarities ae their character Which w jorgotien at en. eral election. f 5 A Peer in Defence of Disraeli—What the Pre- mier Intended and May Accomplish. (From the London Times, A\ 5 There are men in the world Fo yrabod beon specialty endowed by the irony of fate with an ere ief in the completeness of their own range of thought and ex: ice, What they feel ones must feel. What they think everybody What they believe everybbdy must believe. ‘They know themselves to be, like Hamlet, ‘inditférent honest;’’ they have no fear that seer are in way incapable of sounding the depths of uni- versal consclousuess; and, ag a consequence, they are persuaded that any ono who doos not coincide in ull their conclusions is in a perilous condition. ‘They regret to have to say it, but they are too sadly sure that there must be something viel if not erimi- nal, in the composition of a man who does not agree with them, It is sometimes thought that this is state of mind confined to rural coteries, and espe- cially apt to be develo} in small country tow: but under proper conditions it flourishes every where, Given a limited intelligence and a narrow educa- tion, and the result is certain, 'Ihe squire who is all in all in his village, the don who is the head of his college, the nobieman who has no rival tn his divi- sion of the county, the divine who takes the lead at clerical meetings, are occasional instances of the common product. We have not forsome time met with a more admirable sample of the traly provincial mind than is to be found in the address of Lord John Manners to the electors of North Lei- cestershire. It is @ periect study, and tle effect ig heightened by the unconsciousness of the author that he is in any way amusing. We need scarcely say, indeed, that Lord John Manners has no 1ore intention of being droll than Don Quixote, Virtuous, noble and patriotic sentiments ow from his pen with the sweetest naturalness. The larger part—say rather the whole— of his address is an exaltation of the great deeds performed by the Miuistry of which he is a member— deeds whicli would have been still greater lad not usefulness of Mr. Disrae|i’s administration, * * * When Lord Jolin Manners has finished his review of the good deeds the Ministry have ac- complished, he completes his address, as an exhili- tion of character, by lamenting the wickedness of those who hindered the efforts of his colleagues in other directions. ‘hey were going on well, as Lord John bas shown, Whatever their hands were turned to do they did with all their might, and they turned their hands to.nothing but what was exc lent. Unhappily, they were hindered in their activity. Wretched men, whose excuse can only be their ignorance, “interrupwed the proper course of the apology presented for them; but what are the } business!" Mr. Disracli's Ministry were about to re- form the Kankruptey law. Others have promised to do this; they would have done it, to amend the laws relating to the tenure of land in Ireland—another boon deferred as often ag pro- mised. They would have passed an education bill. ‘These things were not done, and that owing to no neglect on tie part of the government, but to the in- ferruption in the proper course of business cansed by the interpolation of a crude scheme for the dises- tablishment and disendowment of the Church in Ire- land, The country was blessed with a virtuous and well conducted Ministry who were in and ought to be kept in office; aud Us Ministry determined in clesiastical condition of Ireland except in a trifling way of levelling up, and thereupon an unprincipled opposition, a more rabble—did not Mr. Bouverio cail them so?—interrupted the proper course of business by the interpolaiion of a crude scheme of their own. We quite see with Lord John Manners that it was really, really too monstrous. It 1s comforting to | be assured by him that to any such scheme he wiil | continue “to offer every opposition in his power,” | though it would have been stili more satisfactory if | he had undertaken to state what he conceives to be | 3 of his strength. If we are to understand that “every opposition in my geet means “oppo- sition as long a3 Mr, Disraell will permit,” the as- surance is robbed of much of its value. And yet we suspicion that this is his real meaning, Beautifully as he writes now about the Irish Church as “hallow: ing governinent with the sanetions of rejigion, and offering the truths and consolations of Christianity to the poorest of the people,” he may be “educated’? to recognize that the truth Is just the reverse of his description; that the Irish establishment has throughout its history made the English government odious in Ireland, that the poorest of the people re- ject the truths and consolations it offers, and that both on the grounds of Hes) and piety it were vet- ter to abolish an establishment which offends the one and Linders the spread of the other. Drend of Liberal Division. Mr. C. Seely, Jr, liberal candidate for Nottingham, England, addressed a meeting of the electors, and in the course of his speech satd:—We took it that the liberal eleetors wished to get reforms in the nex; Parliament; they wished to disestablish the Lris Church; they wished to have a redistribution of seats; for the baliot: a reduction in the expediture, and minor points. He thought it possible they would get these things in the next Parliament. There was one rock, however—a very serious one—ahead of the lberal = Whether they liked it or not, there t that a very large number of the liberal party in the House was composed of the aristocracy and if men of extreme opin- tons were returned they might flud that the aris- tocracy and wealth of the land imght be rather so ludicrous that it may be left in all Its simpltelty to | frightened, and If so they might see a lurge Beceeslo from the liberal ranks. If that were case thi Mberal majority would be turned into a minority. He therefore put -it to them to choose the men who were most likely to get what they wanted. Telegraph Cables to AmericamComwmercial Harmony. {From the London Times (city article), August 28.) It seems to be well understood that the new French Atlantic Telegraph Company and the English one will work with @ rattonal understanding, 80 a8 to bd hice without contentious rivalry the utmost ca- pabilities of the service, From the day of the suc- cessiul working of the English cable it was almost universally regarded as a certainty that the field would soon be entered by many competitors, while in some quarters there was a disposition to believe that this branch of enterprise would create the baste of @ new revival of wild speculation. If any more conn however, should hereafter be formed, it ntirely through mismanagement on the part of the existing ones. It was indispeusable that the Continent should have an independent lne, and France was its natural starting point; but there is neither political nor other necessity for additional communication and any future increase in the num- ber of cables should coine aa a result merely of the pressure of business consequent upon the skill and fiance of the managers of tl present lines ceaselessly seeking to gi new facilities and to reduce their clarges, by oncertaining in concert every practical su; lon that may trom time to time be presented for the pur- pose. If only one company existed there would always be the danger of Xs mauagement falling un- der the tufluence of a clique who would prevent every new idea from reaching the Board, but any such result will be improbable when two se] nations are concerned. Under these circuimsiances the prospects of the underiaking seem as free from risk as could be hoped for in any work whatever of ‘The fact that nearly oue-half the length of the cable wili be in a depth of water in- volving no pert! vf any kind, and that the other half | will be in depths from wich, in case of accident, the practicability of recovery has already beon deMmon- strated, insurestoa great extent the fuldlmentof the enterprise without tte likeliood of any expense beyoud such a8 has already beea fully provided for; While, as regards income when success shall have been actieved, the shareholders can entertain not only the knowledge that the existing profits of At janie telegrapiy could be divided with handsome results between (wo companies, but that a wide con viction prevatis that these profits form but a small proportion of those destined to be attained when the intercourse between the (wo hemispheres shail have been suiliciently opened up. GERMANY. War Power of Prussia and tho Confedernas tion—Relative Sireugth Compared with France. (From the London Spectator, August 29.) We pointed out last week the immense strength, strength almost beyond compare, which M. Mague’s report, afcer allowing for all deduetions, showed to exist in France, Napoleon, tt ty evident, wields a power which Count Bismarck, as a thoughtful though daring statesman, would hesitate to attack, even if the resources at the disposal of the Hohen- zollerns were greater tian those of France. And they are not greater, There is a vague impression Sinong Englisimen that Prussia, since the annexa- tions, has become a mighty State; that Germany ts, for dghting purposes, the greatest power in the world; that the President of the Confederation in hesitating to complete the work must be influenced b; motives other than dread of war. He does not wan! it is sald, to include the Reds of the South in Prus- sia, or to leave his family alone in Germ , the mark for every democrat, or to disable Austria for her grand work, the civilization of the magaificent valley of the Danube. Ail these things are no doubt in a measure true and all these considerations weigh, but there is one more which has, we suspect, more Influence than them ail. It isnot yet so clear ag Englishmen think that Prossia and France are abso lutely equal Powers; that when the facts are care- fully the ancient superiority of France to any Single State on the Continent’ will be found to have disappeared. It is essential, if we are to form a judgment on that’ question, and not what is ‘usually enlied an. “opinion,> flourishes, that we should disregard ‘all rhetorical juardian, Tho advent of the conservatives to power | and institute a comparison not between “Germany' had been immediately marked iy a recrogresaon in | and France, but between the resources now con+ the path of retrenehment along which had advanced so rapidiy under revious govern- ment, and within two years thes nad gone wo within a few hundred thousand int from which Mr. Gladstone's . It has been pretended to arg expenditure ig explained and sity of Strengthening the national armaments, that this increase of | von justified by the neces | south of the Main. trolied by the Bonapartes and those of Which. the Prussian Court can dispose, It is doubtless pleasant, may be useful, for excited rifemen to make speeches @bout the unity of ail German tribes; but aaa matter of fact, if war begins to-morrow Count Moltke cannot rely fully on a man from the Granting that the military treaties must be observed in jorm. and that @ ma Galiy tu the matter of smalt arms and iron-clada, | jority of South Germans are opposed to France, and ume however, the add of us can be shown to have been Eivier the Disraett for, even it they Nave executed, ich they vo. Jone By, they Unve diverted the. foes ante ave $0 cMPLayes Kom other purposed whic has been requii spent on those obje ment have vot pai the Improvemeu have thay because | might if time itional money that | her, it i# certain that their rwers, the ra: | nothing Were granted thein, rise op against {teen oF can be done, are not fh tity Prussia wtnat . ot hearty Prussian— the South, tfit moves at ail, wili Tove slowly, Heavily, aod with haifa heart. s'owuess is fatal When you are resisting Zouaves, ant without entering into & | ted ona atgiment, 1 twaty 08 Yell to be certain Lihat twenty men who hold the siring: unthinking and violent men interfered to limit the | They were going | their own wisdom that they would not touch the ec- | | merchant servi if Prussia can keep the South “friendly” and Austria neutral she will have accomplished ag much as her statesmen expect. To gain even that much they are making concessions to cussia as to them as to the most liberal among their opponenta—conces- sions o aner would never make except under cure the e especial, rr tae not turn French; but wo may rely on it that Count Bis. expects no more, that the war, if he regards it comes, as in all essential meapecte a duel between Germany North of the Main and France. Well, Germany North of the Main, when reckoned up a8 generals reckon up States, is not yet the stronger ower of the two. Her areais less by a fifth, the ‘ures being 7,538 German square miles against 9,860, her population by seven millions, or nearly a million and a haif of arins bearing men. France in 1866 had thirty-eight millions, while North Germany in 1864 had only 2934. It 1s true that in very great wars area is not of much importance, and that Berlin is two hundred and sixty miles rom the French fron- tier, while Paria is only one hundred and thirty miles from that of Prusala, ° It is also true that popu‘ation in Prossia augments at the rate of 24 per cent per annum, doubil in little more than forty years, while that of Franco is stationary, but we are speaking not of the future but the present. And finally, It i8 true that except in a war like that between the North and South of the Union, the ultimate resources in men are never exhausted, and a difference even of millions may therefore never count; but, on the otier hand, the Hohenzoilerns have not above three hundred thousand regular troops in garrison or reserve in tie strict military sense of those words, while France has six hundred thousand, It was the King’s know- ledge of this alspastty: which imparted such terrible importance to hours in the Luxemburg discussion. To call out the Prussian national strength takes days, and Frederick William dared not risk being taken even for a time by surprise. He was compelied, tlere- fore, at the risk o1 seeming to challenge France, to fix an hour at which negotiation must either be Buc- cessful Or mobilization must commence. When mobilized the two Powers are tolerably equal, for theré are dificulties as to commissariat, con- veyance and power of “handling? which limit the size of armies, but it may be doubted if the Hohen- zollerns, without utterly disorganizing soci- ety, could summon the nine hundred thou- saud men whom Napoleon, without antici- pating conscriptions, hag the legal power to expend, ‘That matters very littie if the war is to end in a Sadowa, but it matters very much if the first batile 8 @ sanguinary but undecided repetition of Magenta, At sea the comparison is even more un- favorable to North Germany. She hasa splendid comprising, when the Free Towns are added, 1,150,000 tons, against 1,003,000 tons belonging to France, and owing to the character of her trade her ships are bigger, and therefore better fiived for transport; but she has only 549 guns at sea altogether, and only three tron-clad frigates, and it would take months to obtain any large new supply. Doubtless, if the war lasted she could obtain more, for North Germany, though her administration 1s ex- pensive, the outlay on it belng about two millions larger than Great Britain and [reland—she spends £38, 000,000 against the £36,000,000 we usually spend— isonty half as much taxed as France, 27s. a head against £2 d3., and has only one-sixth of her debt, or £32,400,000 against £500,000,000; but this advantage, though an Chormous one in the long run, will not tell at once, France might be exhausted-before Prussia, but France, as M. Magne has shown, can for the present obtain any money she wanta, and the wars of to-day are rarely carried up to the point at which ‘national exhaustion begins to be felt, least of ail wars for reputation and territory, Bach nation strikes hard and straight, the masses em- ployed are too vast for delay, and armies are too nearly conterminous withnations to admit of many, or indeed of protracted, campaigns, We do not wish to overburden our columns with statistics or we might add that Prussia has no reser- voir of energy like Paris, 80 dangerous in peace, so valuable in war; that France contains forty-five citles with more’ than 80,000 people and North Ger- many only thirty; that old Prussia bas but 41,173,000 acres under crop and France 82,661,000; but we have stated enough to show that in available resources, in the power to fight on a great scale for a lon time, the Hohenzollerns are not yet the equals o: the Bonapartes. Many things may remedy this disparity, individual genius, organization or the na- tional character; but on these points observa- tion can tell us little beyond a few general facts. We Engiish, moved, it may be, by an instinctive sym- pathy with ali of Teutonic blood, are apt, especially since Badowa, to think the Germans the higher race, and no doubt they are physically stronger than the French, But they labor under a great yor 3 to dis- ease, citizen life not quailiying them for the open fleld. Arms of precision are as fatal to physical power as guppowder was to armor, and Frenchmen can march, when driven, rather the quicker, In mental power the Prussians may be superior on the whole, but {t must not be forgotten that the very best qualities of the French character—its courage, inventiveness aud elasticity—come out ‘ongly in war; that ia a campaign its main vanity, ceases to be injurious, while its greatest foibie, febrile impatience, has all the effect of energy. A Frenchman in spirits is a very difficult soldier to beat, and in this war he would begin with the conviction, inspired if not justifled by history, that be waa the better soldier of the two, He may not, of course, be equally well led, but the impression of Englishmen that he would not be is little more than a guess, Prussia possesses in Count von Moltke a very great strategist, log alike in his genius and in the full conviction that it is the first in the world, but the seven weeks’ war did not develop generals of exceptional ability, and the Prussian Court has a tendency to put its trust in princes. Napoleon is embarri in that way also, being unwilling to eutrust armies to men who hate his dynasty; but be- tween princes and political marshals there is not much to choose, and the French chieftain can stoop for a general among the masses of the people, while the Prussian is limit: d in his choice to the caste of the well born, Either “turn — @ man worth armics, but the process of turning him up will be quicker in democratic France than aristocratic Prussia. The single point which in this respect is unfavorable to France is her autocratic Teowng wnieh. in eighteen years may have exhausted stock ol ning, but tt must not be forgotten that this régime has been less autocratic in the army than in any great department of French life. The gape! vr oect Veatnwrmagl of terpenes but on e army must have many an eral in its ranks, We are far from the folly oe attem| ies ae edi should the great fight come off, tow ich aitte veto will incline, but we can venture to say with confaence has veason, serious reason, to think deeply before she abandons the hope of peace with France. ‘The Political Situation in Madrid—French and English Hints at RevolutionmA Change of Dynasty. (Paris (Aug. 27) correspondence of London Times.) Nobody heve seems in the least to know what is going on in Spain. We are told that foreign, especially French, pay from that country, au jual care is take and "3 are rigorously excinded we are driven to suppose that mn to prevent the exit of letters likely to enlighten Europe as to the real state of a in that happy laud, So farascan be made out from the seraps of news that have reached us, ail those Generais who have not been trans to the Phillippines or otherwise put out of the way ha’ given in (heir resignation. In fact, nearly everybod: of amy note in the country seems to have Tesla § except the Queen and M, Gonzalez Bravo, who are apparently governing the country en (éle-<d-léte with the assistance of a few priests, rose its, bleed- ing pone and other characters of the kind, such as habitually figure in Spanish political tragi-comedies, We are not to suppose that the Marshals and Generala who have given up their lucrative posts are pre- ss to retire juto private Ie and to abandon forever the joys and emoiamefts of power and of place. When @ Spanish Captain Generai of Minister of War resigns it is with the full intention of coming back as soon as possible and under more favorabie circumstances. He goes to plot and conspire. It is thouglit by many that Gonzalez Bravo has made a fatal mistake in at the whole of tue generals against him, and that his overthrow ts near at hand. ‘The military party has always had great influence at the palace, and the virtuous Isabel, during the whole of her gow long reign, has never seemed to consider her soul and body in saiety unless she had a con- fessor on one side of her and a general upon the other, Gonzalez Bravo is a bold and a quickwitted man; It may even be said that he is @ perfect model of audacity and wnscrapulousness; but he will need all his skill and daring to keep his place in spite of the generals. One of the Conchas is talked of as likely to replace him, But it seems ali rumor and hearsay; there is no positive intelligence. It ts sup- od that Senor Mon may have some, but even if he as it would hardly be worth anybody's while to ask him to communicate tt, The Journal de Puris begins two colums of refiec- tions on 5 1 atfutra by saying that “the present situation of Spain ia of @ nature to inspire serious Mneasiness in those persons who take an interest in the future of that country.” This is a very proper sentiment, expressed with charming simplicity; but we have so very often seen Spain in similar dis- b Sod situations, and it seems so utterly hupeless hat ehe ever should get a government capable of placing and keeping her tn @ better one, that it ta to be feared very few persons do still take any in- terest in ler destinies, It ts @ fine country, and its people have many fine qualities and a deal to like in their character; but it has becomefihe pre of greedy adventurers and of a profligate court, an’ there is Inch fear that it can never get better till it has passed through a bloody revolution, to which all previous ones iwi have been mere child's play, or, at least, till it has yot rid of the disreputable a degenerate dynasty which has so long been ite curse, OBITUARY. Death of Madame Hugo. {From the Dublin Evening Mail, August 29.) Madi ~ 4 Victor Hugo had ‘aetived ia Brussels Paris, where she had been staying Some months in the hope of obtaining relief from @ mal from which she had been long suffering. On oy 4 ale remonitor, was ao:zed ateack of congestion the brain, ‘a3 insensi- which from which she never recovered, She Ww: ble almost from the seizure till her d took pisos between six and soven o'clock yesterd: morning. The deceased lady had expressed a wial to be buried at yee in France, in the aatme ave as that in which her daughter Leopoldine was interred twenty-fve yoars ago. This wish will be respected and M. Huyo and his dona Oharies and Francis will accompany the romaiua to the Prensa fronster, Gut uo fartuve. RALD, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1868—TRIPLE SHEET. a seed mi 2 aR a su a: a EPS Er Ne PARSON BROWNLOW. A Talk with the Governor—His Ideas of the Situation in Tonnessee—What He Thinks of the Rebel General Forrest and the Ku Klux Klan—How He Intends te Operate the Militia. KNOXVILLE, Tenn., Sept. 5, 1868. Every picture 1s said to have two sides—a dark one and a light one—even that of the condition of Ten- nessee not being an exception to the general rule, Forrest has already done his part in holding up to view one side of this political picture; and by the conversation given below, which occurred to-day be- tween Governor Brownlow and your correspondent, it will be seen that the other side has not been over- looked. Which of the two will be adjudged the bright side is a question which may be safely left to the de- ‘cision of a discriminating public, On calling at the Governor’s house, @ three story frame building, in an aristocratio street of this city, and on being ushered into the gubernatorial sanc- tum I found the ruler of Tennessee lying on his back on @ bed and apparently suffering greatly from palsy, He was scarcely able to speak above a Whisper, and had to stop several times during the course of the conversation as though the mere effort made to utter a word took away what little breath his emaciated form seemed scarcely able to contain. When made aware of the object of my visit he pleaded his inability to speak at any great length, but finally consented to have a talk,” provided I would be “short, sharp and decisive” in my ques- tionings. In opening the conversation he sald:— “IT have nothing to conceal. I hold no sentiments that I fear the world may know. I am to-day, aa I was during the war, @ firm antagonist of rebellion in whatever shape it makes its appearance, andam 8a ready as ever to do all that in Me lies to crush out every attempt that is made in Tennessee to create disorder or deprive any man of his just rights, be he black or white.”” “But, Governor,” I asked, do you think there ts ay danger of a rebellion or an uprising of any kind in Tennessee’? ‘ “I am convinced,?’ he quickly replied, ‘that there ig great danger if the rebels are allowed to have thelrown way. Look at the deciarations latply made by General Forrest. What was his object? ‘Was it to pacify the country, to give the peopie con+ fidence, that if they should exert themselves in pre- serving order and obeying the laws they would have no fear for the future, socially or politically? Notat all. His object was to intimidate the Legislature, the negroes and the loyal white men, He thought by threats to frighten the Legislature so that they might not pass the Militia bill and by the same means keep the negroes and the loyal whites away from the polls when the election comes on. It is in the coun- Ues of Middle and West Tennessee he desires his threats should have effect, for they are of no avail in East Tennessee, The loyal men are in the majority in East Tennessee and all the coborts of rebellion cannot shake them in their position. whey will be ag ready at any call made upon them to trample rebels in the dust as they were Suen the war. You may have noticed that Forrest makes it known that he is au fait as to all the workings of the Kao Klux, yet he has the barefacedness to say that he is not one of the gang. I believe that the Ku Klux areas strong as he representa them to be, and I moreover believe that his denying that he isa member of the accursed crew is all stut!—a mere sham. I have always considered him the great Cyclops of Tennessee rebels. He is, in my opinion, the head of the Ku Klux, deny it as he may.” “What do you consider the Ku Klux to be, Gov- ernor “J belleve that they are the military wing of the democratic party in Tennessee, ‘Their object is by threats aud repeated outrages to keep loyal white and black men from tne ballot box. Forrest lays great stress on what he contends is my policy in re- rard to the Ku Klux, that [ regard every ex-Con- federate soldier a Ku Klux and that as I believe every Ku Klux should be shot down every Confederate soldier would suffer. He lies when he says that is my policy. I never announced such a thing, aud he knows it, Every man who is found belonging to the Ku Klux and fo! vgn the rules of his order in com- mitting outrages will be dealt with sumiarily. There will be no widway punishment for him. shall mete out death to every one of tuem; but no man shall suffer until it has been proven by compe- tent evidence that he is guuty. If found gulity there will be no power in Tennessee that can save nim.’? “Do you believe the Militia bill will pass 7? “Tam sure it will pass. The apparent hitch be- tween the two branches of the Legislature does not amount to anything. It ariges from the fact that several of the members are opposed to giving me the power to declare martial law. I don’t ask for any such power, for I assure you that the moment any county acts so as to call fora body of militia belng sent into its midst that moment there will be martial law in that county indeed. So it does not matter whether the Legislature re me the power to declare martial law or not, The presence of the military in oy, placo will of ‘itself declare martial law. Now here is a proclamation {your correapondent was here shown the document) that IT ‘intend to issue as soon as the bill passes. You will perceive by the way it reads that it calis on all ood and loyal citizens, of Whatever color they may Be of every county, to organize themselves into tia companies as soon as this proclamation has reached them. ‘The 01 tion of the force will be immediate, but the calling out of the men will alto- ther depend upon circumstances, The conduct of he Ka Klux will have éverything todo with the matter. If no attacks are made on loyal men, no outrages of ony sort committed, I shall not bring tho troops out. Ali 1 alm to do is to be in readiness for ‘hich stu in my Opinion to Justty the ealling out which seems in my 0) e ou of the militia 1 will first call out the white trooy and if they are found to be inadequate to the task of r order the will then take the field. if the two combined are not able to cope with whatever ma: be brought against them I will call on the U; States government for reinforcements. My intention in calling out the white troops first is to give the re- bels no pretext for bringing ona war of races. They are trying to up one and they'll leave no stone unturned until they succeed. Now let them stand from under. The villains who conspire at betes el backed up by influential men in the State, to destroy loyal men and desolate their homes must expect no quarter from us, and they'll get none. They must be ut down; they will be put down. It ts my earnest ope, however, that no occasion will arise which may make it my duty to call out the militia. Ido not desire to call it out until Tam forced to do so, and I trast loyal men will do ali that they can so to influence affairs that the necessity may not occur. But if the rebels are determined to have a fight, if they go on with their outrages aa they have been doing for longa time, the consequences be on their own hi ; for no intimidation, no een om menaces will deter me from doing my duty, I propose in such a case to call out the troops in such nambers as will utterly crush the peace breakers, This will I do as sure as there is occasion for my eceing te the matter, and I will carry out my urpose to the bitter end, unless I should h in ‘he conflict or fall by the hand of an assassin. 1 re- peat that I desire and invoke the Fay ae of all loyal men in the preserving of order ¢) oan out the State, so that there will be no necessity for bloodshed, and I will see to it that the officers com- missioned inthe militia are loyal men, and that rebeis do not sneak into the ranks for vile pur- poses. None others can enter the service although they may take all the oaths thatcan be put to them.” In answer to a question as to the sincerity of the ex-rebels in the State the Governor ied:. “if they ever get into power again, they'll com- mMmence operations by putting down negro suffrage. They still cherish the idea of a Southern confederacy. What are they prati: bout Oger I back into the Union fornow? They only want to get back again to secure in the Union by the ballot box what they lost by the sword. They will advocate the interests of the lost cause when tn power, and by Congres. sional legislation oe: the four years of Seymour's Presidential term they hope to gain their chief end— that is, authority to leave the Union peaceably and set up their beloved Southern government. If Grant ts elected, they’ll ground their arms; they'll knock under. He will restore peace and quiet to the South. 1 know that a good deal of their talk about another war by the rebels ‘is not without foundation, but a great og bg who fought against the govern- ment in rebellion are anxious for peace, The great majority of the Lm} however— now speak not only for Tennessee, for the whole South—are as rebellious at present as they ever were during ai iod of the war. They hate the government of the Union, anc will not hesitate to seize upon the first oppor- ad con il themselves of to break loose om It. 4 “Do you not think that an oxtenston of the fran- chise im Tennessee among the whites would have a beneficial effect” “it would have quite a contrary effect from bene- ficial. As I have said before, the first thing those restored to power would do would be to deprive the negro of his vote, People talk a deal South Just now that such an idea is not even thought of by the Southerners. I know them as well as-any man fn the country, and | teil you that a will put tl negro down whenever they can. The rebeis ha’ ut, Governor, the lead! Southerners declare ot restore &l ry if they could.” ‘They lie when they make such ‘o that end they are survivng even ROW, and they will strive to have @ confederacy in which they can reguiate things to suit themselves ‘until they are succossfal. or again flogged into sub- mission. Frank Biair's letter, Which gained for him the nomination for Vice Presidency, reflects their sentiments and feelin; pa If he is elect- ed they'll look to him to out bis pledges, and they are confident that mour wiliconcur. Inany event, let matters go as they may, Tenn will go for Grant and Colfax. Thousands of the disfran- chised rebels, I am well Ts. will try to vote at the ensuing election; but they will find out to their coat that they will not have everything their own way. They will go under ao far that they'll never be abie to atick their heads ee “Governor, there seems to be more trouble in Ten- Nessee than in any otaer Southern State. May not a great deal of it be traced to the rigor of the State au- thoritios “| aay emphatically fhe State government ts ia no way to Diame for it Notwithstanding all the re- portsto the contrary, the radicals of Venhessee have worn Oxtromely lenient to the rebels. The how) tie duateanchited fatae abont tyranny and despotuac is et any rebel if he minds people mind theirs and does not try to create Gisopaae Sap fo. his way aceably ough he had never leath of @ traitor, And I,will here say thatl will oppose extending the franchise and do alll can to prevent its extension as long as the rebel spirit remaina unsubdued in the State. Until the rebels ehow that they can conduct themselves like good citizens, they will not have a say in the matter of choosing who shall govern them, They have been conquered, and if they elect to act as though they had conquered, and not the Union men, let them take the consequences, All their howls and threats will avail them nothing. They must knuckle down to the mark prescribed for them an¢ not untl then will they have a show in Teuucssee,” THE CHINESE EMBASSY. for Europe—The Trip Dowa the Bay. At half-past nine o’clock yesterday morning Mr. Burlingame, lady and daughter and suite took carriages at the Westminster Hotel for the foot o# Nineteenth street, where the revenue cutter Jasa mine, Captain Pierson, was lying at the dock await ing the arrival of the distinguished party to convey them to the steamship Java, lying at her picr at Jersey City. Accompanying the party were Mr. Isaac Livermore and lady, parents to Mrs. Bur!in- game; E. M. Livermore and wife and sister-in-!a Lieutenant Livermore, of the United States neers, all members or relatives of the family of Mrs Burlingame; General N. P. Banks, the intimate friend of Mr. Burlingame; Mr. Wakeman, Surveyor of the Port; Mr. Hedman, Mr, Cowden. Mr. Farrin, Captain James Dolliver, of Boston, and several other geutle- men, Upon arriving at the cutter the Embassy and tn- vited friends immediately embarked. The cutter at once let loose her cables, and with the imperial hag of China at the fore and the revenue fag of the United States aft steamed down tue river towards Jersey City. The pleasant breezes blowing up from the bay and the sky overcast with clouds, thus avoid ing the sun’s rays, made this little preliminary jour- ney comfortable and delightful. After a run of nearly an hour, on the way the par- ty partaking of an elegant lunch, the pigmy cutter entered the slip and steamed alongside of the huge form of the Java, and fastened to her abreast the quarter deck, From the port a gangplank was thrown out, by moans of which the party were transferred from the cutter to the steamer, Simul- taneously the flag of China was unfurled from the main. As the baggage had gone before, earlier in the day, it was now only necessary for the Chinese servants, who were also on the cutter, to hasten on board a few lighter articles, ‘The Manda- ring were shown to their cabins, and occupied them- selves for a short time in arranging their baggage for the Mig oo All the Chinese now came to tae upper deck, but the Tajens, who are poor sailor soon disappeared below, and were aiterwards bul little seen. A solemn hour of parting now passed as rapidly as time seems to fy when the hour of separation ap- proaches. Mr. Burlingame promenaded the upper deck forward with General Banks for at least hali am hour. Mrs. Burlingame spent her tine with her parents and relatives in the principal satoon. The secretaries, Brown and De Champs, were indulging in conversation, The latter seemed at tunes to fall into a spell of abstraction, and hig last act of parting was a budget of letters to be mailed on shore. The ‘Tajens were below, haif sic! but still receiving in their cabins a large number ol friends ie Most of the students were promenading the deck, while the servants were re celving attention in the forward part of the steamer, At last the hour of departure arrived. ‘the signal bell warned all visitors ashore. The last tokens of affection were exchanged and those who accompa nied the Embassy returned to the tug. The Tajens and Mr, Fung, one of the English interpreters, expe rienced evidently most deepiy the feelings of sadnesg at parting. . Fung lingered by the side of the steamer with an expression of sorrow which was really touching. It recalled his olt-repeated remark, “ff my “parents were with me [ would like very much to live in the United States, ‘The Americans are our friends, and they are a kind ‘and generous people, who think almost as much of China as they do of their own country.’ Nor is this his feeling alone. Could some higher in ofticial rank express their own views they would be of the same character. It ts, therefore, at these last moment ag our welcomed visitors from the East are about to leave us, a pleasing refigction that the hospitali- ties of our people and the Sincere friendship of our government have not been wasted. Wherever they nay go their visit to the United States will unques- tionably be the bright spot in the record of | mission to the Western World, andgwhen they reti to their distant home both Tajens and students, in whatever walks they may he: be called to act, will not soon forget America. Owing to a delay in the arrival of the mails it was. twenty minutes past twelve before the Java showea signs of life. Ten minutes earlier the cutter steamed out into the to await the monster craft and to ite the as she passed. At 1 nie an motion, The age red out of the slip Thelr Departure move were crowded and the inded to b: sie dren on the doc! Tighted in the stream with tne Colors of three natious the of the gland aft, was @ scene never befor Teulowed stong side for somo distance dring & salute foule le ce, a salute of seven Sigg Bg were responded to by the me of the Java. pel aay! the CC stood Mr, Bure rT his ly and lit daughter Gertrude, and about them several of the Embassy. Between these and the sad party in the cutter there were prolongea ex of farewells, until nothing more was ieft eee cree oot bie Sess Ww! way do i te Peter treatae the portals of the harbor aud thence out upon the trackless ocean. After the Corre yt at the foot of Wall street, and debarked remainder of the at the foot of Nineteenth street. To Captain . B. Engineer T. Polhamel and Pilot Joan Bradley, especially to Captain Dolliver, who the of ember! the Em! , much So eapanrepr em Now that our friends have left it remains to the energy and enterprise of the American people to determine whether the miss! 80 far as they are concerned, has been in vain. The broad waters of the Pacific and the yast trade of over four hundred millions of human beings invites our commerce. What has now been set on foot by the initiation of China opens to all future generations of Americans every facility of making their government still more powerful, their commerce the dominion of the world and their wealth the controlling element of the world’s ces. TEXAS. Adjournment of the Constitutional Convene tlon—Exaggerated Reports of Lawiessness— The Army Worm, AUSTIN, August 31, 1853, The Texas Constitational Convention adjourned this morning until the first Monday in December. Its organ, the Austin Repudlican, says:—“We are satisfied that every thoughtful and reflecting man in the State, whether loyal or conservative, will approve this action of the Convention.’ For three long months this body has wrangled over the spoils, disgraced the Capitol with numerous fights, and of ail its many acts this one alone meets the appro- bation of reflecting men. Nothing in their life be came them like the leaving tt. They have published to the world a report on “Lawlessness and Vio- Aence,” an infamous tissue of falsehoods, for partisan ends, slandering the people of tho State toe Mm They have sent a committee of two to Washi a, to secure the pi of & bill arming the blacks against the whites, failing in which one of them retired to New England, where he now is, They have squandered $100,000 of the people's money, and having failed to get the ap- proval of the Commanding General to a frther ap» Propriation of $25,000, they have followed the exams le of Congress and taken a recess, without havit formed @ constitution or accomplished one sing! Pt nad for which they assembled. They do not intend that Texas shall be reconstructod unless the negro armed shall own the polis. Texas, when once more restored to the Union of our fathers, will have a oo a Hage 2 her. the The prospects for abundant crops throughout State are very encouraging, though ow o to the ravages of the army worm Sut @ crop of cottom will be made, The Texas Trensury Closed by General Rey> molds, © TreanguaRrters Fiera Mivitany Disratct, } STATR OF TRKAS, Ai st Zl, 1568. Hon. F. DAvIS. Prevident of the Consticauional vonvent Justin, Texas;— Smut have the hoor to ackuowledge, the Of a resolution of the Convention, on the 20 inst., askin 1 appro) Atioil OF $20.000 dtanee oa Courention begin in aa oe rt state of th easurye the rate at which money is coming to and the pi tive current wants of the State forbid riation of any more money from the Treasury 4 the expenses of the Constiiu- cli Fovolat ta respectfully returned without ap- proval, respectful ir obedient servant, shanrehaindhs sn My Foe BU NULUS, NBO ADS Brevet Majot General U. 5 4., Com ' —