The New York Herald Newspaper, August 26, 1868, Page 4

1 POLITICAL. The Campaign in Maine, Georgia, Ala- bama and Louisiana. position of the Chase Movement by a Confidential Friend of the Chief Justice. Interesting Discussion of Na- tional Politics, MAINE. Vigorons Canvass by the Democracy—Ova- tions to PeudletomA Close Contest Probas ble=The Democracy Gaining Accessious— Probability of Their Carrying the State, PoRTLAND, August 23, 1868. Radicalism, champion of the heavy weights of taxation, negro equality, political recreancy and a moneyed aristocracy, and democracy, champion of light weights of taxation, restoration of the peace of past years, the preservation of the constitution and a universal currency for the government, the bond- holder and the poor man, have stripped to the belt, and the coniest for victory grows hotter day by day. Logan, of lilinols, and Peadleton, of Ohio, are the botticholders on either side, and the battle pro- mises (o continue until September 14 with great epirit. The State is thoroughly aroused to the Importance of the great issues involved in the approaching elec- tion and both parties have entered into the canvass with the iixed determination to win, The republi- cans were organized at an early hour and two weeks ago threw their entire strength into the campaign, leading off with Logan and Judge Kelley, of Pennsyl- vania, Who made a brief tour of the State and gave to the contest some little enthusiasm. The demo. cracy, on ile other hand, were comatose and Inactive until a week ago, when George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, appeared in their midst and sounded the charge at bangor on Thursday. This was the signal for action and the democrats rose up nobly to the work, Wherever Pendleton has spoken the attendance has been inmense, and the enthusiasm thrown into the canvass Unparaleled, On Thursday, at Bangor, fully mfteca tivusaud democrats aud republicans gathered to hear him discuss the living issues of the day. At Aususia, on the largest assem bly of democrais tia’ has ever taken place in the capital Was presi ad cheeved his expose of tae misrule of the radic rly. urit of admiration for the Ohio cham- pees showed itself in the interior manifested iself here last uicht, where twenty thousand people assembied to sweil the democratic column and tn- Spire the faint hearted with confidence in the just- ness of the cause in which they are battiing. Mr. Pendievon’s speech last night was precisely the fame as that delivered in Bangor. It was a mas- terly arraiznment of the republican party before the bar of pubiic opimion, and was vocilerously cheered atstate. periods of its delivery. Not more than three thot id succeeded ta gaining adinission to the new Cily Halt, fn which he spoke, and great dis- appouiment wus manifested by the mulittude with- out. hiessrs. Drewster and Holines, of Boston, and Tarbox, of Lawrence, Mass., addressed those on the Square without, andaer Mr. Peudieton had con. cluded bis address in tue tiall he proceeded to the bal- cony, from which he made a stirrimg address to those in the street. Elbowing my way in among the masses I had an excellent opportunity of learuing the sentiments of the peopie iis they passed rema:ks upon the subject mater of his address. When he spoke of the ship budding pest being paralyzed because every article that enters ito tieir construction is so heavily taxed that tne British colonies undersell "Ma: there were cries of ‘That is the gospel.” “That is the way to pnt it.” Dur- ing his specch he was tuterrupied coutinually by loud cheers and remua’ of ‘1 never thought of that,” “L never voted democratic ticket un my life, but now | am converted “Peadleton, we'll return Seymour and make you Secreiary of the Trea- sury.’ Amid the swaying multitude were hundreds of transpareucies, one of Wlich more particularly ate tracted atients “Radical re ¢ Other transparencies as they were lieid aloft were greeted will cheers:— “one currency for the rich and poor. Tha doctrine. Down with the bond hold “McClellan, Hancock and blair, There's your sol- diers! Who dare cal them copperheads ? Thave thus trespassed upon your space for the purpose of properly ing of tie people of the old Pine Tr ever Pen- dieton has spoken repubici crais alike have rallied to Lear ‘here is no doubt of the fact hat hundreds of the former, who have ever yoted the radical ticket, became’ convinced of the fact that the radical party are hurryiag the country into the vortex of ruiu aid ave on ihe eve of bolting to the other side. . Pendie.on leaves to-morrow for Hartford, Conn., where tie Will open his democratic artillery agaimat the radicals of that Siate. In Maine he will be fol- lowed by tom Ewing, Jr., of Ohio. and other demo- cratic soldiers, Who Tor the present are kept in the background Jest the apnouncermet of tueir proposed invasion should aiarin the enemy. ‘The sentiments that animate the various agricul- tural, stup building, fishing and lumbering taterests 1 reserve for tuture letters; but this conclusion 1 have formed: that tie state is on the eve of one of those popular revulsious of sentiment that occur about every quarter of a century. Originally strongly democratic, the State during the Maine law excite- Meat of 1564 Was given to the new republican party, and ever since has gone for that ticket. ‘The major- ity for the repubi.cans in 1860 was about 27,000; in 1564, In the Lincoln-MeCletlan contest, about 20,000, aud in 1867, in the vote for Governor, 11,114. ‘Lhus we see evidences of a gradual decrease in we Tepudlican majorities. Al this early period In the contest it fs impossible to indicate with auy certainty which party will win, , bul taklag into consideration the pas: votes and the interest taken in the canvaay at the present time, I should not be surprised If the democracy carried tii State by from 200 Lo 400 majority. Everything depends upon the vigor with which both parties conduct the campaign. The republicans at the present tinue are relaxing their labors aud stumping the State with hegroes from the “ub,” who arrogantly dictate to their beticrs which way they shail vote, while the de- mocracy have in the field Colonel Bradbury, of Maine; Colonel brewster, of Boston; T. H. Hubbard ead Captain Harry Jordan, of Maine. To-morrow | shall start for the interlor, and in my Dext letter 1 hope to give you more reliable facts upon which to juige of the actual feeiing of the people, Who are Low on the eve of their election. GEORGIA. Democratic Mass Meeting at Cathoun—Large Attendance=Numerous Negroes Present The Speeches—A Barbecue Dinner, CALHouN, August 21, 1858, Considering that this section of Georgia is com- paratively thiniy populated the democratic mass meeting and free barbecue held here yesierday was @ great success. Between four and five thousand persous were present, including perhaps three hun. dred ladies and some six hundred colored voters, ‘The meeting was called to order by Colonel W. J. Cantrell, when the proceedings were opened by the Rey. H. ©. Carter, of Dalton, who delivered a prayer. The scene at this time was quite impressive, the large Sudience etther sitting or kneeling with uncovered beads, and when the prayer was ended a general “amen” went up from the crowd. Colonel J. D. Waddell, candidate for elector from the Seventh'alstrict, made the first speech, His re- marks were quite moderate and to the point, al- though they contained nothing new. He appealed to his hearers to see to it that no democratic voters kept away trom the polls on the sd of November next. Ile was followed by Messra Styles, Covart, Warren, Aiken and Judge Vason, who closed the day's speeches, The utmost enthusiasm prevailed among the liearers, many of whom admitted that they had voted for Bullock and the constitution at the recent election. No portion of the audience cheered more lustily than did the darkies, When directly addressed they hurrahed, cried and yociferated in the most lusiy aud comical manner imaginable, It ‘was worth more than the expense of a trip to Cal- boun to see (hese niggers weeping like children and cheering for Seymour and Biair, What they were erying for God only thetic nature Was said; but cry they did. Toa man, they ail picdged themselves to voy as their white friends tell them, and 1 believe they will keep to their promise. After the speeches were over the crowd turned to dinner, Tavies had been prepared, together with an immense amount of edibies, and in an hour the 1g the party {7 were told that the democrats intended to poison the food placed beiore them, and this story, Ho doubt, kept quite a number from attending. Lose who did partake of the food—and they numbered not less than six hundred—express ticmselves ready again to swallow all the poison they were given yesterday, ‘The fact 18 that here in Upper Georgia the radicals caunot control one-third of the nex! 0 vous, and they know It, The white democratic element 18 so over- whelmingh: in the majority that the mora) influence alone induces a majority of the negroes to vote with their employers, In such counties as Appling, Banks, Berrien, Chattooza, Cherokee, Clinch, Cotfee, Cobb, Dade, Dawson, De Kaib, Emanuel, Fannin, Floyd, Forsyth, Gilmer, Gordon, Guinneta and some twenty others, where (he whites outaum- ber the blacks four to one, more white votes will be cast for Grant and Colfax than black ones. The negroes there are under the influence of afew men, al of whom are democrats, and will vote for them almost ev masse. 1 have travelled throughout this Part of ihe Siate and carefully noted the public sentiment. On the North Carolina and Kast Ten- nessee borders the radicals will probably poll ten thousand white votes; 1 the other parts of the State whey cannot poll three thousand. In 1860 Georgia polied nearly one hundred aad ten thousand white votes, As every white person in this State is enfranchised the probabilities are that one hundred and Hiiteen thousand white votes will be cast next November, Of this number Grant and Coifax ma; ¢ fifteen thousand, certainiy not more. It will wre be seen that one hundred thousand white men will vote for the democratic candidates, and if to this be added the thiriy or more thousand negro yotes which will assuredly be cast the same way it be- comes evident that the radicais cannot carry Georgia, ‘They Know and adinit this fact, but they hope that Congress will meet next month and order arms to be distributed among the carpet-bag governed States, @ these Weapons will be placed sulely in the radicals, Who will atteipt to control the election by force. If this is attempted a bloody war of poltiical parties will" follow in tue South, and the poor bhegro dupes will get the worst of it. ALABAMA. Demorelizatios of the Radical Party—Native Republicans Going Over to the Democracy Eu Masse—Thousands of Negroes Going with Tucm—A Remarkable Political Revo- lution, SELMA, August 20, 1868. The recent violence of Coon, Sibley and other car- pet-bag members of the Legislature has completely demoralized the radical party of Alabama. Tie native leaders are going over to the democracy en masse. The day before yesterday | heard Mr. Jones, who 1s an elector for the Fourth district on the Grant ucket, declare that he intended to send in his resignation and stump the State for Seymour and Blair, Thomas Masterson, a member of the Legisla- ture, and a number of other native or long resident citizens of the State have also declared that they can no longer support the republican party. It is even asserted that Governor Smith is greatly dis- affected, and will, at the first opportunity, abandon his party. The effect of these open desertions and the thousand and one rumors of defection in others are driving not only every decent white man into the democratic ranks, but are aiso influencing thousands of negroes, Mr. Jones, Mr. Masterson and the other deserters give as tue reason for their course that the struggle ts now for the salvation of the native white population of Alabama. The incendiary language of the carpet-baggers, their appeals to the worst pas- sious of the negroes, and their threats of plunging the State into civil war are things that they cannot sides with the whites. to that edfect. agree to. Such being the case, they have lefi the party and gone over to the democracy, whom they do not love, but whom they regard as the lesser of tWo evils. For some weeks past tt hag been generally be- lieved that Alabama will be carried for the demo- cratic Presidential ticket, and it was because tne radical leaders saw this that they tried to pass the bill taking away the vote from the people. Still it Was admitted that the struggie would be a flerce and determined one and the majority comparatively small. Now that the carpet-baggers are left alone in their glory to lead those negroes who yet aduere to them the democracy are jubilant. They will un- doubtedly carry the State by a very large majority. The influence of the native ex-republicans among the more intelligent and orderly neg is undoubt- edly great, aud Uiat they will carry with them be- tween Altven and twenty thousand colored men who would otherwise have voted for Grant and Colfax is not denied. And this result been brought about solely by a few reckless adventurers who are determined to rule or ruin, Altogether, ihe political revolution in Alabama has been a most remarkabie one, The first indications of it were seen a few weeks ago, but no one expected that it would make headway with such rapidity or magnitude as it has, ‘The whites were content that its effect would be to give them the State, The outbreak in the Senate on the 1itn instant, however, precipitated matters to such an extent that from all parts of the country intelligence is received of native radicals boldiy de- nouncing their party and deciaring their tntention to support the democracy. In iy ietter from Mont- gomery I stated that it Was evident that Mr. Jones and those who agreed with him weuld su To-day I have his assurance The threats of “squatters” to make war upon the white Alabamians and to burn down this and ot er towns have been a itttle more than these quasi republicans could stand, since writing the foregoing I have been handed a copy of Mr. Jones’ declination to serve oa the elec- oral ticket for Grant and Colfax. It is dated at Demopolis and addressed to Thomas 0, Glasscock, chairman of the Republican E. It reads a8 follow: Grant and Colfax in the Fourta Congressional distr cutive Committee, Sin--I must respectfully decline to elector for W. 3. JONES, Mr. Jones has also publicly annonneed his inten- tion to support Seymour aad Blair and will stump the State for those gentlemen. As he possesses con- siderable influence among the negroes his action in ect Will damage (he radicals immensel, these desertions are going onthe carpetbag leaders coutinue to maame the minds of the radical negroes inst the whit What the effect of their teachings will b at the present ume. The negroes are t y ght that tne democrats intend to reduce tucm to slavery again, and that their bounden duty is to arm them- selves for a coming condict. When such incendiary Appeals are being made everywhere throughout the State—when mous of haif barbargus creatures are told that if the radicals are beaten in the pending Caiapaign it will become their soemn daty to mur. der Witte men. women and children and to burn down the towns, cities and houses of the Soutu—is Mt any wonder chat the few tnteiligent, ord: and peace-loving white republicans of tie St. are leav- ug a party whose Northern representatives are tae gulliors of sucu seatiments and advice’ LOUISIANA. Political Coercion by Employers—Radical Offset—Will There be a Fair Election ?— General Grant d the Military—Fears of An Internecine WareState Taxation—Legise lation and Bribery. New ORLEANS, August 21, 1868, Ageneral application of the system of coercton ts Practised by the employers of lavor here with very sensible effect; colored “rangers,” “guards” and “sentinels” take part in most of the torchiight de- monstration of the democracy. The radicals seek to meet the influence brought to bear against them by recommending dissimulation and temporizing to the negroes. “Join the democratic clubs," they say, “If you can't do otherwise, keep quiet till election day, and then come upto the polis ina body and vote the republican ticket. By that time the sugar. cane will be ripe for cutting, and you can then turn round upon your masters just as weil as tuey can upon you. You can say to them you insist upon our voting your way, but we won't: now you've got to come along and vote with us or we won't get in your crops." “That's all stuf, remarked a prominent democrat to whom this plan was mentioned. “These repub- licans think they are going to conduct this election as they did the Jast, The whites let things go by de. fault then, because half of them were anxious to get back into %e¢ Uniou on any terms. But they are up and doing now. There'll be no nigger Registration Board standing over the polls to teil the niggers which way to vole this time, If anybody 1s seen palavering there the question will be put right to him, ‘Have you voted” ‘Yes,’ ‘Then you get up and get; you've no further business here.’ So far as the city is concerned close observation for some months satisiios methat though the infin. Knows, as nothing of a very pa | states troops with ences brought to bear will work @ change in the negro vote, and probably keep many from the polls, the difference will not be great enough to affect the republican ascendancy in the State. The colored votes in the country districts will decide the result. To investigate personaly how those votes are likely to Re Will be the next task of your corre Ly . Both sides talk about a fair election, free from in- timidation; but each party squints very perceptibly in the opposite direction. A favorite han of the extreme radic has been to get aa many United Tadical oMvers as practical into the State before election time. Governor Warmoth’s highly colored letter respecting the condition of Northwest Louisiana was in subservience of that plan. Other influence has been brought to bear in the same direction; but one manipulator has come grief in & very comical manner. The incident ts worth relating as characteristic alike of General greater part of the latter had been consumed, The | Grant and of his petitioner, The Rev. T, W. Con hegroes sat al a separate table and ate as heartil way, erstwhile Assistant Commissioner of the Freed- as only negroes aithough every ef. | men’s Burean in Louisiana, now State Superintend- 0 , fort was made by the Freedmen’s Bureau agent and the carpet-vaggers to prevent them from participat- ing wa the festivities, Tho poor, igaorant croatures ent of Education, addressed a letter of friendly re- monstrance and advice to the General-in-Ohief of the United States He was sure that so true @ republ- ean as ¢ a! Grant could not be aware that the ollie and men of the First regiment of iulantry. now stationed in Louisiana, had been go long in the had associated so intimately with rebels wl ssionists that they had become worse rebe!s than Louisianians themselves, and could be expected to alford no protection to the truly loyal mea of the State, He therefore suggested to the General that he should at once recall ‘iat regiment and replace tt by oue more faiinfal and devoted to the true ite- rests of the republican party and of its Presidential candidate, Tue reverend gentleman, in the sim- icity of his heart, probably Supposed that this last hone touch would induce General Grant at once to carry out the modestly prodfered suggestion, ‘This Was not the way that a great soldier chose to deal with his comrades in arms. The letter was “respeci- fuily referred to Brevet Major General Buchanan, commanding Fifth Miltary District.” By Genera! Buchanan tie document was referred to the oficers of the maligned regiment (a3 gallant and loyal a set of men as ever fought for their country), © It we' the rounds of the regiment; each officer endorsed upon it his opinien of Chaplain Conway and his charges, and, thus ornamented, the document has been returned to Washlagton, It is to be hoped ile War Ojtice will permit its publication, testi moniat to President Johnson, with the endorsements of Butler, Ben Wade, Sumner and Wendell Phillips, would not be much funnier reading, Aside irom the wolf ¢.ies of biatant radicais it is painful to mark bow much anticipation of evil times is among thoughtful men, who are compara- tively uninterested spectators of affairs im the South. From two gen! eR, Opposite a3 the polea in char- acier, experience and politics, I lately heard prog- nostics of the same Kind, One a trained and influ- ential politician of the Northwest, an tntimaie friend of Stephen A. Douglas and one of the bravest and most distinguished volunteer Oiticers of the war, said:—“1 do not believe we shall have a Presidential election. I fear the breaking ont of an internec: war be.ore the canvass is half tarough, Tuere are twenty pouts of danger. Governor Brownlow, in Tennessee, persists, as he unquestionably will, in sending lis negro militia into districts ‘hostile to hun, The whites are going to whip them, and the republicans will make common cause with Brown- low and bring on internecine war. If not in Tennes- see it lay break out anywhere. I have no conti- dence in the future, none.” The other gentiean, an extreme radical, not long since in high military command in the Souta, Was just as desponding:—“‘1 believe we are on the verge of another revolution. 1 adnure General Biatr as a soldier and a man. but 1 can conceive nothing more dangerous and inflam- matory than his recent utterances. If he ts elected he promises revolution; if he is defeated he almost auvises it.”? So far as Louisiana is concerned, prominent men of bot parties Seem really earnest in the desire to avoid an outbreak. A conference of republican and democratic leaders Was held a couple of days since to devise measures of public safety, Mean- while the canvass goes briskly on, not only in the cliy, but in the country. Its bitterness ts intensified by recent acts of the Governor and her Legislature. Governor Warinoth staked his reputation and his influence for good on the Printing Dill, He lost all influence for good wheu he allowed that measure to pass, taxing the Stute neediessiy and unjastiflably to the extent of at least $2.0,000 a year for the bené- tit of a newspaper of which he (the Governor) him- self is one-fourta owner. As to the Legislature, it may be doubted whctuer any further acts of the can sink their reputation lower, It would cause a blush even at Albany if at every street corner men showed a@ list of Jorty-uine Legistators—democrats and republicans—whose votes had been purchased at prices varying ivou $100 for a colored vote up to $4,000 for an wuiucntial white—if it was notorious taat $40,000 ud been paid, principally by two weil Known henorables of New York, one in Cougress at the present time, the oluer an ex-Congressinan, to secure the ’ pass (tery Monopoly bill, the profits of wiich stigiated at $50,000 a month, and that the oniy ston in dispute Was not whether these: sta: + true, tor they have been publicly publi: in Lucoatradicted, but whether the Gov- ernor Liinseif was bribed with $30,000 to let the bill become jaw by lapse of Lime or Wiether, as he him- Seif states, ie Was Intumidated into passing it by the threat that ut he vetoed it enough votes would be bought to pass it over bis head aud the sapport of his rly would be Wivudrawn from him. ‘The bribery tie Legisiacure is conceded on all hands, aud Gov- etuer Warmoth wisely says that his experience de- termines hiui more Han ever that the choosing of Presideuti ile s siall not be left to tie Legisia- ture, for if they can bo 80 readily bought for a Lot- ee bill tuey cai be us readily bought for the Presi- lency. INTERESTING POLITICAL DEVELOPYENTS, A Full Exposure of the Chase Presidential Movement—The Veil Lifted Upon a Rich Political Drama—A Confidential Friend of Chief Justice Chase on the Stand. Ata meeting of the Grant Club in Frankfort, Ky., on the 20th instant, Colonel William Brown, of Nicolasvilie, Ky., was introduced, and proceeded to make the following extraordinary revelations about the Tammany Convention, the nomination of Sey- mour, the treachery of Chase's pretended friends and other curious matters:— MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN—AS soon as con- venient after my return home I avail myself of an opportunity to address you, in compliance with my acceptance of your kind invitation tendered several weeks ago. It gives me pleasure to meet, here in the capital of our State, with so many true friends of the Union, and to congratulate you upon the harmony and success Which seem to atiend the organization and working of your club. I purpose to give you to- night some of the secret history of what has been commonly called the “Chase inovemeut,” as tie causes which led to its defeat are now represented by the nominees of the democratic party; and 1 think a proper understan‘ing thereof will indicate more clearly than all other arguments the line of actionevery Union man should pursue. But first | will make @ personal explanation, as some friends who did not understand my motives have not approved of my support of Mr. Chase, part riyas t heid the os of Alternate State Eiector and member of the nion State Central Committee for this State, I have only to say that I have always found Mr. Chase in fall sympathy with the Union cause, He has takea no step which I could not heartily endorse, and have followed bis political fortunes With faithful de- votion and wiihout altering or modifying any opinion of my own. I wisi no higher evidence of my devotion to our beloved Union aud of my ardent support of the government during the war, and since given to the eforts of a faiiful Congress for its restoration aud reconstraction, than the approbation of my own conscience and tie satisfaction of feeling that | have never swerved from the path of duty; nor do L desire any higher testinrony to the rectitude of mny course tian the grateful consideration with which i have always been treated by these geutle- men, who are my neighbors and countrymen, am from whom Ihave ditiered most widely in political opinion. | respect Mr. Chase for his patriotism and the eminent service he has rendered our country; I admire him for his exaited talent and the courtly dignity of his character; I love him for his hamanity, for his kiud heart and Christian virtues; and, above all, because he ls one who loves bis fellow inen. I have to excuses to make to any mortal man forsuch assistance as t gave hia, and my only regret ts that it was not in my power to make him the next Presl- dent of the United States. On the Ist of July 1 offer- ed my resignation as Elector and comimitteeman to the State Committee, that ! might be at liberty to ald Mr. Chase; but | stated therein that there was noth- ing in his position incompatible with that of the Valon party bere, and that as for myself, my sympa- thies had been, were, aud always would be, with the Union men of our st For reasons then which I shail give you directiy, I supported the Chief Justice most zealously. I wasin lus confidence from first to last, and am thoroughly acquainted with all the history of the events that attended the effort to make him the Dominee of the New York Conven- tion. I must say here, most em yhatically, that 1 now regard no man as a trae triend to his country, or as a true fried to the Chiet Justice, who, with all the facts before him as | siiaii detail therm, falls to give General Grant and Mr. Colfax all the assistance he can render to make their election sure; and Wish that my voice to-night could reach the conser- vative republicans in the North who would have voted for Mr. Chase, when | say that their obligation to vote for Generai Grant is iow more imperative than any political duty they were ever called upon to perfortu, for it i a duty they owe to an imperiled country. The very ends they desired to obtain through Mr. Chase's nomination are made inse- cure by the action of the democrats The olive branch they held out to southern rebela has een torn from their hands and broken in twain, Without regard to difference of opinion on minor questions it is now @ Soleun duty, devolving on every lover of peace and every friend of law and order, to support General Gr and he assumes & solemn respansibiliiy of evil in the eyes of God and man who fails to do it, T must say just here, in justice to Mr, Chase, my words are not inspired by him. He docs not even know where I am, or that Lintended to make this speech. He is hot, therefore, to be held responsibie for my remark#, Iwill state facta and craw conclusior tor which I alone ain responsivie, I siall aliude to sations between us, but I profess tobe foo weil bred to violate private confidence, and I shall quote no langu Hat [do not believe Mr, Chase is willing for ali the world to hear. Long after the cammence- ment of the impeachmen: trial he had no idea of en- gaging tn polities, All of his republican friends were looking forward with content and complacency to the nomination of Generali Grant at Chicago, witioh had become a certainty by the middle of March; and Mr. Chase himnseif, at that time, tad no other idea than to give General Grant ail 'the assistance com- patible with hia judicial functions, To make the fact clear beyond controversy, | will read you an extract from a letter he wrote me Aprii 29, T have ceased, asl told you, to ha ected with the Presidency. "it once sep to piv de ble for the opportuni ia! py: 0 ido ina of usefainers i : Pie Asa ents of military ascenda com une candidate tnd making’me that eunjante 101 any aspirations con- me y, ‘upon 1d Tan very sure & nomination fro arty, “Ido not want an; enough for that, Tadeed, tf T coud now" ith tA Fraud pieter’ vo Feaign the post I hold to being, & About this time I returned to Washington, where t had been during the trial, and never hi mn 1 Onnee aprons any ot pty — Me be of deep bs 4 bet ca. 1 accompani Cy tome oa eeu of ay. after tue vote on tm- NEW YORK HHRALD, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26, 1868.—-TRIPLE SHEET. pence | was taken, and he referred to what he had written to u:9, and repeated it, saying that if he “could do so with loaor he would prefer to resign lis place as Chief Justics, quit pubile life and spend tie remnant of his days in connection with some of the great raitroad interesis of our country.” He said ve had tred to do bis whole duty, and quoted with deep fceling the closing lines of Senator Feasen- den’s speec! “The future is in the hands of Hin who made and governs the Universe, and the fear that He will not govern it wisely and well would not excuse me tor a violation of this law;’ saying also “that his actions were his own, but that eventy were with God.” About tius time the efforts of some democrats to make Mr. Chase their candidate began to assume a practical shape, It was believed by many of the most progressive and best men of that party that the wisest thing they could do was to recognize the situation as it was, to nominate Mr, Chase as @ man whom ail war democrats and repentant rebels could support, and who could carry with him the conserva- tive masses of the republican part: nd they were encouraged in this movement by the condition of the republican organization at that me, which was lar from harmonious. No on@not an eye witness of the closing scenes of the impeachment trial, about the lobbies, hotels and streets of Washington, can ever realize the coniition of things then existing there; the whole country slept, as it Were, upon a vast Inag- azine, which a single spark might have ignited, The more extreme advocates of impeachment seemed beside themselves with phrenzy. With shametess impudence, the Chief Justice and the seven republican Senators who voted for acquittal were traduced and vilified. .1 heard many threats of assassination. [ heard many men high im office using the laneanne of vituperation, and personal menaces were made to Senators. It was said they would be burned in effigy throughout the land, and that they could no longer live among their constitu- ents. The attacks upon Mr. Chase Commenced soon after the trial began, and were kept up with increas- ing rancor, He was lied upon most shamefuily, The stories of his interviews with Senators for the pur- pose of influencing their votes, of the carriage rides with them, of the dinner party and of congratulatory visits to the President were all mauutactured by men who knew they were lies and who professed to be republicans. Their object was to write General Grant up by writing Mr. Chase down, But I am most happy to know they he last nen in the country who will influence General Grant or his administration, [t was Mr. Chase's intention from the first to see that the Presi- dent had a fair tria!, for he was sworn to ‘do impar- tial justice according to the constitution and laws.” He did nothing more; and of all the scenes through which he has passed in his long and event- ful ca‘eer, none will give @ more enduring basis upon which to repose his posthumous fame than his conduct during the trial, I asked him, after the tes- timony was all in, what he thought would be the ver- dict of the Senate, and he repiied “that it was such amixed question of law and politics it was impossible for him to form an opinion.” I know that he had nothing to do with the trial, or those engaged in it, except when presiding over the Senate in his oMecial capacity, and there 13 not a lawyer in America with sense suiticient to take charge ofa case involving the cost of a setting of eggs or the price of a coon skin who will not admit that his decision will bear the test of the most searching legal criticism, while of the Senators who were accused of bribery and corruption not one has given any ground for the charge, except a difference of opinion with some of his peers, Kvery time a man loses a law case he has just the same right to aceuse a judge and jury of bribery and fraud, No seven men can be selec from the Senate Chamber who, in purity of ch; integrity and moral worth, ha yer had more unsuilied reputations than Messrs. Fessenden, Trutmbuil, Henderson, Ross, Fowler, Grimes and Van Winkle, They may have erred in judgment, bul their error was of the same characer with that of the upright jury- man who renders a verdict of “not guilty” in a cause of real guilt, but where the law requires that the criminal shall have the benefit 01 Such doubts aa exist in the testimony. Jt Is better that ninety aud nine guiity men shoul | escape under suc circumstances tian that one innocent man should suder punsament. ‘he action of the House of Representatives in appointing a committee to look into the conduct of Senators suggested to many thoughtful minds that the “supremacy of Congress’? did not mean what tie expression would seem to imply, but that it rather meant the supremacy of the ilouse over the Executive, the Judiciary and the Senate, This condition of things about the latter part of May, and knowledge of a serious intention at Chicago to read the Chief Justice and the “seven recreant Senators’ out of the repubilcan party; the action of Congress in depriving the Supreme Court of its rightful jurisdiction in the McCardle case, and the bold intimations given of an inten tion to reorganize that Court solely with a view to political ends excited serious alarm and appre- hension in the minds of all conservative republicans and prepared the way for a division of the party, in order to save what had been won by our contest; to secure the thirteeuth and fourteenth articles of the constitution beyond the power of repeal or defeat, aud to make permanent the work of reconstruction as far as it had gone. Mr. Chase was the proper representative of this class of men, and they in- stinctively turned toward him to save them from the eriis of the hour, These men hal no personal ob- jection to General Grant; they apprectated the in- valuable services he had rendered his country; they honored him as the greatest soldier our land had produced, but they knew him to be entirely without experience in the adminisfration of civil afuira, and they did not know who hig advisers would be, or what political theories he might attempt to carry out. Mr. Chase had been identified with the anti-slavery movement from boyhood; he was the very Nestor of those brave men who fought for freedom long before I was born, when slavery was honored in the North and the love of liberiy was no deeper than the pigment of the skin. He was a wart supporter of Mr. Lincoln. He it was wh voked the “gracious protection of Almighty God’’ upon the emancipation proclamation. His finane: skill saved the nation by furnishing us the means With Which to carry ou the war. He very earnestly approved the ratification of the thirteenth article, and used ali his induence to secure the adoption of the fourteenth. With the exception of the military commiss 4 he was not unfriendiy to the policy of reconstruction adopted by Congress when the for teenth articie was rejected by the Southern rebels, He was oppos however, to the trial of any citizen tu time of peace by a military commission, to any infringement of the constitutional prerogative of the Executive or the Judiciary, He believed the constitution, as framed and handed down tous by our fathers, Was a better instrument than any we could now make, always saving and excepting avery. He favored the obliteration of this great nuisauce by the adoption of the thirteenth articie, and the total destruction of its power in the four- teenth article, by making the negro a citizen, giving him the equal protection of the laws and abolishing the three-iliths representation based on slavery, which has always been the most iniquitous featare in our constituiion, He believed that every man, without recard to color, should be free; that he should have the right to the ballot and the privile; of life, liberty and the pursuit of tone Spe in the manner that best suits his own pleasdre, restrained only by wise laws, to operate with equal force on ali, both black and white, These general opinions were not antagonistic to those of any true Union man, nor need they have been objectionable to any democrat who desired to accept and acknowledge the great changes of the war, rather than engage in & hopeless struggle to undo what Congress had done. Hence a large number of democrats com- menced the work of educating their party to accept this condition of things, to take Mr. Chase aa their candidate and to unite with the conservative repub- licans on the new ‘issues of the day in the spirit of the day,” thus to found a great democratic party upon # basis of per nent usefulness. The intention was to remove political disabilities from every many whether once a rebel or once a slave, and to found a true democracy, not that of the Southern rebel or the anti-war man of the North, but one like the democracy of Jefferson, Hamilton and Lincoln; a democracy of equal righta, of peace and protec- tion to all men; @ democracy as wide as humanit, and as universal as God's omnipotence, under whic! our country conld prosper to a degree the most vivid imagination dares not attempt to compass. ‘These men felt, too, that the rebellion and lis ideas should die, and that the war and ite horrors should sink tte ¢ ivion, and that it was the duty of the lovers of the Uuion to Let ail the tender voices of nature emper the (riugmph and chasien mirth, the fotinite love and pity For {alien martyr and darkeued heart, ‘The “movement” assumed great strength from the first, aad! Was started by certain patriotic Lge] without consultation with Mr. Chase or his person friends, | was surprised to see how rapidly it grew, anv, to know his views with some certaity, 1 visited Mr. Chase May 80, J told him some influential demo- crats were serious in their intention to make him thelr candidaie, and asked what he proposed to do about it, fis reply was Eee t and distinct:—"1 will not surrender my honest convictions; I will never admit that the black man has no rights which any one is Lound to reapect.” We then entered into a tut conversation on the situation In which he was jaced. 1 told him frankly that without regard to is private inclinations his highest consideration mast be, first, for the nt quiet of the country; wecond, for the Ror lack ie of the South, in whose canse he had @0 nobdl truggied for neariy haif acentury. 1 pictured to him, clearly and truth- fully, how unhappy was their situation in Ken- tucky, turned loose in the midst of @ powerful and generally hostile white population, mostly without property or subsistence. I pointed out to him the many out inflicted on this poor race, the fact that they had lost the protection of the master's interest, were denied the ballot, and above all, were cruelly and barbarously denied the privilege of testi- mony in our courta inst those white miscreants who might ann them of life, liberty or property, and that the littie band of devoted Unionists here ‘were powerless to alter the condition of things. I told him [| understood many democrats to say they would unite with him and his friends on his own platform and in his own way; that if this could brought about, and these men would generously surrender their convictions and ices and come to him, so long identified with all that was hostile to slavery and rebellion, that it ‘was a great concession; that ij woula put it In his Ww. protect the colored people all over the Roun; that the influence of his administration ‘would Induce the whites to execute his wishes In to the colored le; that his hamanity, his duty to his country and his friends forbade b letting this opportunity go by, and that it would be the crown! triumph of an eminently successful life to be summoned by the voice of the ple, with. pa Ba ad to former political views, to lay aside his judi ermine to assume the serene and lofty dig- nity of the Presidential honor. Mr. Chase wis a impressed with this view of the case ih the = matter io the banda of tw frients, with the distinct understanding that he sought @ nomination from no pariy aud had cianged or abandoned no conviction, When tis interview was over, without consulting Mr. Chase furtaer, [ furnished a newspaper correspondeat with a general outilue of his views, which 3 lele- grapled from Washington, June 2, to the New YORK Heeatp, from whieh it was ed in most of the papers of the country, I went South on business the sth of June, and, after passing through every State east of the Mississippl, reached Washington again on the 30th of June. 1 found the business men of tue South ready to accept any kind of a nomi- nation and any form of government that would re- move the military, restore peace, revive trade and ive them an opportunity to repair their shattered fortunes; but, unfortunately, business men are not geverally politicians, The judges, the merchants, the manufacturers of the South, a8 @ general ting, referred Mr. Chase as the nominee of the New York jonvention, believing that he could unite in har- mony more of the discordant elements of the nation than any other individual. They were willing to accept reconstruction with negro su: , and only asked the protection of the ballot for themselves. This class of men, who have more inte- rest at stake in the South than any other, are not, however, politicians, as I have said, and it was a sad hour for them and for the nation when the delegates to the New York Cun- vention from that section, instead of being taken from this class, were chosen in the main from broken down party hacks, editors, lawyers and unrepentant rebel soldiers, I saw Mr. Ciase again July 1, and gave him the benefit of my observations. I told him what I have told you about the feeling of the busi- ness men, but that a powerful reactionary element was at work in the South, which threatened mis- chief, ipaxsoniarle in Alabama; that I was never more deeply impressed with the wisdom of Con- gress in giving the biack man the ballot; that it was @ check on the rebel clement more effective than bayonets; that the black men of the South were the only agricultural laborers in that section; that they were really the “working men” of all the cot- ton States, and could only be protected in the fruits of their toil by the elective franchise, 1 then in- quired what he would do ifthe New York Conven- tion put forth the theory of the Southern reaction- ists, that this is only ‘a White man’s government,” and proposed ‘to deprive the colored people in any section of the country of any right or pe sliene they now enjoy?? He answered unequivocally that “in such an event it would be the duty of every patriot and of every friend of humanity to rally to the stan- dara of General Grant.” ‘To retrace my path a little I wish to call your attention to the fact that from the time the “Chase movement” assumed shape there were two factions in the democratic party. One was progressive and was com- posed maiuly of the Hastern democrats and uginess men of the cotton States, but it had more or less strength in every State in the Union, embracing, as it did, nearly all the German element of the democratic party. The other was reactionary and composed mainly of all those rebels who are still unrepentant, who learned no- thing by the sad experience of the war, and of the reat ass of Western democrats who supported ir. Pendieton. The progressionists Iavored an en- tire change of party front and the inauguration of a new party on new progressive idears, practically ad- mitting that the oid deinocratic party was dead, and must pass away, as did the whig and Know Nothing organizations in the last decade, They fay mene however, to retain the old party name, and to found a@ new party which should bear about the same rela- tions to the old democratic party as the republican party of 1860 bore to the old whig party. They pre- ferred an entire abandonment of every great ques- tion upon which they had been defeated. It was proposed to recognize impartial manhood suifrage, without distinction of race or color, as a cardinal pence of the democratic party, (o be regu- lated, however, in its application by the States themselves, It was proposed by peace/ul means and moral suasion, to secure the removal of ali disabili- tles and Kis Wertsrs ney in the South, now existing by reason of participation in the rebeilion, aud to break down the power of class legislation and un- equal laws throughout the country. It was proposed to settle the financial question by restoring the country to such a conditton of peace and prosperity that specie payments could be speedily resumed, and that a large saving in the national expenditures and a corresponding reduction in taxation should be gained by sacred pledges of the inviolaviiity of the national faith, thus putting our credit on so solid a foundation that our debt could be funded in long bonds, not bearing more than three or four per cent interest in coin, which would be taken mostly in Europe, thus turning loose the large amount of American capital now invested in govern- ment bonds, which would then find employ- ment in developing our immense resources, both cultural and mechanical. It was proposed, as a correlative part of his financial scheme, to invite all the emigration we pos- sibly could from the Old World to our shores, and to give national aid to all of those great railway Inter- ests which tend to make us @ more homogeneous people, and to bind North and South, East and West together in the belief that the material development of the nation’s best interests under such a policy would soon give us more money than we wou'd want. The poiicy of the reactionists was the reverse of ail this, It was proposed by them to advocate the theory of & “white man’s government;” that the biack man, his family and his property might exist here in peace, but that he should be governed by laws, punished by laws and taxed by laws in fram- ing which he should have no vo.ce; and where this voice had been given him by Congres, to deprive him of it by any means, peacetul or war.ike, as circumstances might render necessary. It was proposed to overturn the Soutuern State overnments established under Congressional jegisiation by the Unionists and to make new ones by rebels, and that arebel, whether repent- ant or not, must be regarded as good a man as any- body else; as worthy to tll office in the government, and as a fit subject to make laws for tue widows and orphans whose kindred he had siain in battie, It Was proposed to abolish the national banking sys- tem; and to issue greenbacks enough to red_em all the five-twenty bonds in circulation; but | contess L have never understood what was to become of the greenbacks, though | take it for granted it was the intention to destroy them as fast as they reached the ‘Treasury in payment of taxes, just asa farmer de- stroys his promissory note given for land, when he pays it off with the proceeds of his crop of wheat or corn, This is @ beautiful theory; so is that of the — motion, or navigation of the air in balloons, When either of these theories are successfully reduced to practice our nation will much prosper, and will wax fat upon the larks that are caught by the falling skies. I have bow given you a general outline of the internal condition of the democratic party when it met in Convention at New York on July 4. I do not think I am mistaken in my statement of ihe case, for 1 had unusual faciities for observation and I studied the question most carefully. Before I pro- ceed to show you how and by whom the progressiun- ists were defeated in the convention, [ wish to refer for tie last time to Mr, Chase’s connection with the “movement.” He was prompted by no resentment and by no unworthy ambition. He wanted quiet in all the land, and he wanted to see equal and exact justice rendered unto all men. The causes which produced the movement in his favor were far deeper than his personal influence and power extended, for they originated in a political atmosphere that he did not breathe; they grew out of the necessities of the democratic , and were but the outcroppings of the wisdom some democrats had acquired through sad experience. If no such man as Mr. Chase had ever lived these “causes” would still have existed, and would have made themseives felt in national politics. Mr. Chase has made no politi- cal mistake, and has taken no backward step. An portunity was presented whereby the most sacred litical convictions of his lifetime might be realized and made secure th their adoption on the part of those who had always opposed them. Here seemed a chance to lead the people in safety through the Ked Sea of their diMculties, and to settle at once and forever the vexed ‘negro question” by fixing his statue henceforth as that of an American citizen, possessing — rights and immunittes with all other citizens. The progressionists of the demo- cratic party any said to hum, “We ask no sacrifice on your part. ‘e are to adopt nQ@w ideas. We intend to acknowledge tho correciness of your views. Will you mpresent us before the people if we do this!’ No nobler and purer impiuse ever guided @ statesman’s action than that which prompted Mr. Chass to give an affirmative reply to this = 4 He would have been unwortny of himself and unworthy of hia country if he had done otherwise. He has been mach abused by some radicals, but they are chiedy of that class which jomed the republicaa party after the war broke out. ‘They are those men who fought the battles of slavery in the North and did the dirty work of their Southern masters. When Mr. Chase, Mr. Seward, Mr. Cassius M. Clay, Mr. Greeley, Mr. Garrison and Mr. Phillips were educating the masses of the people to the over- throw of slavery these same men abused him then as they do now; ard in the South there are those joiaing in the cry vho, while Mr, Chase was leading the little parly of feedom in Ohio when it did not number five thowsand adherents, were cracking their whips over the backs of the poor cowering slaves and threalening tar, feathers and death to all Northern abolitionists. These men would now reap the fruit of others’ labor, and, like Therna- dier on the teld of Waterloo, tuey would plunder those who fought the battle, im which they had not the courage to take @ part. Salmon P. Chase ta this hour the same friend of liberty, the satne friend of suiTering humanity, as when, in deflance of the popular sentiment of that day, he defended .aines G, Birney at the peril of his life from the fury ¢f 9 Cincinnati mob; and afterward from the crime ofsheitering Ay slave, as when he defeaded the por slat Foal jatilda; as when he and Mr. Seward m ably defended Van Zant tor hid- ing @ slave girl, cbubtiess owned by the ancestor of some modern retni, if not by one who is still lively enough to feel wbellious and curse negro thieves. Posterity will mae good the prediction of Mrs. H. B. Stowe in the “\Men of our Times,” where she has written of Mr. Chnuse-—"" When @ future generation shall be buiidingthe tombs of our present prophets, and adorning the halis of the Capitol with the busts of men now too iard at work to be sitting to the sculptor then there will be among the marble throng one head not infrior to any now there in outside marks of greatmss—a head to which our children shail point and my, ‘There t# the financier who car- ried our county throngs the great sia ar. Now our chil mil pause longer; will speak farther ant say, ‘He is the great Chief Justice of the United Sutes, who, In times of intense politi- cal excitement, rresided over the High Court of Im- Fegohment fos he trial of Andrew Johnson, and hough vilified ty many men of the ‘ath whose very foundation stoms he had laid, yet he dared to do his cays and, vith the eyes of America and Europe turned full upor him, he held aloft the scales of jus tice with ® stpng, unshaken hand, and preserved the spotless homr of the American jadi The name of Mr, Chuse will live long after his detractors are burted tu obivion. When he has passed away, bis great fame wil! be a common h of lil er American people aad the frie: out the world.to be cherished s« Tong as nues to admire what Uti tue character of epubien eae, an a! abd p00 ua prep y an. aly regret that he ever exprease r the tinal action of the New York Convention, was that it Was now out of his power to do what he would have hked to have dene for the wor people of the South, both white and blick, and for those who bad beftiended them in the great Straggle for liberty. {t Was no business of mine to ask him how he intended to vote this fall, but it will do no harm for ime to tell you that he would have preferred the election of a President who. by his experience in civil atfairs and training as a con- itutional lawyer, would have been compara ively free from reliance on hia Cabinet ia the preparation of hts most tinportant State papers. But 1 have heard him speak often in terms of high eulogy of the character of General Grant. He has great cont. dence in his straightforward honesty and integrity, and has a high appreciation of his sterling coumon sense and judgment of meu, while he regards Mr. Coifax as one of the purest and best men our coun. 'y has ever produced, Weighing him in the stand- ard of his own hard and toilsoime experience as @ self-made man, he looks upon him as a fitting ‘type of the Northland‘ strength and ride and hope of our home and r Freedom iending tor iabor ‘Tints of beauty and i f grace. I know that Mr, Chase anticipates the election of General Grant; that he expects, if both are alive on the 4th day of Mareh, 1869, to swear hi: into ofce as the next President of the United States, and thas he believes his administration will be mild, .umane and harmonizing. | can safety tell you, too, that he rds Blair's letter to Colone) Brodhead as Ku Klux; as simply devi'isn; and | can also assure you that if the progressionists of the New York Convea- tion had so far succeeded there as to justify Mr. Chase in accepting the nomination they proposed to tender him, he would have repudiated that part of the platform which declares “the recon- struction acts of Congress unconstitutional, re volutionary and void,’ just as General McCiel- lan repudiated the objectionable part of the Chicago platform of 1864. There is not power enough on this continent to commit Mr, Chase to the platform ofany party involving questions that may come up for adjudication before the court of which he is the learned head. My own triends in this State will understand all the better why I have go much desired Mr, Chase's nomination when I frankly confess that my views have undergone & change on the suffrage question from those to which T have heretofore given public expression. I am pre pas now, after much study and reflection, to stand ere in my native and dearly beloved State, in this temple of justice, and within sight of our legisiative halls, and to fearlessly prociatan that henceforth and forever | favor anu will advocate the equal, civil and. political, rights of all men, without regard to their political beiief, without regard to their religious opinions, without regard to their nationality, their color, their race, or their previous condition, This is the only true democracy, and can only be found in free America, which 18 now become tie modern Daleth or homestead of the nations. I nave not reached thp meridian of life by Siu years, and I fervently hOpe anall-werciful God will grant ine time aad health and strength to witness the triumph of this great priacipie in ail our Commonweaith, even from the Onio to the ‘Tennessee, and from the highest peak of the Cumberland chain to where the green hills of Indiana look down upon our fertile shores, I will now recall your attention to tie closing hours of the New York Convention; but I desir> first to state that what I shall say of Mr. Sey- mour is spoken in no vindictive sense. In private life I have no doubt that he is a most estimab'e gen- tleman. The first choice of the reactionisis was Mr. Pendleton, who had sympathized with the cause of rebellion during the war, and had won somo temporary notoriety by advocating the fiuancial views of Mr, Stevens and General Butler. But he was known to be an aristocrat by nature and education, He always had more love for the Sout ern planier in his baronial home thin for the wor! ing man of the North in his humble cottage. Al these things put together mate him so unpopulor with the Eastern men that it was evident from the first, to all but his sateliites, that he could not le nominated, There was no other man in the renc- tionist faction so strong a8 Mr. Pendleton, and, when his chances were gone, tat fection had lost ground it could only recover by strategy. This it aite and with eminent success. The platiorin adopt a curious doct nt; 1t shows very plainly ihe woik- manship of bota factions. Nothiug is said of a whie man's government, nothing of negro suflrage and nothing of greenbacks. ‘The flnancial plank is non- committal, and means greenbacks or gold, accord- ing to the wishes of the reader, Thus tar we sce the triumph of the progressionists. Where (ha platform declares the reconstruction acis “\n- constitutional, revolutionary and void,” wo see the only marked impression inade by the reactioui+ts upon the instrument, and which the p: et could very weil yieid for the sake of party ani. strategy, as if they had nominated their 1 — would have been thrown out, and along w t all those rebels who might still desire to stand on it. As soon us the balloting coumenced it | evident that the progressionists would ullimate! win, if their men stood firm. They held the balan of power, and by a judicious system of tactics pre- vented the nomination of any one ap to Wednesday night, and, taking advantage of the defection of Hendricks’ friends to Mr. Pendleton, the former very effectually killed off, the progressionists using General Hancock's name for that purpose on Wed- nesday, July 8. General Hancock never did at any time have the slightest chance for a nomination, and his strongest vote was given for strategic reasous, Ly men whose first choice was an entirely dim Mr. Hendricks was the ouly man Mr. Chase’s ever feared; and when the Coavention adjourned on Wednesday evening those who were in the seciet of the vote given for Genera! Hancock considered th victory as won, and had no donbt of Mr. Chace’ nomination the next day, The progressionisis met in council that night. it was arranged who should nominate Mr. Chase, who should second it, what States were to vote for him onthe first ballot, aud what should be said on the occasion of bringing Lis name formally before the Convention. A Livst fu: midable swength was developed and every ciien: stance was auspictous for success, But i* was con- sidered best to have a ballot ortwo next imoraing before the nomination was made, so as to kill of the apparent strength of Geveral Hancock an satisfy his friends that there was no hope for him. it was known that the vote he received from this State would be withdrawn the next moining, us as scattering votes ftom several other States. Jersey and Massachusetts were unanimously for Mr. Chase. Not desiring to offend such friends as Geue- ral Hancock had in the Convention, or to make ‘oo manifest the reason of the vote Massachuseits had given him that day, it was arranged that the vote of New Jersey only should be withdrawn on the first ballot and cast where it would not count; and tis was done. There are reasons to be- Heve that the deliberations of this meeting were Le- trayed to the reactionists, Everything at tis siase of the proceedings depended on the firmness of the New York delegation, From the 4th to tie sth of July this delegation had professed to be for Mr. Chase, and that it only waited a favorable moment to bring forward his name. At midnight oa the «th Mr. Horatio Seymour still tested that Le was for Mr. Chase; but Mr. Chase friends who doubted Mr. Seymour's [pete 6 from the first, and who be- lieved that he was acting with duplicity. It is true he had repeatediy declined the use of his name; pnd of his friends were saying, as Antony dii to Da sar:— You all did see thas on the Luperea? rice presented him a er Wiieh te did thrice reuse?" To this others would respond, as did the fourth cttt- zen: Mark'd ye bie words? He would not take the crown ; Therefore, "tis certain he was not ambitious. To be sure that Mr. Seymour was sincere it was arranged before breakfast on the morning of July 9 that he should ety in nomination by a friend of Mr. Chase’s, in order to force him to reveal his true licy, On the very bailot that he was nominated is name would have been put before the conven ion by a gentleman from a Southern State, who is young, intellectual and courageous, and was a warm advo- cate of Mr. Chase's nomination. The object of this “movement” was to circumvent Mr. Seymour's treachery, if he intended any; but it was deicated by the superior strat of the reactioniats, The onlv hope they had after Mr. Pendieton’s defeat was to secure @ Weak, nervous, cowardly man the dirst place on the ticket, and to nominate & bold, boca geome | strong-willed reactionisi for the Vice Presidency, an in this attempt they succeededpHo perfectiy as to ex- cite my admiration of their tact satil and courage. It was arranged st the meeting of the progression- ists to which I have reserred, that a petition waich had been prepared by @ German editor trom Wisconsin, and which had been signed by m every German editor then m New York city, asking for the nomination of Mr. Chase, should be read to the convention by Mr. Seymour, as its presid.ag officer, he having previously declined to nominate Mr. Chase himself, on the ground that he was |'rest- dent of the convention; but I have been told by a gentleman now tiving in New York city, and whose human ty come veracity | have no donbt Lo question, tf the morn- ing of Juiy 9 a short time before the convention met, Mr. Seymour read to him irom the manuscript very chaste, neat little «peech, which be sali hi would deliver io the couvention when Mr. Cuase’s name was brougit before it, and he believes Mr. Seymour tad that speech in his pocket when he was nouinated. Kelying on Mr. Seymour and the New York delegation, the progressionisis met in the convention on the morning of July 9 full hope in the success of their pian, But a counter movement had been going on. 1 was told ia Crocinnati the otver day by a prominent democrat, that only six members of the Ohio delegation were made privy fo the nomination of Mt. Seymour, This was the game, ‘These men determined, with the aid of the Southern rebels, to capiure Horatio Seymour from the progressionists and nominate him, kuow- ing that this Would so demo alize that faction as to give them absolute control of the convention, and that no: a voice would be raised when they brought forward their own man for the Vice Presidency, Who had already been agreed on by the reactionis(s. Tt Was the most succesa/ul 1 tever made in this country in @ natio but it was a for. lorn hope. Any mora! courage on Seymour's part, any thought of how great men act in trying emergencies, any refection on his part of tie Tresolution displayed by Cesar at the iubtcon, Has at the stake, by Luther at Worms, by Je son or Franklin at ‘Independence Hall, by G at Vicksburg, by Thomas at Chickaman:a, and any desire to fe the exampie of these great men, Would have covered the reactionisis with over- whelming defeat, But they knew well their 1 Ohio led off. Mr. Seymour rose to his fee. Stiliness of death filled the great hail. ‘There, that bright Juiy morning, in the mist of that va mas of numa jity, in the commerctal metropolis of ‘he uation and ‘of his own State, to which the eyes