The New York Herald Newspaper, July 8, 1868, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD|! BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Heratp. Letters and packages ehould be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Annual’ subscription price $14. ADVERTISEMENTS, to a limited number, will be in- serted in the WEEKLY HERALD, European and Cali- fornia Editions. JOB PRINTING of every description, also Stereo- typing ana Engraving, neatly and promptly exe- cuted at the lowest rates. Volume XXXIII. EVENING. NIBLO'S GARDEN, BrONOU a: —Tas Waits Fawn. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway and 16th strect.— Tax Lorrery or Lire. BROADWAY THEATRE, Broadway.-A PLAss oF LigHTniNna. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Tue Fast WOMEN OF MODERN TIMES—GOLD STEKERS. NEW YORK THEATRE, opposite New York Hotel.— THE Guanp DucuEss. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Humpry Dompry. Matinee nt 139. BRYANTS' OPERA HO!": street.—ETHIOPIAN MIN®’ CENTRAL PARK GARDE: Ganpgn Concent. TERRACE GARDEN — DODWORTH HALL, 806 Broadway.—Mr. A. BURNETT, THE Homorist. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 615 Broadway. BOIENCE AND ART. TRIPLE “Yorks “Wednesday, Tammany Building, 14th , 40. Soventh avenue,—POPUL AR “Port. AB GARDEN ConcEnr. SHEET. July Bt 1868. “New EUROPE. The news report by the Atlantic cable ts dated yea- terday evening, July 7. Marshal Niel asserts that no one of her “neigh- bors’? can compete with the present military power of France. The reform measures were advanced in the English House of Lords. Harvest prospects re- mained encouraging in England. Consols 94% a 95, money. Five-twenties 73% a@ 7324 (n London and 773; in Frankfort. Paris Bourse steady. Cotton closed with middling uplands at 114d.a 11d. Breadstufs firm. Provisions steady. NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JULY 8, 1868. TRIPLE SHEET. law restored when the President proclaims the amendment ratified. ‘The Georgia Legislature fully organized yesterday, several new members of both houses qualifying by taking the oath prescribed by the constitution. ‘The republicans tn the Louisiana Legislature have decided in caucus on the nomination of W. P. Kel- logg and I. 8. Harris for United States Senators. Kellogg is Collector of the port of New Orleans, Of the seventeen democratic seats contested in the House ten are those of members from Orleans parish and the city of New Orleans. The Masonic picnic at Jones’ Wood yesterday was visited by about fifteen hundred persons There was dancing in the grand hall, a display on the “fying trapeze,” some speechmaking, and, in the main, a Pleasant enjoyment for all present. The German democratic barbecue at Lion Park came off yesterday; but only a few of the invited guests of national prominence were present. Richard O'Gorman, A. J. Rogers and others made speeches, Charles Francis Adams, late Minister to England, arrived in this city last night by the steamer China. There were 413 deaths in New York last week and 122 in Brooklyn. The Cunard steamship Scotia, Captain Judkins, will sail about four P. M. to-day for Queenstown and Liverpool. Yhe mails for Europe will close at the Post Oftice at twelve M. The steamship Manhattan, Captain Williams, of the Liverpool and Great Western line, will leave pier 46 North river to-day at four P. M. for Liverpool, calling at Queenstown to land passengers. The steamship Rapidan, Captain Cheesman, will leave pier 36 North river at three P. M. to-day tor Savannah. The stock market was firm yesterday. Govern- ment securities were weak. Gold was strong, and closed at 140% a 140%. The Domocratic Convention aud the Political Situation. Apparently the members of the National Democratic Convention, even the intelligent minority, have very vague notions of the con- dition of the country and but little understand- ing of the state of facts that led to their pres- ence here and gives peculiar significance to what they propose to do. Mr. Belmont, the temporary chairman, made a welcoming speech to the delegates the other day that was happily sympathetic with the prevailing thought; and this speech recalls an incident that happened in the Court of France just after the Restoration, when the Bourbons, like the democrats, came home to power at the close of agreat war. The Bourbons had a func- tionary, as this Democratic Convention had, and the two were alike in their peculiar courtly ignorance. It happened to the Court functionary that in going over the papers of the palace—lists, rolls and ether documents— in the course of his duties he came often to the name of Bonaparte and sometimes to that of Napoleon, and, quite mystified by the frequent recurrence of the names, he was put to the ne- ceassity of inquiring who these fellows, Napoleon and Bonaparte, were. He had never heard of any lapse in the succession, never heard of the Revolution or the empire or the bloody wars, and could not consent to know that the Bour- By the steamship China, at this port last night, we have a mail report in detail of eur cable despatches, | fated to the 27th of June. | THE CONVENTIONS. The Democratic National Convention assembled at the usual hour yesterday, the usual immense crowd | of delegates and spectators being in attendance. A series of resolutions from Alexander H. Stephens were read and referred. The first sets forth that “we will in the future, as in the past, adhere to the Union,” and the last returns the highest meed of patriotism to the Union soldiers. The platform was then read by Mr. Henry Cc. Murphy. It is substantially the same 48 published in the HERALD of Monday. It was put and accepted by the Convention amid great enthu- | siasm. Some further discussion ensued on the ope- tation of the two-thirds ruie, and after deciding without chance of misconstruction that two-thirds of the votes cast in the Electoral College would enti- de acandidate to the nomination the Convention proceeded with the first ballot. There were twelve candidates named and 317 rotes cast, Pendleton receiving the highest number, 105; Andrew Johnson the next highest, 65, and the rest coming in the following rotation:—Hancock, Church, Packer, English, Doolittle, Parker, Reverdy Johnson, Hendricks and Blair. The names of Chase and Seymour were not mentioned. The second ballot disclosed Pendleton and Johnson (by a strange coincidence the opposition candidates for the Vice Presidency in 1854) still ahead. ‘The third ballot showed but little change, Pendleton gaining slightly and the name of Ewing being introduced. On the fourth Horatio Seymour was named, but he imme- diately rose and formally withdrew his name. On the fifth ballot Pendieton received 122 votes, Han- cock, the next highest, 46; the name of Adams was introduced and that of Andrew Johnson dropped. On tho sixth ballot Pendieton stood 12255 and Han- Cock 47, The Convention then adjourned unti! this Morning at ten o'clock. The Soldiers and Sailors’ Convention, yesterday, adopted a platform endorsing the platform of the National Democratic Convention and pledging sup- port to its nominees, A resolution was also adopted eetting forth that the national credit must be held in- violate and that repudiation was dishonorable. A committee was appointed to wait upon General McClellan to secure his aid in the coming campaign. resolution was adopted sustaining the removal of Stanton and denouncing his oMcial acts. The Con- vention then adjourned sine die, CONGRESS. In the Senate yesterday the bill to revive an act, providing among other things for the expenses of district judges called out by justices of the Supreme Court, was discussed and passed. The Tax bili was then resumed, and after amending it in some par. ticulars the Senate, without finally disposing of it, Inthe House Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, as a question of privilege, presented additional articles of im. peaohment against the President, charging him with abuse of the patronage of his office, erecting State governments in conquered territories, restor- tng forfeited property and other crimes. Mr. Stevens made a long speech in support of them, and then, at his suggestion, they wore | postponed until Monday, two weeks. Mr. Williams of Pennsylvania, also presented additional articies. A bill to modify the warehousing system was intro- duced from the Committee on Manufactures. It was generally discussed and finally referred to the Com- mittee on Ways and Means. The Alaska Appropria- tion bill was then considered in Committee of the Whole, Messrs, Butier, Sloan and McCarthy spoke agalust It, and the House soon after adjourned. MISCELLANEOUS. About half-past twelve o'clock on Monday night Peter Cagger, of Albany, the well-known lawyer and politician, was almost instantly killed by being thrown from a carriage while riding ip the Central Park, in company with John &. Develin, of this city. Mr. Develin was also very seriously injured. The breaking of the spokes of wheel was the immediate cause of the accident. The delegates to the Republican State Convention at Syracuse to be held to-day have mostly arrived. ‘The nomination of Lyman Tremaine, of Aibany, for Governor i# probable, but the names of Horace Greeley and John A. Griswold are canvassed, while Alonso B. Cornell and Charles Andrews are the most prominent names for Lieutenant Governor. General Van Wyck has deciined to be a candidate | for Governor. | bons had not always held power. Judging by Belmont’s speech the same intellectual condi- tion prevails with the democratic Bour- bons. They have not heard of any great changes—of any revolution or any war— but twaddle on in the same arrogant self- sufficiency and wilful blindness as if the nation had not four years ago repudiated them absolutely for these very vices, and would take into confidence again the galvanized remnant of that old ruin, the democratic party of the past, as ifit would give power to any party not fresh from the inspirations and im- pulses of the nation—not vital with the thoughts consonant to the time, that thrill in the brain of the people. The first fact, then, is that there has been a great war, waged on one hand for the destruc- and save it, and so far as the majority of mere party leaders go the ‘‘democrais” were on the wrong side. They were against the people and against the country. They made of the country, was the democratic party ; and that fact itself was a sufficient sign that the name was a cheat. Certain Northern demo- crats adhered to the Southern ones. They not live out of the party groove and never saw more than a party struggle in the war, | or they were men who had lived in office and | had all to fear and nothing to hope from any change. These were the peace democrats. But and Southern ‘‘democrats” the whole de- mocratic masses, the whole people of the North arose to the defence of the country, and it was saved by this spontaneous action of the people without regard to party. In thus crushing the rebellion what did the people put down? Not the South merely, but the deinocratic party. From whom did they save the country? From the democrats; from that so-called democratic party that lived on the traditions of another age and covered its own rottenness with the names of Jefferson and Jackson, the party that had imperceptibly floated away from all democratic principles party of Jeff Davis and James Buchanan, and the Northern peace men. This, then, is, in simple words, just what the country did; it arose and put down in many bloody battles that arrogant, selfish, narrow-minded coterie of aristocratic leaders who called themselves the democratic party—men who had deceived and cheated the nation and who now raise their heads in this Tammany Convention and claim torule it. Will the people trust or toler- ate in power the party they put down at such cost, coming now and impudently declaring the government into the hands of the party from which it was saved at such expense in the very hour in which that party boasts and declares that its principles and its thoughts and its purposes have undergone no change and seen no reason for change in these years? We know that it will not; for the experiment has been tried. It was tried in this State. The population of this Empire State, in the cities and in the country, with its high average of intelligence and freedom from sectional Prejudices, is naturally democratic in the right sense of the word, and always acts by pe-fer- ence with the party that stands on a liberal democratic platform; but not bigoted, not blipdly devoted to mere shibboleth and party Telegraphic advices from Honduras state that ‘work had commenced on the Interoceanic Ratiway, ‘The South Carolina Senate has ratified the four- teenth article. The contest for United States Sena- tor is between A. G. meee, thé Ooiiseter gf Charies- names. It never hesitates to abandon any organization which forgets that its power is de- rived from the people. When it was a ques- tion, therefore, between party organization and the safety of tho government, the people tion of the nation, on the other hand to defend | the war; for the South, the aristocratic section | were the narrow-minded fellows who could | aside from these Northern barnacles | and was the very negative of democracy, the | Yancey, Belmont, Breckinridge, Ben Butler | that it never was put down? Will they give | war with unanimous enthusiasm; but they did not lose their democratic instincts, and in the very midst of the war, when the demo- cratic managers presented an unequivocal war platform and presented their candidate squarely on that issue, the people sustained them, as if eager to vindicate their fame and prove that they had only gone with the re- publicans becanse that party, for the time, held the true ground that a national democracy must stand upon—the maintenance of the con- stitution, the government and the laws. But the democratic leaders, purblind, resolved on self-deceit, saw in this act of the people a tendency to give the government up, and they abandoned their war platform and in the next canvass came forward with those offensive peace principles that involved the surrender of all the rights of the Northern people. They were beaten, for the people were true to themselves, and once more the State was lost to the democrats. And this little piece of the history of our State indi- cates the temperof the whole American peo- ple. Democratic with an honest democracy, they will rather give their suffrages to the other side than to a party that insults and out- rages them by putting forth as theirs principles that they repudiate and abhor. Can the party managers never understand this ? Why is it to-day deemed even possible that the candidate of a democratic convention may win? Simply because the republican party has abandoned its war platform and national prin- ciples to follow the maniac notions of some zealots, and because the people, fearful of those zealots, want to see a return to those national principles that made the war platforms of the republican party. Can they hope for such a return at the hands of a parly whose every utterance starts from an assumption that there has been no war? And will they, knowing they can hope fer no such a return, accept such a party? The Northern people are the political quantity on which parties must count, and these are disposed to build the fabric of the future on the thirteenth amendment, that abol- ishes slavery, and the fourteenth, that gives the States power in regard to suffrage. These recognize the war and start from an accept- ance of its results, and they are the anchors of the democratic masses from which nothing can drag them; and to these points the politicians must come. Republican leaders have repudiated the best of these—tho fourteenth amendment. They have made re- construction laws that conflict with it, have tried to bully the people out of their convic- tions and have endeavored to make ) a new rev- olution to cover their nefarious. ‘purpose. Because they have abandoned these principles the people have abandoned them, and now look to the democracy for a remedy. But will they permit the democracy to ignore what they punish the republicans for abandoning? It is folly to suppose this. Party platforms amount to little; they are made and broken equally at will; but the people will judge this Conven- tion and the promise of a revived democracy by the candidate that is named. If it is a man who was in sympathy with the enemy during the war, whose history and career are a pro- teat against the war and its results, the people will scorn the democracy and take the repub- licans with ali their crimes, because any other evil is better than degradation. Nay, if it is an obscure man only, they will do the same, for parties must make their purpose plain; but if it is such a man as Chase—a man honestly national in the great strife and as honestly and magnificently democratic on all the issues now before the country—he will be elected almost by acclamation. Aady Johnsen’s Farewell! Address, Messrs. F. W. Coggill, William H. Appleton and Half a dozen other persons having written a letter to President Johnson asking the privi- lege of presenting his name ‘to the Democratic Convention as a candidate for tho office of President of the United States,” he has inti- maicd Thar in denaigiie he Heratp) that ble for the prese: eridiod and unity of the con- servative interests of the country.” But he wants “a call so general and unequivocal” that | it will amount to an endorsement of his course by the people, and he thinks “that in the pre- went temper of parties” no such endorsement can be reasonably expected. Mr. Johnaon then proceeds to a philosophi- cal review of the present political condition of things, which gives to this historical letter the character somewhat of a farewell address after the fashion of George Washington and Andrew Jackson. A pretty good address it is, too, and it comes to the windward within hailing distance of the democratic platform. Among other things which he has vainly tried to do against a two-thirds vote of each house of Congress, he mentions his efforts to check ex- travagant expenditures and to lighten the bur- dens of taxation. And all this time he has been like John Tyler or like Rome ‘“‘when Cwsar | had a party and Pompey and Crassus each had a party and the Commonwealth had none.” But while Mr. Johnson bas had to fight a radi- | eal Congress since the close of the war and has had to bear and suffer many things in silence for the sake of the people, he says, “I cannot | complain if the people have not been able to | make my cause thoroughly their own.” But until the people wake up to the extravagant, reckless and oppressive partisan schemes of Congress “‘the nation will have to be content with delusive hopes and promises of better times.” That is as true as Gospel. Mr, John- son's views upon this important matter are seasonable and well put. The people must wake up or they are gone. Like a true phi- losopher, while he is not very sanguine of the immediate approach of the millennium, “in the present temper of parties,” and while he is “in the hands of the people (including this Democratic Convention) and at their disposal,” he thinks, in any event, he can look calmly on the present course of events and ‘‘patiently await the verdict of the future.” So he can, and so, we hope, he will. He thinks that Old Thad Stevens and Ben Butler and the radicals generally, in the late impeachment, “have done the worst that faction can do for the Present;” from which itis evident that ‘honest Andy” is tt ightened by these now impeachment _ resolutions. Finally, he ex- presses the hope to the democracy that in the selection of their candidate “‘the public good and leading and welf defined principles will not be sacrificed to the mere pry of party May against Pendleton and any man of that type, and a strong hint in favor of some such constitutional conservative as Johnson, Chase, Doolittle or Dixon. In a word, while this letter of Mr. Johnson dignified a bid for the democratic nomination it is at the same time a warning te the Demo- cratic Convention, and in reading it we are reminded of another philosopher's beautiful and consoling words—‘‘blessed is he who don’t expect anything, for he shall not be disap- pointed.” The Glorious Fourth Across the Water. The signers of the Declaration of Indepen- dence looked forward hopefully to the annual celebration of its proclamation on the Fourth of July, 1776, by the nation which their ast had called into being; but they could hardly anticipate that within a hundred years the glorious Fourth would be celebrated by banquets and speeches, illuminations and fireworks, in almost every capital of monarchical Europe. The cable telegraph, however, informs us that ‘‘the day we celebrate” was duly honored on its ninety- second anniversary, not only by sojourning Americans, but by prominent Europeans, in London, Paris, Berlin, Stuttgart, Vienna, Dresden, Hamburg, Berne, Brussels, Madrid and St. Petersburg. At Constantinople it was privately celebrated, although not publicly, on account of the official mourning for the assas- sination of Prince Michel, of Servia. At Southampton a salute was fired from all the vessels of the United States squadron lying there under Admiral Farragut’s command. At London Mr. Moran, Secretary of the Ameri- can Legation, presided over a fine dinner at the Langham Hotel, where many distinguished Americans and sympathizers with American institutions were present and the popular in- ternational airs were performed by a splendid band. At Paris Major General Dix, United States Minister to the imperial court, presided overa grand banquet and festival at the Pré Catalan. At Berlin, notwithstanding the ab- sence of Minister Bancroft, who was en- gaged in ratifying the naturalization treaty lately concluded between Wiirtemberg and the United States government, the day was celebrated by a dinner at the Café Gor- chart and by a students’ féte at the romantically situated village of Tegel. At Stuttgart there was an exthusiastic meeting, at which the Declaration of Independence was read and patriotic speeches were delivered, and the meeting was succeeded by a concert, at which the musical force of the court theatre assisted, and fa ihe évoning by a fine display of fire- works anda ball attended by five thousand persons. At Brussels a dinner was given in honor of the day at the mansion of the United States embassy, and the building was bril- liantly illuminated after nightfall. At Ham- burg there was an elegant banquet. At Dres- den a well arranged picnic was held at Schar- den. At Berne thero was a fine public dinner. At Madrid there was a grand banquet, at which the ‘growing prosperity of the republic” was toasted by a crowded assembly with the greatest enthusiasm. At Vienna and at St. Petersburg, as at Constantinople, the day was celebrated by American citizens, ‘‘individually and in family groups.” In fine, at most of the ports and capital cities of Europe the glorious Fourth was honored by a display of fiags, by sa- lutes and by national and international reunion festivities. These extraordinary demonstrations of respect for the day forever memorable in our annals are due not only to the large number of American citizens now travelling abroad, but also to the growing sense on the part of European populations and governments of the power and influence of the great republic, The Opportunity of the West. The Western democracy have done well in the Convention thus far and are fairly masters of the situation. They have showa a bold front, and all their actions have been above board and manly, Although their first choice is, un- | fortunately, a candidate whose unavailability in the Eastern and Middle States makes his nomi- nation undesirable, they have pressed him with vigor, confident in his strength in his own section of the country, and bave displayed a directness, carnesiness and fidelity very rare among politicians. In this respect they have | presented a striking contrast to the tricky poli- | ticians of New York and some other States, | who have been scheming, plotting and in- triguing from the first, cheating everybody who trusted them and striving to win by chicanery | and double dealing. Pendleton cannot and | ought not to be nominated; but the Western | ‘democracy may yet take the game into their own hands and go in and win. Let them come out now in the same gallant spirit they have hitherto displayed and nominate Judge Chase for President, and they will carry him triumphantly and secure to themselves the whole prestige and intivence to be gained from the victory. They will thus best revenge them- selves on New York for the petty intrigues in favor of Seymour, Church, Hendricks or who- ever else she has been coquetting and bargain- ing with, and will win for themselves a great reputation all over the country. Pendleton is | a young man and can well afford to wait. He has made a gallant fight, enough to secure himself an honorable position in Chase's Cab- inet, with a good prospect for the succession. But his friends must not strain his cause be- yond the point of perfect harmony and honor in the Convention. Let them withdraw him gracefully to-day, declare boldly for Chase, and they will carry off the profits as well as the laurels. Taap Srevens’ y New Auriga oF IMPEACH- | MENT. —It will be seen by our Washington news that the implacable old radical leader in the House of Representatives, Thad Stevens, has prepared new articles of impeachment against President Johnson and offered resolutions to authorize the Impeachment Managers to take them into consideration. The resolutions fell rather flat, however, and the mat- ter is postponed. The country has had enough of this party virulence, personal hate towards Mr. Johnson and hum- bug, and we should have thought no one would have been so insane as to revive im- peachment again. It is lamentable to see this old man, with one foot in the grave, pursuing the President with such vindictiveness and keeping the Sy in continued agitation. Tt is to be hoped gress will have the good sense not to listen to hin, but will equeigh bis i i | gnst aside that rattan gariy apd went fas the | gaccndgngs,” Ja o modest war dis ia gn | moostecus proposition in ike hicth, | down amazingly. The Sacnaaie Convention and {t» Doings Yesterday. There have been few National Democratic Conventions, since these super-constitutional and potent assemblages were first inaugurated, 80 harmonious and good tempered as the one now held in this city. Upto this time there has been nothing but good feeling, though different delegations and sections have their preferenpe for candidates, and though six bal- lots were taken withouta nomination. Judging from the temper of the Convention yesterday, there is reason to believe the same good feeling will continue, and that the work will soon be finished harmoniously. The most earnest and compact body of delegates are the friends of Mr. Pendleton. They are Western men, and earnestness, directness of purpose and frank- ness are their characteristic qualities; but they are equally patriotic and resolved to defeat if possible the radical party. They have cast o vote of one hundred and twenty-two and a half for their candidate, and that was the highest on the sixth and last ballot. This is a long way from the two hundred and twelve votes required by the two-thirds rule. It is little more than one-third; yet it ap- pears to be all the positive strength Mr. Pendleton has in the> Convention. Should he fail to receive the necessary number of votes, after another effort or two, we have no doubt his friends will rally upon some other man without bitterness of feeling or factious and useless opposition, We think the temper ofthe Pendleton men and of the Convention justifies such an expectation. Next to Mr. Pendleton President Johnson received the highest vote, which was sixty-five, and on the first ballot. Then came Hancock, who began with thirty-five and a half on the first ballot and reached forty-seven on the sixth and last ballot. The rest of the votes were scattering among Church, Parker, Packer, Reverdy Johnson, Doolittle, Hendricks, Blair, Adams, English, Seymour and Ewing. The platform of principles, which was adopted before the balloting commenced, was enthusiastically received. It is much more explicit and direct on the negro suffrage ques- tion, on taxing the bondholders, on the pay- ment of the debt in lawful money according to law and on the atrocious policy of the radical party and Congress, than was the first draft of it as published yesterday. We denounced it then as a weak affair, but think the committee has shown good sense in giving it more strength and directness. Still it might have been more explicit on the amendments to the consti- tution in articles thirteen and fourteen, which, after all, are the final settlement of the negro suffrage question. However, oa the whole it is a good platform, and in the main one which we have been advocating for a long time. No one can complain that it does not cover a good deal of ground; for it embraces all the political questions of the time. The platform will do; but the most important thing now is to find the right sort of candidate. Platforms amount to little ; elections turn upon the candidates. We referred to the good temper of the Con- vention, and we were more struck with this when noticing so many of the same men as delegates who were at former Conventions where the strife of factions and sections raged intensely. Many of the same men are here who were at Baltimore when the fight upon Cass, Buchanan and Douglas ended in the nomination of poor Pierce—the same men, both from the North and South, who were at Charleston in 1860, when the Convention broke up and when the rival factions divided, lost the election and brought on the war. The Douglas leaders, who would not give up their candidate nor compromise are here, but in a very dif- ferent mood. Richardson, that enfant terrible of the Douglas and Western democracy, mounts the benches in Tammany Hall in the very same linen blouse he wore at Charleston and displays the same vigorous eloquence, but he is no longer factious or partisan; he will yield everything for the cause. True, he could not help speaking against the two-thirds rule, which slaughtered Dougles and so many other chiefs of the party, and which, as he asserted, led to the election of Lin- cola and the war; but he was very amiable and yielded gracefully to the will of the Convention. Then there are those same Southern fire-eaters of old who used to have their own way, and who at Charleston smashed up the Convention be- cause they could not have it there; but they are now as mild as doves. The war has made terrible havoc in the personal appearance of many of them and has certainly sobered them Full of talent, as they always were, they have become sober and have learned wisdom by sad experience. They say little, but no men are more intent on making the best nomination or in establishing per- petual peace and harmony between the two sections of our country. They realize the fact that the issues which formerly divided the North and South are dead and can never be revived. Ina word, there is no sectionalism in the Convention and no bitter partisanship. What, then, is to hinder a harmonious nomi- | nation? Mr. Pendleton’s friends will yield when they see their candidate is not acceptable, for the Western men are as generous as they are positive. Governor Seymour has not only declined being a candidate, but has stated em- phatically that he would refuse the nomination if nominated. He, therefore, is out of the way. Mr. Church is a nonentity, only brought for- ward to be withdrawn when the time shall come for the New York delegation to break for Chief Justice Chase or same one else who may have a chance of being chosen. And here we may say that the New York dele- gation has the finest opportunity to show its power and the influence of this great State in the political af- fairs of the country, if they know how to use it. Most of the candidates voted for are small men, occupy no prominent or positive position, and can awaken no feeling in the country. President Johnson has re- suscitated the democratic party, made the issue and platform for it, and is the central figure of the reaction against the radicals, but he bas not developed strength in the Conven- tion. Chief Justice Chase seems to be the only man with a prospect of being elected that the Convention can nominate. He can and will stand upon the platform, and if the Con- vention be as wise as it has been prudent up to this time iy wil) make him tho gtgadard hearan, ‘The Revolution in Japan. Despatches received in London from Shanghae represent the revolution in Japan as having assumed @ new phase, Twelve of the most powerful Daimios had formed a combination against the Mikado or Spiritual Emperor, and it was generally believed that as a natural consequence the restoration of internal tran- quillity had been indefinitely deferred. This news is all the more startling that previous despatches had informed us that the Mikade party had been completely successful and that the Tycoon had abandoned the struggle and voluntarily humbled himself. This news convinces us that Japan is pase- ing through an ordeal which may prove much more protracted and severe than was at first anticipated. It is all but certain now that the struggle will become fiercer and the condition of the country more chaotic than ever. Japan atthe present moment is in a condition not unlike that in which Central Europe found itself when the old feudal system broke up and the Statesjsystem which succeeded began to acquire form and consistency. No Louis the Eleventh has as yet appeared in Japan; but it is not an impossibility that the revolution in its course may develop one. Of the Mikado we know really nothing, personally. A mere boy in the hands of the Daimios and subject entirely to their will, he has not yet had any opportunity of revealing his individuality. The Tycoon, however, is a known character— a man of spirit, energy and intelligence. The encouragement given to foreigners to settle in Japan, and the disposition which he has all along evinced to cultivate friendly relations with the outside world prove that he is the only man in the country who understands the spirit of the age. The Tycoon, for the present, is defeated and disgraced. It re- mains to be seen whether he will not re- appear at the helm of affairs and do for Japan what Louis the Eleventh did for France. A little boldness and some success would be certain to secure for him not merely the countenance and sup- port of the great nations, but to rally around him the nobles and the leading spirits of the country. The old feudal system of Japan is inevitably doomed. It cannot possibly sur- vive. The one important question is, who is to bring order out of this confusion? We may rest assured that if the deliverer is not found in the person of the Tycoon the de- liverer will not be wanting. We have no faith at all in the permanent success of the Mikado party. It representsa system out of which life has already fled and a past which cannot ve recalled. Louis the Eleventh did much to extend the power of the French monarchy at the cost of the feudal lords by reviving the old Roman system of post roads. The man who i& to play the part of Louis the Eleventh in Japan has far grander agencies to employ in the shape of steam, railroads and electricity. Revolutions never go back. Japan has, un- questionably, a great future before her, but between her and that future there may be much suffering, much toil, much bitter and testing experience. Japan presents to the philosopher and the student of history one of the most interesting studies of modern times. Meanwhile we wait for the man. A Louis the Eleventh or a Richelieu—either would be equal to the emergency. The Union Pacific Railrond and tho Credit Mobilicr. An important suit was commenced in the Supreme Court of this district on Friday last against the Union Pacific Company and the Crédit Mobilier by a stockholder in the former to restrain the Union Pacific Company from paying or delivering to the Crédit Mobilier any United States bonds or land grants from the government or bonds issued by the Union Pacific Company and to similarly restrain the Crédit Mobilier from receiving them, and ask- ing that all contracts and arrangements made between the two corporations be declared fraudulent and set aside and that the Crédit Mobilier return to the Union Pacific Company all securities and other property or the pro- ceeds thereof at any time received frow the Union Pacific Company, and that it be restrained from paying any divi- dend or making any distribution of profita until the liabilities of ita directors and stock- holders to the Union Pacific Company are determined. In support of this application it is alleged that the directors of the Union Pacific Company, instead of building the road wy their own officers or making reasonable contract for tle work, they, for purposes of their own, established the Crédit Mobilier and placed in its hands the construction of the entire railway and telegraph line. It is fur- ther alleged that by some arrangement between the two organizations the bonds issued to the Union Pacific Company by. the government, the grants of land made to it and the bonds issued by it under acts of Congress have been transferred to the Crédit Mobilier, or that the control and benefit of the same have been vested in that corporation. The profits of the Crédit Mobilier bave been very large, and it being a close corporation they have been divided among those of the directors of the Union Pacific Company who control it, while the stockholders of the Union Pacific Company, who ought to have reaped the benefit of these large gains, have been left without any dividends whatever. The plain- tiff in this action, therefore, asks that the Crédit Mobilier be declared a fraud upon the Union Pacific Company, and that its directors be held to have acted as trustees for the Union Pacific Company and made accountable for all their transactions. Upon this complaint Judge Barnard granted an injunction, and the de- fendants will have to show cause against it on the 21st inst, A strong case seems to have been made out against the Crédit Mobilier and its directors if the allegations roferred to are true, and & Congressional inquiry into the matter may be the result, The acts of Congress authorized the Union Pacific Company, and not the Crédit Mobilier, to build the road, and the profits of ite construction should have gone to the stockholders of the former aod not to those of the latter, which is a wholly distinct corporation. Thus the spirit, if aot the letter, of the acts has been violated. The extent of the profits of building the road may be inferred from the enormous dividends made by the Crédit Mobilier. The government has iaaned to the company bonds at the rate of siztoen thousand dollary sar wile ayer prairie