The New York Herald Newspaper, June 2, 1868, Page 4

& IMPEACHMENT. European Opinion of the Senate’s Verdict. Dangers of the Radical Party Move and “Ascendancy” of Congress. “@Bntire Superiority of American Institutions.” English Opinion. (From the London Times, May 18.) The expected vote on the impeachment of Presi- dent Jonnson was taken on Saturday, but in a very Instead of beginning with the Brst article of charge and dealing with the rest in order the Senate began with the last, and having dis- missed that article by a majority of 35 to 19, ad- unexpected manner, Journed until the 26th without voting upon any other, It does not clearly appear whether this decision amounts to an acquittal upon the last article or merely to a rejection of it as irrelevant; but in either case the effect is the same, and the Senate has proved itself capable of determining at least one issue in favor of the defendant, Until we receive fuller de- tails of the proceedings, with a trustworthy analysis Of the majority and minority, we should not be justi- fied in drawing any further inference from the vote, which, however, Will doubtless produce @ great im- pression throughout the United States, Though conducted on the whole with an ability and patience not unworthy of its constitutional gravity, this memorabie trial has been tiroughout as a political struggle rather than asa Judicial inquiry, General Butler insisted in his open. ing speech that the Senate was not even to be col idered as @ court of law, and that none of its mem- 8 were disqualified for their functions by preju- i This position has been consistently maintained by the Managers, who contested the right of Chier Justice Chase to overrule objections on points of evt- dence, and have not shrunk from direct appeals to erty motives and passions. It has, indeed, been Maintained on behalf of the republican majority in Congress that aresort to prosecution was almost a Buperfinous act of forbearance, since it would have ‘been their duty to depose the President by some rey- olutionary act, if no such formality had been avail- able. On the other hand, the moral com- pe ence of the Senate had been openly chal- lenged by the counsel for the President on the ground that, in trying him at all for alleged encroachments upon the Senate itself, it was Virtually acting as judge in its own cause. But. the epublican Senators, in particular, had far stronger Motives to bias them, since the removal of the Presi- dent had long been felt and declared by their chief organs to be for them a political necessity. So violent ‘Was the pressure applied by the party to its repre- sentatives in the Senate that it was seriously pro- pet to protect their consciences by adopting the ‘allot. Inshort, it was hardly doubted by any one that President Johnson would be condemned by “a strict party vote,” whatever the evidence or argu- ments might be. The fact that an independent ver- dict has been returned upon one specific-charge goes far to rebut that presumption, and the adjournment for ten days atfords some prospect of the whole case being entertained bn sig its merits. The eleventh article of impeachment which has thus been set aside was essentially supplementary in its nature and can only be understood by reference to those which preceded it. The first nine have been shortly but truly described as “variations upon the removal of Stanton,” and were founded upon an ‘act passed last year by Congress over the President's veto. This act, called the Tenure of Ofice act, was expressly framed to limit his constitutional rights, avd purported to render not only the appointment, Dut the removal! of Cabinet ministers illegal without the consent and approval of the Senate. In apparent contravention of this act President Johnson en- dvavored to remove Mr. Stanton from the Secretary- giiip of War and appointed General Thomas by his own authority, declaring, in a special message to Congress, that his sole object was to bring the constitutional validity and effect of the act within the cognizance of the Supreme Court. He maintained the same ground in his formal reply to the first article of impeach- ment, which contains the substance of his whole Geience. Tt is there denied that Mr. Stanton was on the 2ist of February last in lawful possession of the War Office or entitied to hold it against the will of the President, that the order for Stanton’s removal Was unlawful in itself or was issued with intent to Violate the Tenure of Office act, or did violate that NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 2, 1868—TRIPLE SHEET. point of interest in the argument or the tea- timony; the counsel on both sides wrangling over some point of procedure, or getling up a sharp con- test of wit or banter or bullylug; the witnesses tell- ing of matters that everybody Knew before or testl- fying, as General Thomas did, how the conflicting Secretaries of War fought out their battle over a ss of grog, formed a scene which could never be weil have been mistaken for a comedy, So com- pletely out’of place were ali the passions whch have characterized the State trials of listory that attempts to invest the proceedings with factitious importance had the effect of a burlesque, The ordinary talk avout treason sell flat, It was a simple question of Jaw and fact, and ‘the Senate and the public have treated it as such. Mr. Jonson is accused of @ mis- demeanor in his administration, the penalty for which is at most removal from his office. The trial, accordingly, has dealt minutely with com) aratively small affairs, It has been tedious rather than excit- ing. The political element has been kept m the background, and extreme partisans on either side have been reduced to powerlessness. The speeches have been legal arguments, not impassioned appeals, and it has been found impossible to invest them with the intense personal interest which a great tnal usually creates. * * * It is very curious to observe how circum- stances have combined, during the progress of the cause itself, to diminish the importance of the result, Mr. Johnson's chief mischief has been done in the South, and it was in the interests of South re- construction that his removal was so exceedingly desirable. But since the trial began Southern aifairs have put on a brighter aspect. Whether it is due to a paralysis of Mr. Johnson’s obstructive activity, or to a diminished reliance upon him among the Southern whites, it is certain that they have completely changed their policy during the last two months, We anticipated that the resuit of making active par- tictpation in the polls the only way to defeat the new constitutions would be to prevent such miscarriages as that in Alabama, but we by no means anticipated that it would be immediately followed by the adop- tion of new constitutions by five other States. Yet that is the position of Southern reconstruction at the moment that the Senate is considering its verdict. Five eae have adopted new and republican con- stitatfons, and their representatives are standing at the dowrs of Congress with those constitutions in thelr hands, Of those representatives a large majority are republicans, as loyal to the central government and the Union flag and as faithful to the principle Of universal enfranchisement as any of the Senators or Representatives from Northern States, Nor do they represent either a narrow majority or a special class, In Wouisiana and the Carolinas the majorities have been smmense, and both majority and minorit have been eomposed of a mixed muititude of all classes and both races. The line of demarcation be- tween republicans and democrats has nowhere been coincident with that of race. Black men have voted ith the democratic partly aud white men ive voted with the bed gyn and it North Carolina, Arkansas and Georgia the ratification ,of the constitutions is said to due to the large vote in their favor. Mr. Johnson’s game of Southern obstruction is aj parently played owt, His policy has proved very o! structive to the natic nal policy, but it is now finally defeated. The Southern people, repenting thelr foolish dependence’ acpon the sympathy they got at Washington, are ‘rning to a better mind. The first work for Congresy to do when the impeachment trial is finally dis) of will be to give legislative recognition to the vrty ‘mph of its own policy. Ar- kansas, Alabama, Georg ‘ia, Louisiana and the two Carolinas are ready to be restored at once on the conditions Congress has laid down. Like Mr. John- son, but in a different sen Se, they are waiting for the verdict; and it willbe aa irious coincidence, almost an example of poeticaljum ‘ice, if Mr. Johnson should be leaving the White Ho use under sentence of ex- pulsion just as the represen tatives of these States are returning to Washington. a 14 the States themselves are being welcomed back to their full, free, fine con- constitusional share in the | »0Wers and privileges of the central government, {From the Londor Star, May 18.) The Senate of the United § tat assembled as a court of impeachment, came, to a decision on Satur- day on the eleventh article 0 charge against the President. By the constitutiva \of the States, in the impeachment of public officers as in other important questions, @ majority of twex ‘hirds is required to rocure a conviction. Thi ‘ive members of the enate voted on Saturday im 3t Mr. Johnson and nineteen for him. ya Was taken upon the eleventh and last article: of img ‘eachment, and the consideration of the remaining articles was post- poned for ten days. Asthe chus Ld upon which a decision w/as thus come to. wers: ie most material of those preferred against. 3 ar. Johnson, and as on these the Managers of the impeachment have failal to obtain a valid majority against the accused, it may be taken for granted that the President lias for bpd keer @s caped the toils in which he had entangled himself a ud has baftied his enemies altagether, It 1s true ths t his escape upon the division of Saturday was sui clently narrow to be a significswnt warning to any ba t the most obsti- nate and per'verse af men; that th ¢ Senate, in this perfectly at one witha the Lower Ho use, has declared, quite as distinctly as a convictiol 1 could have de- clared, its want of «confidence im t§:¢ administration of the President, am 1 that this. mor al condemnation represents heartily apd honestly the sense of the country. Still we a ‘e ready to cono 2de that the fail- act, and that any breach of the constitution was in- tended or committed, Upon these points the counsel on both sides exhausted their utmost ingenuity, the Managers relying mainly on the President’s acts, tie Atiorney General ‘and Mr. Evarts on his inten- tions; the former insisting that he was bound to with a de facto law, the latter that he owed repared by General Butler and intro- is instance, contrary to the opinion of his 2 leagues. It refers to President Jonson's de- Dinciations of Congress at St. Louls—denunciations, hich, however unwarrantable and undignified, can be construed as a high crime and misdemeanor assembly which often listens to equally fierce \ives against the President. The last article SGargés him with having denied in a public speech the lative power of Congress, especially in re- gard constitutional amendments; with having Bought to defeat the Tenure of Office act by be ewe 4 Bir, Stanton’s resumption of his functions, and wit! having contrived to hinder the execution of the Re- construction act and ofthe act regulating the pubil- cation of military orders, Of all the articles in the indictment this Was at once the weakest and the most diiicult to meet. It obviously involves more than one mixed question of law and tact, and ts directed against the Presidenvs entire policy rather than #4. ainst the acts which it specifies. It might possibly have contributed vaguely towards a general verdict 0 diemnation, but, taken by itseif, it could not be sustained a8 a substantive charge, and was justly nored by the Senate, We shail now await with increased interest the se- quel of a State prosecution on which the political Fortunes of the United States will probably depend. ie growing ascendancy of Congress over the State Lqisiatures has been recognized for many years, aid received a fresh impulse from the civil war. Xr. Johnson’s trial, which is without a precedent tn. ‘American history, has now brought to an issue that contict. between executive and legislative sover- €icuty which it is the secret of constitutional govern- mont to keep in permanent abeyance, He 13 not ac- cused of peculation or oppression, or any other evor- m.ty suc as those whicn have furnished grounds for fiapeachme es, but of resisting the hipotence of Congress. We do not presume to any opinion on the legality of his eon- [i we cannot help seeing that if he ied there is an end to the balance of ntemplated by the founders of the American constitution. When t made the consent of the Sc nate necessary to appointments of great officers, ainiy did intend to give that body the power of forcing an obnoxious Minister on the Presi- dent. gave the Supreme Court jurtsate- tian ow in law or equity arising under the constitution, ey cannot have foreseen that tt would De posstile to oust this jurisdiction by making the exercise of a disputed right the subject of an im ichment, Its not only the PI nt, but the con- stitution of the United States, wh ia now on trial before the Senace, and the residence of Mr. Wade for a short year at the White House would be the least iniportant consequence of Mr. Johnson's deposition, From that moment the President would almost inev= itubly Become more and more the slave of party, and his office, already w ned and discredited, would, cease to be the object of an honorable ambition. (From the London News, May 18.) ‘The American Senate met on Saturday, accoraimg ment, to consider its verdict, but the Atlan: 1as not brought the short and simple mes as expected. President Johnson ts acquitted nor convicted, but one group of hich formed the basis of the last article of the ment tias been set aside As not Warranung a wile as to those whiok remain the ver- pnate is reserved, The membess of the regard their work.as too important but at the same time not so urgent o be hurried, Byidentl, iy see its Way more clearly no serious » apprehended from either a convic- ior we shoald not hear of a ver- ered by instalments. Tae court will until to-morrow week, when it will if to a dnal decision. / Whatever may be the ultimate deliverance of the patie on Mr, Johnson's impeachmens, the trial iteelt ure of ‘the impeach: cent is in some «degree a triumph for the oemocratic party, and ousht to teach the Anges people 39 me useful lessovis in the art of islation. It is desirable tht :t Englishmen should clearly un- derstand the issues ) v bich the linpeachment trial was instituted for the € +> :press purpose of solving. We are not to suppose t/ 1 at the law was set in motion at Washington to test any such questions of public policy and jurispru ¢ ence as were raised by the trial of Warren Hastings , or, in more recent times, by the prosecution of Gowe rnor Eyre. The American con- stitution provides tu »impeachment before the Sen- ate us a safety valve: for what would otherwise be the excess of powt» ¢ placed in the hands of the su- preme executive oi! | cer of the Union. To a convic- tion on Impeachme ; it no penal consequences are at- tached beyond rem val from and disqualification for office, This machtr ery, in fact, cumbrous as it must be and inefficient in an extremity as it has now proved to be, is tire ,correlative in the American sys- tem to a vote of Wi mt of confidence in Ministers in our own. Parliav) ent. The issue in both cases, in the case of Pre : sident Johnson as in the case of Mr. Disraeli, is in rea’ ity a political one, not a legal one, By the technical pedantries of the American consti- tution the Jssue '} aas been narrowed to certain legal points, upon wb. ich we have no business to offer an opinion, We hi we every confidence in the honesty and sincerity of the Senate of the United States, and feeling by no 1) eans satisfied with the practical re- suits of the ve) dict, we can point with no little re- spect to the clr, gracter of the trial as simply deter- muned by legal considerations and without any refe- reace to party © anda, The predictions of some writers in this country "as to the unfair and illegitimate char- acter of an Al gerican impeachment are thus falsified, and for the {t (ture we trust that these critics will pe content toW ait for the event of such deliberations before inculf, ating m prospect the character of a great people. * * * VY. fith respect to the general policy of Mr. Johnson we have so often and #0 recentiy expreased ® strong ©}, sinton that it ts hardly necessary now to repeat that we believe him to be a dangerous politt- cian, &@ MY: ehievous ruler and a betrayer of those whom he's gas put in his high place to represent. Shift the Fe gal aspects of the lee about as you please, the Mfact remains established that Mr. Johnson was eledtsd Vice President by the party then and now ingh ading the majority of the people of the United 2.t:.ates, to whose principles he is now diametri- cally opp ased and violently hostile, We cannot but feel disa ppointed that at this critical juncture the America) 1 constitution should have been found want- ing in el asticity—that it should have been unable to shake 0.1 a burden which it loathes, and should Jor @ time be reduced to the condition Of a continental despotism. Fortunately, the period of Mr. Johnson’s power, in the natural course of things, draws to a close. He was never elected First Magistrate by the free voice of the people:¥ and go far is he from the chance of being so chosengnow that there is no respectable party con- nection, in the United States, no decent faction even, who Waudd have him at any price as ite candidate, Between, the present time and the date of the next rded as a tragedy, but which now and then ini bt | disinclined to tneur the unpopularity consequent on the desertion of their leader ~#* * Aa it is, the Presiiential term expires in little more than nine montis; and, after the com- mencement of next November, when Mr, Johnson's or wiih be elected, nis infuenee, whether for evil, will be virtually-at am end, Very iiitie good, userefore, could be sccured by his deposition, Wie! e uilenor d sadvantagos of 8@ revolutionary a@ measure were Iiikely to be of @ serious character. ‘The pracucal good sense of Cie American peope shrank froin so decisive a step; yet, at thesame tae, it was fell that a solemn protest should be ente acainst alleged abusi authority which, if com- miited uuder other umstances, might have ¢n- tailed the penaly of tmpeachment, By giving a vote, therefore, the moral weight of whose ceusure is unmistakeable, but wisose practical effect is null and void, the Senate has probably acted in accord- ance with the judgment of the nation, We beiteve, too, t Congress itsclf will receive with no excessive dissatisfaction the intelligence that the impeachincnt trial has broken down. The procved- ing was never urgently denvended by the country. The threat of impeachment was first brought for- ward without any serious intention of resorting to extremities. Graduaily, as the contest between the President and the legislature became embittered, the threat was used more and more’ vehementiy and re- sented more and more bitterly, till at last things came to a pass at which the leaders of tle republican organization found themselves forced, out of regard ior Licir own consistency, to adopt the extreme expedient they had so long hetd out as their final resource. But public opiniow never cordial approved of the act, and the indifference with whic! the progress of the trial was watched thi hout the country showed that while the accused had lost his earlier hold on the sympathies of the nation no deep popular passion had been excited in favor of his for- cible removal from oftice. Under these circumstances the Senate has acted with manifest wisdom tn soeaining from the depo- sition of Mr. Johnson. The trial was- conducted with a gravity and decorum not unworthy of the tribunal or of the dignitary arr: ed before it; and as the investigation procceded the opinion gained ground that the major charges bi Oy against the President were not borne out by the ts. ‘That he had used intemperate language unbecoming his high position; that he had heedlessly provoked a conflict of authorities; that he had shown indifference to important considerations of law; that he had not refused to excite national passions, which it was: his tirst duty as a magistrate to hold in subjection—all this and perhaps more may have been affirmed against him. But his accusers failed to show that he had seriously contemplated any attempt to override » the law or to substitute arbitrary for 1 force, and failing that they could hardly establish a plea of suilicient urgency to justify his summary dis missal from office. The opinion which Mr. Fessenden is stated to have given, that the main charges had not been legally estab- lished, could not fail to produce the effect due to so high a constitutional authority; and even before the verdict was published little doubt was feit that the extreme penalty would not be practically enforced. The consideration of the other counts of the indict- ment has been postponed for a week, but after the failure of the principal charge the minor counts can scarcely be pressed. It would be premature to speculate on the effect that this event is likely to have on the chances of the Presidential election. For the present we may congratulate the Americans that a man so intemperate in speech and hasty in action as Senator Wade has not been raised to the Presidency, which he would have been had Andrew Johnson been deposed, In: the course of a few months @ new President must be seated in the White House, and no long time will elapse before even the most vehement members of the republican party will rejoice that the highest ofice in the Republic still retains its prestige unimpaired ana its repute undiminished, French Opinion. [From the Paris Constitutionnel, May 19.) « bd This result betrays a division in the republican party, which possessed the preponde- rance In the Senate, and which, until recently, he- lieved itself sure of triumphing. The impeachment of President Johnson was evidently a party ma- neuvre, and in that point of view it has been re- pre from the commencement. Although the ‘igh Court refused to receive the evidence for the defence tendered by witnesses of the highest autho- rity, the fact had become manifest to every man of impartial mind that Mr. Johnson had had no inten- tion to violate either the constitution or even an act of Congress. In dismissing a minister who was, be- sides, in disaccord with him, and was pursuing a policy hostile to his own, the President was enabled to seize upon a very legitimate oc- casion to submit, not to the Senate, necessarily judge and party, but to the real federal tribunal, an act of Congress, the constitutional character of which appeared to him extremely doubtful. We may say that in acting thus he showed himself much more anxious than his adversaries have done for the maintenance of the constitution. But the republican leaders only wanted a Specht to im; ie Presi- dent, strongly hoping hat with the majority which they possessed in the Senate a verdict of guilty would naturally follow. The result of Mr. Johnson being condemned and deposed would have been that the Presidential power, with Its immense patronage and numerous branches of influence, would pass into the hands of the republican party before the December election; they thus hoped to secure for their own advantage and by anticipation the distri- bution of places and the Lire of the budget. This plan must have succeeded had not a certain number of republicans placed duty to their conscience above that to their party and preferred to listen to the voice of the former rather tan bitsy obey the orders issued to them. The New Yori and Washington journals just received show a presentiment of this courageous defection, Of the filty-four members composing the Senate every one was aware that forty-three were republicans and eleven democrats. If the latter, as was to be ex- ected, should all vote for an acquittal, eight repub- ican votes would be still be indispensable in order to neutralize the radical decision and lead. to the President being found not guilty. Those eight mod- erate, conscientious members of the dominant party were even mentioned by name. Here, then, ts the republican party more than ever decided. Deceived in their calculations, they find in the presence of public opinion the humiliation of a defeat which they themselves gratuitously sought. To infer from this the success of the democrats at the next Presidential election and a return to ® policy of conciliation in Tespect to the South would perhaps be to venture upon a prediction of too longa date; but for the present, at least, the result involves the rout of the party which has acted upon the rigorous maxim, Ve victis! [From the Paris Temps, May 18.) * * * Is this first vote dectsive? The telegram, which, however, is rather obscurely drawn up, seems to intimate that such is the case, and the adjourn- ment of the Senate to the 26th of May without vot on the other articles seems to support that view. Mr. Johnson is definitively acquitted the causes l- ing to this result will form an,interesting and curious OBITUARY. James Buchanan, Ex-Prestdent of the United States. James Buchanan, the fifteenth President of the United States, expired at his residence at Wheatland, near Lancaster, Pennsylvania, at half-past eight o'clock yesterday morning, aged seventy-seven years, one month and twéhty days, Thus after four four weeks of illness has passed away @ man whose position in life at one period equatied that of any monarch, and whose career during the last months of his administration forms a great part of the history of the United States in their mést dan- gerous, exciting and interesting epoch, James Bucheaan was born on the 12th of April, 1791, in Franklin county, Pennsylvania, at a iocality then called Stony Batter, His father, whose name he bore, ar Irishman by birth, and a farmer by occupation, emgrated to this country in 1783 and settied in Pennsylvania, where he pursued his calling. His mother was Elizabeth Spear, the daughter of a respectable farmer residing in Adams county. By dint of hard and commendable industry the father acquired a competency, and was enabled to procure for the subject of this sketch @ classical educatiom Mr. Buchanan was accordingly sent to Dickinson College, in Cariisle, whence, in 1809, he graduated with distinguished honor. During the latter portion of the same year he entered the office of sames Hopkins, of Lancaster, subject of study. But even at present we are enabled to say that the very fact itself of the impeachment, the manner in which it has been conducted, the su- preme calmness with which the people of the United States have looked on at its various phases, the won- derful regularity with which the polltical and social organization of the country has continued its func- tions in the midst of a drama the simple announce- ment of which would have —- to overthrow any of the States af the Old World, demonstrate the entire superiority of Amertcan institutions. We feel bound also to remark that the legal acquittal of the President, under the circumstances mentioned in the despatch, constitutes none the less a moral condemnation. The head of the Executive, although saved by the terms of the constitution, will rem dey in the mind of the country. {From the Paris Liberte, May 18.) The acquittal of President Johnson 1s an event which will produce, and deservedly, adeep and dura- bie impression throughout Europe. Far more em- phatically than a condemnation would have done, it attests the strength of American institutions, and proves that justice has no surer and more efficacious nutrantees than those provided by liberty. Long live iberty! Glory to the United States! (From the Paris Epoque, May 18.) ‘The result is what we anticipated, although the President only succeeded by the circumstance of an insufficient majority. Whatever may be the Presideritial election the American people and the Congress would do well to consider whether a state of the Law which permits the outrageous conduct of President Johnson to pass with ieipsney does not ask foran immediate and radical change. Let us for ® moment make the cage our own. The Presl- dent, after all, has little more power, in. some re- specta he has even less power, than an English Pre- Weel at this moment under the unwonted and. unjust, 1 ag we say, the unconstitutional Kpegtacie, of an English Premier holding office in the face of a hostile majority; but would position, acknowledged even by tories to be exceptional an Pyovisionai, be tolerated for an instant if Mx, Disraelt, of any other statesman, were to persist in olinging to ‘power for two or three or four years, in defiance of uree-fourths of the two houses of Parliament and of Tepeated votes af want of confidence? is, in point of fact, the position of Mr, Johnson at present. he constitution insures him a certain lease of power and he takes advantage of this tenure, As long a8 such a thing is possible, as long as@ minister con- demned by the representatives of the people can con- | remain on record as one of the most remarl Penne of removite paolo bie jong a the ony ©f modern ttines. But it t# reinarkable chiefly ng ma the cumbrous, cosy, and, as we Dow d Soren: ‘ok absence ot that tragic element of sxc al fective mewiod cf ax inncestment, 60. tug pepaiae om with which impeachment trials aye reed | rights are not secure oy EEAIOANS BY $8 POOMIO; Watch’ witnesses, the ‘trig of the Chtet, Mage | £0F the people, ts liable tobe made a delusion. fstrate of a great people, bat the trial which 1s (from the London Telegraph, May 18.) mow drawing to a ¢ ordinary and comme ¢ might have been quite an ace event for any disturb- A single vote hes preserved President Jonson from conviction on the main charge brought Ba him ance or even ‘citem: has produced ontelde the | by the advocates of his impeachment. If the tele- ates of the Capitol. Business has susered nothing, graphite report, Which we publish to-day, gives, the Fegistation has only been slightly hindered, political ures correetly, fiftyfour Senators recorded their Movements have gone on just the same as before and reconstruction has progresse’ with greatly accele- Within the Capitol has there been any revival of the excitement with which Not ev rated movement. votes in court, thirty-lve deciaring for his conviction and nineteen agains¢ it. Now, according to the pro- visions of the American constitution, the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators present is requisite in eachiment Vote Was first received in the | order to casty @ vote of Impeachment. If, therefore, House,” ‘The Senate chamber has, of course, | tue majority on this occasion could have detached resented day by day @ Very singular spec: | one vote from the minority the verdict would have Racie, but its singularity. bas consisted quite | been reversed and Andrew Johnson would asmuch in the dull formality of the proceedings | have been depos ‘4 from his high office, We can- fs in the representative character of the persons | athiered together to take part im them or to wituces | fe from the Old World, with his tm. ictures of the trial of Strafford or have been unable to realize the fact that the dull and decorous scene before him was ' the greatest State trial which the New World has | ver witnessed, The scene would, of course, have fa features of boon tragic, te ont own, but they A stran, ton full o1 Charles 1, woul ‘ould not have been tragic. oupying the chair with the A oa heartng Inief Justice, oc- ity and dignity act law; the Sena- not, however, be sure that the divi: corded the genuine opinion of principle of requiring @ two-thirds vote, like every other scheme for securing the representation of minorities, leads to most unsatisfactory results, In & sinali body euch a8 the Senate, where the vote of every individual member can be predicted with nearly absolute certaiaty before the scrutiny ts taken, the less conscientious are under an immense temptation to temporize with their duty. When it once had become clear that the rainority favorable to the President was large enough to secure his ac. case tors writing at thetp-lesks or reclining in their arm | quittal, the very members of the dominant republi. airs, or reading the papers, or writ Sarr frouaa, and’ only. rousing letiers to wo to some | the oxpodiency of the have doubted can party who in their heart i wore naturally the promoters of this trial will admit that they would have done better not to have undertaken it. We do not expect that this acquittal will produce either udlic rejoicings or manifestations from either per. "he electoral farce, of which the Age of Mr. Johnson was only the mask, has n playeds bat the denoument haha Bee wilt admitis not in favor of the party which thought to derive an advant from the trial and which is now condemned by political inconsistency. To have sacrificed in a more clumsy manner the admirable situation which the re- pablcans might have achieved in the country would ave been impossible, (From the Paris Debate, May 18.) In any case, if Mr, Johnson has escaped condemna- tion, we see that the majority which pronounced against him in the Senate ts suMciently compact to paralyze his Presidential power du the few months which he will have te remain at the White 8. ‘From the Paris Presse, May 18.) This decision of the Senate ‘will no doubt put an end to the efforts made by the gepublicans during the last two years in order to infimidate Mr. Johnson. But the sti le between the two powers will not terminate until after the next Presidential election and when the feelings of the North with regard to the South shall have been clearly ascertained, in the meantime the United States have just offered a great example of liberty and strength. Not to be struck with the vital cnacey ot institutions which caa resist such teste is impossible. PROGRESS OF A WESTERN Stonm.—The storm in the West on the 28th ult. passed St. Rouis at three o'clock and Seymour, Ind., at eleven o'clock Wednes- day evening, reached as far south as Cairo and as far north as Springfield, Ill, travelling at the rate of Sate three miles per hour. It passed over Lexing- ton, Ky., about two o'clock yesterday morning, over the Allegheny Mountains at noon, and reached Wash- ington [city and Richmond, Va., at seven o'clock last evening, going from St. Lous, Mo., to Washington city, D. stance of thivteen degrees, in twenty- eight hours.—Cincinnatt Commercial, May 30. THE MURDER OF THE Lars Hon, C, S, HAMILTON. — The widow of Hon. C, 5. Hamilton, of Marysville, Union county, Ohio, who was murdered by his insane gon last December, died on Sunday last, She was a woman of many excellent traits, but of late years it was thought she was partially deranged. The in- sanity of the son came through that brageh of the family. Since the tragical death of her husband Mrs, Hamilton has never been well. So farrecovered from meontat derangement as able to write letters to his friends, gad Wepes are en- tervained of tis speedy recovery, It is reported that young Hamilton, who is in the Central malta tee and commenced the study of law, and on November 17, 1812, being then but a few months past his twenty- first year, was admitted to the bar. His career asa lawyer was rapid and successful, and placed him on an equality with the distinguished men of the day. ‘The success won in his profession made him popular among the peopie, and in 1816 he first appeared in the political arena as a member of the federal party. He was elected a member of the State Legislature during the same year by & majority of 549 votes over M. C. Rogers, the democratic candidate, and on the close of the term was re-elected by an increased majority. Ag the position embarrassed his profes- sional and pecuniary affairs he declined a third election and: devoted his time entirely to law. His practice had become very large, and the skill and ability with which he conducted all cases entrusted to his care soon made him one of the most popular and best known lawyers in Pennsylvania. In 1820 Mr. Buchanan was elected to Congress from the Lancaster district, the same now represented by Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. Four successive times: he was returned by the federal party, and during the eight years of such representation distinguished him- self by his oratorical powers. The political exctte- ment in relation to the constitutionality of the United. States Bank, which culminated in 1827, resulted in his leaving the federal party and forming an alll ance with the democracy. For this change of senti- ment he was fiercely assailed by his former oie associates, and every effort was made to defeat him for Congress, for a seat in which he had been nomi- nated by the democrats,. Mr. Buchanan canvassed portant measure, the annexation of Texas, was urged by him asa scource of security for the slave- holding States and of commercial importance to the Middie and Eastern States. In 1843 Mr, Buchanan was re-clected a Senator to Cons! but in 1845, upon Mr. Polk, the newly elecied President, tendering him the oflice of Secre- tary of State, he resigned lis scat and entered the Cabinet, ‘The Northwestern territory was them claimed by both England and the United States, and grave fears were entertained that the joint claim woud result in a serious dinlculty between the two countries, The dangers were, however, happily surmounted by an agreement between Mr. buchanan end Mr. Packenham, by which the compromise line of forty-nine degrees North was accepted both nations, The war with Mexico followed, and upon its elose the large territory ceded to the United States was obtained principally by the diplomacy of the deceased. Better terms might have been hd, t is true; but, as Mr, Buchanan suggested im his letter of instructions to John Siidell, then Minister to the district for himself, and the State of Pennsylvania for General Jackson, thoroughly, and the result of his efforts was a re-election by alarger majority than he had ever before obtained, and the success of the Jackson Presidential ticket by a majority of 50,000, During his last term in Congress Mr. Buchanan, on the part of the prosecution, closed the celebrated impeachment case of Judge Peck, of Missouri, before the United States Senate, and although the Senate, by a vote of 22 to 21, refused to: bring in a verdict of ilty, the remarks of the deceased created a pro- found. impression, and had much to do with the sub- sequent revision of the law, by which a repetition of the offence committed by the Judge was effectually prevented, On the close of his Con; lonal term in 1831 Mr. Buchanan declined a re-election, and about the same time retired from professional practice. Perhaps no other lawyer in the country ever succeeded in making a competency sufficiently large to retire upon in the comparatively short space of time that he did. Upon only one subsequent occasion was he ever induced to reappear at the bar, and that was in the case of @ poor widow whose small prOpery was involved. He voluntarily offered hig ser- vices in the case, and, although it was surrounded , by great technical dimMiculties, the deceased even- tually succeeded in proving the widow’s titie, For @ few months Mr. Buchanan remained in re- tirement, when, in return for the valuable and unswerving support he had rendered his administra- tion, General Jackson tendered to him, unsolicited, the mission to St. Petersburg. The offer was cepted, and while at this post he rendered valu- able services to the country by negotiating the first commercial treaty between Russia and the United States, which secured to our commerce the ports of the Baltic and Black seas. The importance of this treaty ‘was recognized at the time, and may be said to have been the first movement towards that friendship and cordiality which exist at the present day between the two countries in question. In 1833 Mr. Buchanan returned from Russia, and in the following year was elected to the United States Senate by the Leg- isiature of Pennsylvania. During his absence the at rupture between General Jackson and Mr. Jhoun took place, which led to a dissolu- tion of the Cabinet, Sectional animosity had showed Itself in a most threatening manner, and even rominent officials who differed with the President hreatened the most determined resistance to his wishes. The result was an almost general removal from office; and an attempt was made by Mr. Clay to pass a Dill preventing the President from removing any person from office with- out the advice and consent of the Senate, The oP sition of Mr. Buchanan to this measure was decided and pierons He insisted upon the right of the Executive to remove and appoint officers if he thought fit and proper, and charged the opposition with being actuated solely from motives of personal animosity to General Jackson. That the bill fatled to become @ law was, perhaps, due more to his efforts than to those of any other Senator. In 1835 the anti-slavery agitation assumed propot tions which threatened the result it afterwards brou about. Although the number of abolition- isis then in the country was quite insignificant the persistency with which anti-slavery views were promulgated and taught alarmed the South and created much uneasiness among prescient statesmen of the North. Petitions were sent to Con. 3a for the abolition of slavery in the District of Soinmbia, anti-slavery newspapers were published in the North and clandestinely cireulated ip the South, and Ei emissaries were sent to this country for the avowed pl of tating the oo of negro freedom. Although the efforts then being mado were ino! t and insignificant, Mr. Buchanan per- ceived that the movement woul a question of overshadow ‘Was promptly and thoi stifed, He therefore favored the respectful reception of all abolition me- moriala and petitions, and, after duly considering them, to return them with the declaration that Gon- had no constitutional powers to legislate on the suMject. In an able 5} which he made during the consideration of these abolition petitions Mr. Buchanan said:—“I re that i intended to makeas strong. a motion in this case as the circumstances frould justity. It is necessary that we should agen A constitutional effort to suppress the agitation whic! now disturbs the land, is necessary as much forthe happiness and future prospects of the slave as for the security of the master. Before this storm to rage the laws in regard to slaves had been really ameliorated by the slaveholding States; they enjoyed many privileges which were unknown in former times. In some of the slave States preenec: eventually become rtance unless it tive and jual emancipation was publ! discussed. But now, thanks to the abolt- tionists, the slaves have been deprived of these privi- and while the in! ofthe Union is endan- their prospect of i emancipation is delayed fan indefinite od. To leave this question where the constitution has leff it, to the slavehoiding States themselves, is ©: dictated by a humane for the slaves ag Yor taalr masters.” The peach, ot which the foregoing is an extract, was able and vig- orous throughout, and produced a decided imprea- ec all present. At ioe was ave | ws Were greatly opposed by Daniel Webster, subsequently the Henator from Massachusetts coin- cided with them, as in his great 9) ch delivered. March 7, 1850, Mr. Webster uttered almost the same ‘words. During the struggle between Texas and Mexico. Mr. Buchanan thy and suj t entire symp to the cause of the former, ani Cyt ul the recognition of her independence by the United States. Upon the application of Texas for admission into the jon, at a subsequent period, he was a warm advo- cate in favor of acquiescence. Onthe French indem- nity question, and on the objections made on the ad- mission of and Arkansas into the Union, relative to the right of alien Teskdents voune, ir. Buchanan took an active part in favor of the claims in the first case, and tn favor of aliens voting in the second, Soon after the election of Mr. Van Buren Mr. Benton ‘introduced his celebrated ex! resolutions, which the deceasea <a During the exciting end at times bi bates which were called forth by them Mr. Buchanan's powers as a debator were cat tested. He also su} ported the leading measure of Mr. Van Buren’s ad- ministration—the establishment of an independent Treasury, and, as iis success involved the continued ascendancy of the democratic party, all his abilities were devoted to its favor. Notwithstanding his efforta and those of hia political associates to bring about different result, the administration of Mr. ‘Van Buren failed to command the confidence of and General Harrison was elected to The whig party was nowina Lona Baten shittee ater wth tence te ates, while the cts of the democracy almost hopeless. The independent Treasury Dill led, and a bili to recharter the ik Was passed and would hi bec! law had not General Harrison died before he could sign it, and his successor, Mr. Tyler, vetoed the measure, Its euccessor, the ‘fiscal corporation. was next and vetoed, but before which, and during the debate, Mr. Buchanan vered @ sar oastic and humerous speech on the side of the a ition. The efforts of the whigs to impeach Mr. Tyler, and to deprive the President of his veto and other powers, received most decided of foe and were the causoa of several of his abl npeeches. ‘The administration of Mr. Tyler waa consistently Gupported br him and ite urinctpal end most im- Mexico, no demands were to be made that would render probable a European intervention, With the close of Mr, Polk's administration Mr. Buchanag retired to private life, He purchased a beautiful estate called Wheatiand, situated near Lan- caster, and to this place he went, accompanied by his family, which consisted. of his ‘niece, nephew, & lady acting as his housekeeper and the domestics of the house. While thus withdrawn from active. pub- lic life he did not abandon the deep interest he ever exhibited for political affairs, His “Harvest Home’ letters to his friends in Pennsylvania, advising the extension of the Missouri compromise line of latitude 86 di 30 minutes north to the Pacific Ocean, ‘and the letter tothe Union meeting in Phgadelphia were evidences of the lively interest he took in all that related to the affairs of the country. He was not, however, permitted to remain long in retire- ment. On the return of Mr. Lawrence from England, Mr. Pierce, the lately elected President, tendered him the appointment. Tue mission was accepted, and the successful manner in which he per- formed the delicate and arduous duties con- nected with the position is a matter of history. The celebrated Clayton-Bulwer treaty had become greatly complicated, and although he did not succeed in settling the controversy, the entire matter was elaborately discussed by Mr. Bu- chanan, He also took an active and conspicuous part in the meeting of United States Ministers, which resulted in the now celebrated Ostend manifesto and created a decided sensation in Europe. With many other prominent men he believed that the an- nexation of Cuba to the United States was a political and geographical necessity, and but for the sectional diticuities which convulsed the country it is proba- ble that during his subsequent administration as President of the republic that beautiful island would have become a portion of the Union. Mr. Buchanan had now attained the summit of his pennies and upon his return to the United States 1856 was entlustastically received by his fellow citizens. The municipality of New York tendered him the hospitalities of the city, and along the entire route of his journey to Lan- caster the eons. united in maki him the recipient of the most unqualified manifestations of confidence and esteem. These marks of popularity were recognized by the Democratic Convention which assembled at Cincinnati in the month of june follow- ing, and he was unanimously nominated for the Presidency. The canvass was close ani. exciting, but eventually resulted in his being elected, receiving one hundred and seventy-four electoral votes from nineteen States. This success of the demooratic party was hailed with great satisfaction by the people, and litical which was then end og integrity of. the Union—a which they further believed was brought about cither by his complicity and treason or by his hesitancy and imbecility. Glad, Gophiless, to retire from the turmoils and vexations of public life, the ex-President returned to his beautiful home at Wheatland, and there sou; repose after hig long and arduous years of rae toll, A gentleman of high accomplishments and rofound erudition, asd possessed of a most amia- le and interesting companion in the person of his accomplished niece, his pursuits were of a character at once congenital to his tastes and edifying'to his mind, He never marricd, and the causes which led to his life of bacheioriood have never been ex- juined, It was, however, trequently asserted that Re was in early years disappointed tn love, and in the heat of the Presidential cam, of it was stated that this failure to obtain the object of his ailections preyed so heavily upon his mind that he attempted suicide. Whether this statement was correct or not has never been explained, but the truth of his love disappointment pears to be pretty well authenticated. Whi occupying the White House, his niece, Mise Harriet Lane, presided over the household, as indeed it was believed that the sectional strife which had raged with increasing intensity between the North and the South arin the administration of Mr. Pierce would be happily ended. This impression seemed for a while reall ;, sectional ions sub- sided, and the attention of the country had been di- rectea towards the foreign policy of the administra- tion, from which great were expected, when the difficulties in Kansas unhappily broke out and plunged the nation into those increased internal dis- benesite which subsequently brought about the late rebeliton. ‘The course pursued by Mr. Buchanan during those troublesome times properly belongs to history, and therefore in a biographical sketch no opinion can be oif.red regarding its wisdom or errors.. In his inaugural address, delivered in March, 1857, he de- nounced the slavery agitation, and expressed him- self in favor of amicably settling the Kansas ques- tion.. Butthe inhabitants of that Territory were in- disposed to listen to any terms other than those that they desired. The Convention met at Lecompton and framed a constitution, which was submitted to and approved by the President and his Cabinet. For this act the deceased was flercely assailed by his political opponents, who averred that the Conven- tion did not reflect the sentiments of the voters of Kansas, a majority of whom kept away from the polls. In a book entitled “Buchanan's Administration,” written: by the ex-President himself, and published since the close of the war, he defends himself against the charges brought against him in this connection, aud asseris that the ariel ee Convention was a legal body in every sense of the word. In this-book it is insisted that Congress, by a decided majority, had refused to recognize the Topeka or Free State Con- vention, and, therefore, all partics attempting to act under it were guilty of treason to the government. In the meantime affairs in Kansas conifued in a deplorable condition. Pro-siavery and. anti-slavery men. of every shade and character filled the Territory with bloodshed, murder and rapine. In these vio- lences and excesses they were encouraged by their syinpathizers in the Northern and Southern States, until the aspect of affairs became so decidedly threat- ening that large bodies of troops had to be-stationed at diferent points to maintain peace and security. While these events were eT a the sectional war between the North and South continued flercer than ever, and all of Mr.. Buchanan's efforts to calm down the politica Lconeamg! of the two parties were utterly unavauing. Tat his sympathies were with the South at this time we.have his own ad- mission for, But he also averred, subsequent te the election of Mr. Lincoln, and indeed im an indirect manner before that event tramspired; that he was opposed to the institution of simvury, and only sap- ported it because it was ayers by the constitu- tion, and interference with it wasemot only a usurpa- tion, but a strong incentive ‘to &:. “aie ee of the Union. In like manner, in the work alluded to else- where, he confesses that the South eered in desiring to establish slavery in Kansas, ay in his opinion, that State was geographically unfittedsfoe the institution. During his administration John Wrearn’s abortive at- tempt at a negro insurrection ‘toox place, and the measures hese pan by the State of Virginia for the punishment of the insurgents rece'tved his full and cordial support. The rebelliomdr: Utah also broke ous soon after he assumed the executive authority, but this was happily suppressed. \without bloodsh In the foreign atfairs of the coaritry Mr. Buchanal administration was generally saccassful. The claims against Spain were recognized aad an ment en- tered into by which they woud have been settied, but upon the convention bemg t-ansmitted to the Senate in 1860, that body refused t) give its consent, Ee because it included tt> Amistad claims for the value of certain slaves for ¥/hich the Spanish (geoeg held the United 4 tates responsible. ‘ith Great Britain the admunistz ition was equally successful and the result moro satisfactory. The Ciayton-Bulwer treaty comphie ation was finally settled; the British governmont. | mpelied by the vig- orous measures adopted, abande med thelr claim the right of search, and thas.flnal ly settled a question which threatened a serious wir between the two countries. Our diMculties with China and Paraguay were also finally and amicabt f, adjusted, and our —— mace coramery lal treaty with Japan ve now arrive at a pertod im the public life of Mr. Buchanan which, although the most important in his career, has been, and probabiy; ever will be, the sub- ject of antagonistic opinions. The events which ined immediately subse quent to the election of Mr. Lincoln are of too recent? ‘date, and from the mo- Mentous events they precedé.d must have too vivid an impression on the memory-of the reader to need ex- tended reference. But thescourse pursued by Mr. Ba- chanan in those hours.of peril, his efforts to stay the madness of secession and pebellion or his encourage- Ment of it, the acts of commission or omission of which he was the author, are not yet satisfactorily placed before the public, and it is probable that the true facts will never be known. The charges against him of aiding and encouraging the rebellion have heen numerous, and are supported by so many plausible statements that we may well hesitate and falter in the belief that he was loyal to, his oath of oifice, to the constitution and to the country. On the other hand, both Mr. Buchanan and his friends vig- orously defended hina against the assaults of his 0] ponents. It was by them that no act of his could have stayed torrant of rebellion. There Was no adequate army anc no efficient navy with which to prevent seizure of the forts and arsenals by the insurgents in the Southern States, Nevarthel as admit Be bimself, he consented that Gener Scott should attempt the supplying of Fort Sumter with provisions, and in @ lengthy document pub- lished by hum in Gevober, cs m 1 Feply to certain charges na against ra e General, he denies with emphasis the stateraent that he ever refused to take active measures to suppress the incipient rebel- lion; but alleged, on the oo , that every move- ment proposed to him by Genet Scott was cheer- fully agreed to, With these antagonistic state- ments, rendered by oppesing parties of equal responsibility and veracity, tt would seem absolutely impossible to decide whether the version of the one or the other is true. In his public utterances at the time Mr. Buchanan was most Indicrously incon- sistent. While positively and unequivocally eure the right of a State to secede, he nevertheless dec! with equal force and absoluteness that Congress and the United States. had no constitutional nor moral Tight to coerce a State. Two such diametrically op- posite views on a question which positively admitted of but one sentiment were most fatal to his popularity ong, the people. By those who believed in the Tight @f secession It was urged that his dental of that right was an evidence of his fraternity with the abo- ition party while his denial of the right of coercion was r jed by the North as an evidence of sympa- thy and alliance with treason and traitors, Mr. Ba- chanan’s defence of his course in this respect does not throw any light upon the subject, It is, however, simple justice to his ry to state that after the war began he pubitt essed himself in favor of e Me pnt gs Sen A the ey, of aes conatitut recogn! and obe} by the rebellious South. r Mr. Buchanan retired to Po My) life in 1861, with jt leas of popular an any former retiring ident ever hi He had always claimed to have acted from motives of pure patriotism, and his spectal mesaage of January ® 1861, closed with ng words :— though tt may be tm; th ever the result ma; , Tshall carry to the that Tat 68 she did at Wheatland. Asa companion Mr. Buchanan was rather inclined to be reserved and dignified, and in this respect he was a decided contrast to his suc- cessor in office, As @ conversationist, it has been said that he was most agreeable and entertaining to his personal friends, but to casual acquaintances the game cannot be averred. Indeed, on all occasions of his holding levees his remarks to those who were imtroduced were remarkably few and alwaye the same. ‘Have you been long in Washington? Have you seen the Smithsonian’ Institute ?”’ were his inva- Mable salutations, so often’ repeated that they be- came a standing joke. And this reserve caused him to regard with seriousness all that was said to him, no matter how palpable wes the humor. Soon after the failure of John Brown’s attempt at insurrection and his oe wb Harpers Ferry # gentleman called at the White House and sent up a card, on which was written ‘Colonel James Patton, patentee of Patton's self-balancing sasht raiser and lock combined ; Post Of- fice box 661 1 Mi N. Y., residence, 32 Seventh sti Troy, N. Y." ‘his individual was admitted, a: Spee being presented to the President informed him of a plot organfed in Troy forthe rescue of John Brown. Mr. Buchanan, instead of re izing this as a clever ruse of @ sharp man to have his business extensively and prorainently advertised free of cross-questioned his informant, and afterwards sent @ serious letter to Governor Wise, of Virginia, em- bodying the information given. Upon his comimuni- cation being made public it 1 much merriment among the newspaper 01 ol political pes and wasthe oc ion of numerous jokes at the ex- pense of the author. Still it was natural with a man of his frame of mind to accept such emanations with gravity. Seldom or never indulging in levity him- self, he could not conceive it in others, But not- withstanding these traits or peculiarities of character, he was & most charitabie and hospitae gentle: and no visitor to Wheatland ever failed'to receive cordial welcome and to be treated with the kindest hospitality. Except om oneor two-occasions, when defendi himself from the numerous assaults of opponents, Mr. Buchanaa never made public cA pearance after the close of his Presidential term. TI “Old Public Functionary,” as he was dtbbed from the number of offices he held, had ceased to interest the public mind, and had probably ceased’ to interest himself in the welfare of the public. Unqpestionably @ man of eminent talents, he rose up by his own ex- ertions to fill the highest office in tite gift of the American peopte, and in leaving it left behind all the popularity which had gained for him so pre-eminent station. But:now that he is dead, now that all that ‘wasearthly of him has passed away, charity would ask forgetfulness of any errors he mighthave made, and would invoke remembrance alone: for all the good he may have done for his country. BOOK NOTICES. CHRONICLES AND CHARACTBRS—ORVAL AND OTHER Poems. By Owen Meredith. In two volumes. Boston: Ticknor & Fields. 1868. This author's edition of Owen Meredith's new poems is elegantly printea at the University Press. The author says in his dedication to a Viennese friend, “I presume not to hope from many readers that patient perusal which, nevertheless, I claim as @ preliminary to.aay final judgment of a.work which has occupied nearly seven years of mylife.” But within these seven years Owen Meredith has written, together with this. work, enough verse to entitle him to being called one of the most voluminous vesifiers of the age, These two volumes alone contain thou- sands of lines. The old nine years’ rale of Horace has by no means been observed by him; and the resalt is that it would be pre sumptuous, indeed, for him to expect from many readers a.very “patient perusal.” Moreover, the “Chronicles and Characters” sweep over & Period so vast as to try the patience of the most persevering readers. Book I. carries. us back to le- gendary Gireece. Book LI. is headed iy yg Tive- ris; Book! IIL, Lower Empire; Book. IV., Neo-Pla- tonism; Book ¥., Mauomedan Era; Book VJ., Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries; Book VIL, Eleventh to Fre th Century; Book VIII, From 1625 to 17805 Book !X., Here ana There. After Goval, or the Fool of Time, come imisations and paraphrases and Ser- vian, Iy sixikes us, first, that prodigious industry, second, that great culture, and third, that a marvel- lous fweulty for imitating and Rerapnredan are evince’ by Owen Meredith. But we canuot add thas. tn his wtiderness of verse we discover any very dis. tinct traces of superior poetic originality and power.. It is wot, however, within the province of contem~ poranfeous eriticism to pronounce a ‘flual judgment!” of this or any other similar work. Both author and critic must be content to await the “final judgment® of posterity. Tuk Scrantiric Basts oF EpvcATION DEMON- STRATED BY AN ANALYSIS OF THE TEMPERAMENTS AND OF PHRENOLOGICAL Facts, IN CONNBO- TION WITH MENTAL PHENOMENA AND THB OFFICE OF THE HOLY SPIRIT IN THE: PROCESSES OF THE MIND. In a series of letters to the Depart. ment of Public Instruction in the city of New York. Second edition, By John Hecker. New York. 1565. ‘The title of this work we have given above in full as best indicating its theme and its scope. The finest thing which we can commend in it is ita recog- nition of the presence of the Divine mind with the human and its action upon it. Rev, Dr. Stearns, President of Amherst College, very properly says that any system of education or philoso- Piy which leaves out this eleme in its analyses, or presents it erroneously, mu: the nattire of the case be fundamentally defective. We agree with Dr. Stearns that if the guardians of tn- struction should not adopt all of Mr. Hecker’s opin- ions they cannot fail to be peuefited by a candid and faithful examination of them, At the same time we are constrained to doubi, with Professor Hickok, of Union College, whether the part of Mr. Hecker’s work which relates to phrenology, and which is the major the book, is at all scientifically established. jain diMicuity with the work ia the same as that of Professor Hicl and finds its source in Mr. Hecker's Caen tay ‘ai blendings, which seem dif- fused pretty nearly throughout, AUCTION SALE OF CARRARA MARBLES. How New York Swallows the Artistic Offale ot Europe. A rather uncommon sale of C&rrara marble stata- ary was begun yesterday at the rooms of Robert Somerville, No. 87 Nassau street, and will be con- tinued for a couple of days. The collection purports to have been consigned to the selier by the firm of F. Zannoni, & Co., of Florence, Italy, and consists of @ peculiar melange of classical designs in marble and alabaster, with possibly a few designs ip white onyx. Sales yesterday were not heavy. A marble card receiver, grapeleaf, was sold at $4 50; two Hebe vases brought $18; @ group of lambs in alabaster was Knocked jown at $10 26; a Venus of Canova went for $60; @ Flora, by Franct, for $174: @ dancing gitl, by Clit, for $147 60; an Innocence, by Zuccigna, for $250; am alabaster yup of contending Cupids went for $262 50, and afew other pieces were worked off af prices corresponding with the above list. The novelty of the exhibition was the means of attracting aconsiderable number of visitors, who, however, did not bid very liberally. There were several very Pretty statuettes and numerous very gorgeous pedestals on exhibition—all imitations of originals, of course, though some of them very clever in their way and very minute copies of the originals. A guiter pi ayer purporting to be by Falcon; a statuette of Meditation, by Guglle- lont; a Shepherdess, hse la; Ly 4 Franci; a Mado. mq nerari; a Venus de Mi by Pantporali; a Guardian Angel, by Benen, and ® few groups from the antique, formed the basis of the collection. Tazzas, card receivers and the like, with some few articies of vertu, completed the cata- logue, and made up the odds and ends of as curious a mela as was ever offered in this city, and to people of ordinary sense, in the way of deco- ration for @ mantel Or * — , fs or @ sti corner or of a . marbie, of these articles is generally of exceed- ingly inferior sort, betng clouded in many cases and often presenting ‘an appearance of iron oxidization which ls extremely unpleasant to the artistic eye, ‘and smites on the art sense rather rudely than other. wise, Of the whole list, numbering several hundred feces, not one-tenth of the marble incorporated was ree from blemish of some sort. A few bits of that pure, trans] (t white, which is almost blooded stock, were exhibited, and only a few. For the rest, there was considerabie excellent carving and mani- pulation bestowed upon indifferent material, and im me cases even the material not been very erly manipulated, though, of this an American Bu} case. Amercal tic refase which a ye erate in his stable lest ft might corruy his horses. There is some need of York in this particular, lest this cit the receptacle for the art rubbish of the world. New See take nena Spe ngs ok oo wee