The New York Herald Newspaper, April 1, 1868, Page 4

4 NAPOLEON. The Imperial Defence of the Bonaparte Dynasty. The Two Empires and the Coup d’Etat Defended on Popular Grounds. Zoglish Opinion of the Grand Biectioneering Pamphlct. WHAT IS LIBERTY IN FRANCE? By the steamship Cimbria at this port we have the following ample synopsis of the important French “pamphiet,” just issued in Paris in defence of the Bonaparte dynasty, its calls to power during the two empires and the coup d'état, coming, it is believed, Yrom the imperial pen, We also append the sub- stance of a significant pamphlet, from one of the people, on the financial aspect of imperialism; a re- port of the debate in the legislative body on the subject of liberty as it exists at present in the em- pire; and a pointed illustration of British opinion, get forth by the London 7imes, as to Napoleon’s po- litical situation and necessities, Napoleon’s Pamphlet in Defence of His Dy- nasty=Imperial Definition of Liberty Under the Bonapartes. Galignani’s Messenger of the 20th of March— evening—says:—The imperial pamphlet, which has deen looked forward to for some days with so much interest, made {ts appearanee yesterday under the designation of ‘Les titres de la Dynastie Napoleoni- enne.” It collects together, as if under a single glance, the various documents which testify to the attachment of the French people to the two Emperors Napoleon, I. and Il. The work extends to seventy- ‘three pages small quarto, twenty-three relating to the first of these sovereigns and the remainder to the present ruler. The production bears no name, but report bas always assigned the authorship to the Emperor. The work is ushered in by the following announceme THE TITLE: 3 OF THE NAPOLEONIC DYNASTY. Vor Populi Vor Det, ‘We have had the idea of uniting in one publication the different manifestations of the national will, which, under the two republics and the two empires, ave founded the Napoleonic dynasty. It has seemed to us that from this comparison, which is curtous for history, might be derived a great public lesson. The first portion is devoted to a notice of the popu- Jar manifestations in 1799, 1802 and 1804, electing re- specti Bonaparte to the Consulate for ten years, thy r life, and lastly to the imperial throne. The num of votes given in the first case was 3,911,007 to 2 refusals; in the second, 3,568,185 to 9,074, and in the third, 3,321,675 to 2,579, In the first, part the manifestoes and accounts of the several elections are interspersed with quotations from the “Histoire du Consulat et de l’Empire” as a running comm ys ‘The second portion of the work, commencing with the Pr dnced:— Fifty years passed over. The empire was over- thrown by forcign Powers, but the restoration and the governm of Juty by the French people. France beeame a republic, and the heir of Napoleon, he whom the Senatus Consuituin of Floréal Year XII. catled to the throne, was in exile. The suffrages of the country went to find him there, Prince Louis Napoleon was elected representative of the people by four departments:—the Charente-In- férieure, the Yonne, the Seine and Corsica, He de- clined the maudate offered him and remained abroad, where the suspicious feelings of the provisional gov- ency of the republic in 1848, is thus intro- ernment had en him, fits name reappeared with Zresh persistence in all the partial elections, and for ‘the second time the four departments which had elected him, aud aiso that of the Meuse, called upon iim to tas 3 seat in the National Assembly. The Princ en returned to France and addressed to his fellow citizens a manifesto, in which he said:—‘In order to recail me from exile you have elected me representative of the people. On the eve of your choosing the First Magistrate of the republic my name presents itself to you as a symbol of order ‘and securit; Some months later the elections for naming a Chief of the State took place, and, notwithstanding all the dnfluence of an established government, and in spite of all the edorts of a generally hostile gees the Prince was ciected President of the republic. ‘That election was erected by 5,587,759 votes. The second period, that of the President for ten years, is thus spoken of:— Eg No one can forget the state of public opinion at the close of the year 1851, which is the date of a new era for France. At that epoch, while the country, whi had with so great an enthusiasm elected Prince Na- »ieon, asked for nothing else than to confide to him ita destinies and looked to him for its security, the Legisiative Assembly, the majority of which was re- <ruited from the aébris of former parties, presented the spectacle of a passionate coalition, openly con- spiring, amidst tumuituous discussions, against the President of the republic. Between two powers «#prung from election the people alone could decide. Prince Napoleon appealed to the country. ‘The text of the proclamation of the 2d December, 851, follows, after which the vote was given whieh erred the ten years’ Presidency on Prince Louis Napoleon, by 7,439,216 suffrages. The third date, 2, that of the empire, is thus spoken of:— ace Louis Napoleon had accepted the prolonga- of his power as President of the republic. Strong in the popular assent, he hoped that ten Years of firm and liberal authority would be suffi- cient to able hita to repair the ruins which had been ma and to restore order in society. But Prance would not be satisfled with such instability an her inst‘tutions, and the monarchical sentiment sprang up in the country with irresistible violence, In the midst of the ovations which Prince Louis Na- poleon received on his visit to the departments he eard here the desire expressed fo have the « empire r hed, All the Councils-General sent addresses: ame effect. A memorable speech Was delivered by the prince at Bordeaux, which be- ae 80 to speak, Me cradle of the tiiperial mon- orchy. uae vote in favor of the empire gave 7,821,189 votes. After the r festations, wh. of those three great popular mani- the author compares with the num- bers obtained polcon L, the subjoined conside- ms appear:—The opprsition to the Presidential ion had been, in 1843, 1,918,841 votes; on Decem- a8 only 68 1, and for the establish- ment of the empire it was reduced to 253,145. But what above all results from this exposition is that six times within half acentury the Napoleonic dy- nasty has received the consecration of the national suffrage. The uncle and the nephew passed the same historical cycle; each extricated France from an abyss; elected each three times they passed through a temporary stage of power, which was soon extended, and each seated himself dna throne which he found vacant. The Consulate and the Presidency termi- mated alike in the empire. A spectacle unique in history! Ata distance of fifty years, through so ‘many events which compressed it, the popular will, like a stream which had long Ge ed in the sands, burst forth afresh from the depths of societ, and recovered its level of independence and national grandeur. The plebiscite of 1862 replied like an ‘echo to that of 1804. The 4,000,000 of votes which astonished historians rose to #,000,000, and he who was called to the throne in virtue of ‘the constitu. itions of the first empire became the chief of the wecond one, uniting in his own person the wights derived from descent and those arising from election. From 1799 to 1804 Napoleon I, re- wetved 10,000,000 of suffra; while from 1848 to {1852 Napoleon III. received 20,000,000. ‘Thirty mil- ions of voti pers signed by the French people— w#uch are the titles of the Napoleonic dynasty, ese documents, as we have before remarked, appeared to 08 to be worthy of collection and comparison, We think we ought to place r them the text of the tution of 1552. At the moment when that fundamental compact between the people and the Emperor becomes the object of more or less open attacks, and the target of all the united oppositig we deem the occasion opportune to again place | before the eyes of the public and to mention the circumstances under which it was drawn Lt In the acts which followed the 2d December, 1851, it was seen that the Prince President had not con- dined himself to asking from the nation for extraor- dinary powers with a view to remedying a transitory aituation, but that he had proposed an entire system of government appropriated to the permanent ne- cessities of the country, He only consented to undertake the guidance of the destinies of France on condition that this system, founded on the Consular ‘tradition of the An VII., was favorably received by the nation. Never was a condition, let us say, more cl set forth or more unanimously accepted. The P les on Which the constitution was founded ‘were, therefore, the result of an agreement freely entered into. Hut if these bases are fixed, if the; cannot be modified unless by a plebiscite, the wor! itself is susceptible of progressive improvements, it is capable of being advanced nearer to perfection, The Emperor a proclaimed this on the 3ist December, 1851, when he declared ‘chat his intention was to bring the country to a pru- dent exercise of liberty. Let us add that the decree of the 24th of November, 1860, and the letter of the l9th of January, 1867, have fuifilled this promise. ‘The constitution of the 14th of January, 1852, has be- ie, as is known, that of the empire. The change in the form of government has had for effect or amend several articles which were no donger tn harmony with the new state of things; it to U8 useless to point out these ditfer- as the intelligence of the reader will readily ive them. As to. the mouifications of another order they result from the various Senatus Consulta. As they mark, so to say, the stages of the Emperor's government in the liberal path on which it has entered, we content ourselves with mentioning those to be pia 1866 is perial government has 8) than the governments that preceded it. financial reform. the empire, drawn up conscientiously and impar- tially, which documents. His conclusion is as follows:—During the fifteen years of its existence (1852 to 1866), the imperial government has spent 31,000,000,000 of francs, or 12,000,000,000f, more than the July govern- ment in the same space of time—1832 to 1846. Of these 31,000,000, 0001 absorb &c.) or worse than sterile (war, marine, &c.), or of Lele ma ulility, NEW YORK HEKALD, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1, 1868—TRIPLE SHEET, among them which have most im} ce, and to enumerating the measures walen have been their almost imm« consequences. We will mention the act which has delivered to the publicity of the journals the debates of the Senate, and permitted the reproduction, in extenso, of the discussions in the two chambers—the sending the Ministers to the chambers by special del ton, the right of interpellation, the extension to the leg- islative body of the right of amendment, the power assigned to the Senate of sending back, for a fresh examination by the other house, such laws a8 may appear defective; the vote of the budget by large sections, the abandonment by the Emperor of the faculty of opening, in the absence of the chambers, any supplementary or extraordinary credits; the laws attributing additional power to the Councils General ape ‘unicipal Councils, the law on the liberty ofthe press, that on coalitions, and, lastly, that which is at this moment pending before the Legislature and which relates to the right of meet- ing. The aggregate of those enactments issues, 80 to speak, from the womb of the constitution, which lends itself to all the movements of liberty, and which, in that respect, had a character of novelty as bold as it was fruitful. To appreciate its Leraey we have only to compare it with those of the preced- ing monarchies. That is what the Emperor himself did in his speech on opening the session of 1861. An extract from that document is given, and after- wards comes the introduction to the constitution of January 14, 1852,and the text of the document itself. There are several annexes to the work. First, tables of the votes given in the successive elections which conferred on Prince Louis Ba ee the post of representative of the people to tl sembly, partial elections of June 4, 1848, June 18, 1848, an count of the votes given on the election of the President of the statement of the votes on the plebiscite of 2, 1851, pro) people; and fourthly, tables of the votes Plebiscite presented on the 2ist and 22d of November, 1862; re-establishment of the empire, national as- September 17, 1848; second); eral ac- yublics ‘Deosmber acceptance of the French ven on the ed for the The Other Side in a Pamphlet—Cost of Impe- rialism Under Napoleon. (Paris (March 19) correspondence of London Times.} At the very moment when the Emperor Napoleon is publishing, or at least authorizing the publication of a work in order to demonstrate the indestructible nature of his government, another pamphlet ap) with the somewhat ominous title “Bilan de PEm- ire’—balance sheet of the empire—explaining its nancial condition. It consists of thirty pages, and skilful writer on political is from the pen of a com, M. J. Horn, a gentleman who is strong in statistics, and who has at his an array of figures that takes one’s breath away. M. Horn shows that the pablo, expenditure durin; years of these ifteen years the period between the coup d’état, 2d of December, 1851, and: the official promulgation of the new régime, has dent. He years. Durin, public expendi IPMS eu tlne l 10 Was 10,213,760,472f,; yearly average, 2,042,162, 0048, makitig the rota D mal e total amount spent in fifteen years about 31,000,000, 000f.. ae t. On comparing the second period with the first it will be seen that the increase is 570,000,000; in the third ag compared with the second, a still further increase of 921,000,000, and on the third as compared with the first, an increase of pearly 1,500,000,000 or nearly 300,000,000f. on the annual av Was the original starting point to admit of such progression? By no means; for at the very outset the imperial government shot far beyond the governments that went before it. ‘The tive years previous—viz., 1847 to 1851—showed 7,981,000,000f. total expenditure; so that in its in- fancy the imperial government began by spending On ap average 333,000,000f. a year more than its prede- cessors. The ting aside the compare the first fifteen years of the empire with fifteen normal years of the July government. During the period between 1832 and 1846 the total public ex- penditure amounted 19,380,000,000f. The ditference the first fifteen the empire, including, of course, in been enormous beyond prece- jivides the whole time into periods of five the first, that is from 1862 to 1856, the ture amounted to 9,643,778, 793f., or a ‘The second, from And the third, from 1862 to 1866, average per year, 2,226,961,987f., » OF a average of 2,066,000, 000f. a year. of expenditure. low enough rogress will seem the greater if—set- Aisturbea years from at to 1851—we wed to the account of the pages from 1852 to er words, the im- nt 800,000,000f. a year more M. Horn disclaims all idea of proposing plans of It is merely the balance sheet of near 12,000,000,000f.; in ot he gives, and he relies only on official nearly three-fourths have been by expenses, elther partially sterile (debt, Nevertheless, these three- fourths (23,000,000,000f.) represent the total’ of what hasfbeen drawn irom the ordinary resources—the sure and itive resources of the country. The results of that disproportion between the mednus and requirements are the elasticity of the imposts broken down under the heavy weight imposed on the taxpayers and the consequent falling off in the revenue, the most legitimate wants of the country (instruction, &¢.) negl , the calls upon credit nore frequent than ever and the capital of the public debt more than doubled in fifteen years, the continuous augmentation of the floating debt, which it is in vain attempt $oaaheP. pee 1,000,000,000f. On the other hand, the Matic edit FH ee 3 Stee Tonge pen Cooiomar — (or 2, and her internal condition ts char- bmi ahh tS at émbarrassment, which is turn- ing to misery. Such is what documents of the most unquestionable authority exhibit to us as the eonse- juence of personal government during fifteen years. We need hardly say what conclusion must be drawn. It is obvious to every judicious mind, and it may be described in a very few words, that to continue as we are is impossible, and there remains for France no choice between reform and bankruptcy. Liberty As It Is in France. The Legislative eooe of Fi met March 19, M. Du _ Miral, one of the Vice Presidents, in the chat M. Rouher, Minister of State; M. Baroche, Justic 4 the other Government Commissioners were je order of the day was the adjourned discussion he bill relating tg public meetings. The Presipest sald—I now read article 10, which is thus worded:— Any person in the meeting who does not obey the requisi- tion to Nisperse made by the representative of audhority sal of from 300. to 6,000£. and imprison- m iifteen days to a year, without prejudice to the a:ttes applied by the penal code to resistance, disobedience ptber failures to comply with the public authority. M. Picarp—A simple delay in leaving a place of meeting to be punished by penalties so severe! The code is pe ‘This article is inadmissible. (Ap- Planse near the speaker.) M. PINARD—This article is not intended td fiaké the bill Ulusory, nor is it a snare. ‘Lie Ministers are sincere, aiid for the power placed in their hands by this provision they are responsible to the Sovereign, the Senate, to this Chamber and to public opinion. Hear, hear.) So far from being a share the article fs ‘ee, and to deny this ia to say that we are ¢ nor responsible. What is the politt- | intention of the bill from an economic pont of ? To enable the workingmen in the great res of population to take full advantage of the jaw on coalitions, and of that on associations, b, allowing them to meet and concert measu smoothing the differences which are continually taking place between labor and capital. This bill is the sanction of those two a accorded by the benefleence of the Emperor, It transforms the liberty of meeting, which we never refused in fact, into one of right, and yet you accuse us of insin- cerity and of he ed intending to suppress that freedom by means of article 14 (Hear, hear.) With respect to election meetings what is the — of the measure? Universal 8 ge has not yet quite entered into the habits of the country. | In the towns it is exposed to the abuse af the mot @ordre and to the tyranny of the drinking shop; and the great conservative mass outside the centres of population ts too much inclined to be inert in the matter, For that reason the government would be abandoning a duty if it fatied to maintain the practice of official candidates; for that reason, too, this bill gives much less liberty to election meetings than to those on economical suvjects, In this direction we are trying an experiment, which is to acclimatise the practice of universal suffrage. By doing so we desire to com- bat the two tyrannies of the mot d’ordre and car oe tion, We wish the conservative party to bring 1 calmness into the presence of passion, to descend into that arena and moderate the contest. Nor can any conclusion be drawn from & Comparison ween one nation and another as Fegirds their eats tion. ‘There can never be two countries identical in their characteristics; if there were there would be one too many. (Reclamations from the Left.) However, I examine the comparison which has been repeatedly made in the course of these discussions and | te at that proud England where you say an nim Might of puclic meeting existe, | In France it Was royalty which made the unity of the nation, whereas the English people and the English law have been moulded and formed by the aristocracy. The temperaments of the two nations are different, and bry) our neighbors the law is so much respected that they never abrogate it. It may fall into disue- tude; when necessity requires it is revived, In Eng- land also the peopie can patiently await for reforms, and are therefore safely allowed to assemble in pub- lic meetings. A word how as to the programme of the government, Liberty may be easily promised and easily given, but this involves danger, Our duty is to found liberty slowly, so that it may ripen and consolidate,” Such is our object and our guiding rule. The ato disdaing to second our efforts in this work. Let it be so; but we shall accomplish it with the aid of that great conservative party which relies upon us for@ecurity. To it we say, re-assure yourselves; have no fear in leaving us found liberty, we Who are authority | (Warm marks of ap] robation,) M. Picarp—The picture of liberty presented by the bill is not of @ nature to seduce any one. I should have comprehended perfectly the Minister had he spoken of the requirements of social order, which for- bade the conceding of liberties, and had proclaimed the necessity of preserving a discretionary power; but what I do not understand ts that liberal maxims should be made a basis for an arbitrary legisiation, and that any one should have thought possible to re- concile two articles, the first of which declares that public meetings may take place without authoriza- Uon, While the second says that the Prefect may ad- journ them and the Minister of the Interior forbid them, PEYRUSSE—It was so tn 1848 and 1849, under the republic. M. EMILe OLLIViER—Then the reptblican govern- ment was ween M. PicaRrp—There were two very distinct periods in the régime which commenced in 1848; dui the first the government was in the hands ‘of the republi- cans, who wished to preserve the republic; in the second the public affairs were conducted by the con- servatives, who wished to destroyit, (Hear, hear,’” on the left of the speaker.) I continue, How can two provisions so contradictory be concilated? We hear of many things that require to be saved; but before, all let us not allow logic and good sense to be sacri- ficed. M. EMILE OLLIviER said:—I do not reproach the ernment with effecting reforms only partially, Bat with realizing them badly, I will not take u) what has been said respecting Rogiand, althoug! many of the statements made might be contest Reforms among our neighbors are always jal; but since the ¢: ent made by Wellington in 1829, they have been always sincere andcomplete. In that year the celebrated tory chief proposed the emancipation of the Catholics; but he did so with such little grace that he offended all the liberal party. The result ‘Was that on the accession of William IV, neither the Minister nor the King, notwithstanding the personal Popularity’ of the latter, could show themselves at julldhall for fear of a riot. The noble lord profited by the lesson, and when he introduced reforms inthe Corn laws in 1845, in conjunction with Sir Robert Peel, he was as liberal and as resolute as he had been narrow minded and preledinns in 1829. Then, ceed as you please, but be firmly resolved, and do not make a law which by article one destroys the arbitrary legislation and re-establishes it in article fourteen. e bill before us is one on the right of meeting, made by men who detestit. (Applause on the left of the speaker.) M. MILLoN—I wish to ask whether the government intends the bill to comprise private assembites. I wish for an answer, or I shall move that the article be sent back to have the word “public” inserted. M. RouUHER—I can remove the scruples of the honorable member. @ title of the bill itself shows that only public meet are referred to. Private assemblies have never mn forbidden nor Subjected to an authorization. . MILLON—The reply of the Minister is satisfac- tory, but the text is not. I shall vote for sending back the article. M. Guais-BizoIN—What is meant by an adjourn- ment of the permission, and how long can the sus- pension last? The Minister probably forgot to reply to that question. M. PrNaRD—Only the ni time to refer to the Minister of the Interior, (Hear, hear. ‘Vote, vote!) M. ‘veneers? telegraph? (Noise. ‘Vote, vote!’ M. PrcaRD—That is & matter of importance in elec- toral affairs. The PRESIDENT—By the rejection of article twelve the fourteenth has become the thirteenth. I consult the Chamber as to whether it shall be sent back to the committee. ‘The question was decided in the negative, and a vote being taken on the article itself it was adopted by 191 to 31. English Opinion—Napoleon on the “ Stump?— The Pamphlet a Grand Election Document. (From the London Times, March 18.] The general election is at hand in France, and the Emperor Napoleon is canvassing for the people’s suff- rage. A sovereign by the grace of God may rely on the immutable course of ‘his destinies, but a monarch by the will of the nation feels less easy about his tenure of office and evinces a natural anxiety to make go the titles of his AY TREY The ie Seng for which the French semit-official press has n for several days preparing the world, and which was described as “due toa high inspiration,” has at last seen the light. The Emperor counts his friends. He tells us by what vast numbers of votes both the original founder and the restorer of the empire at various eriods attained the supreme rank of the State; how the Uncle and the Nephew, by decisive measures in extreme dangers, twice performed their task as saviors of society, et It is not easy to see what pul may be served by these statistical declarations which no one isin clined to dispute. “Thirty millions of approving votes signed by the French people,” we are told, “are the titles of the Napoleonic dynasty.” Twice within sity years from the Dixhuit Brumaire to the Deux ee ‘e France bartered away her freedom for ener A and ae ieechag B Nand as Rn symptoms of repent ie bargain. rue in oth instances the su! fe was ushered in by a deed of violence, and was taken at the close of @ long period of disorder which had exhausted the nation’s energi and made it afraid, no less than ashamed of itself. It is true that from the Dichuit Brumaire to the Adteux de Fontainedleau,-no less than from the Deux to the January letter of 1866, the French people were rather drummed and marshalled than fairly and freely called to the polls. Still the elected of the people are acceptable to their millions, and, after all, has been among men at all times and in all coun- tries the greatest readiness to forget the means b; which supreme power has been attained in consid- eration of the ends to which that power has been made subservient. The question tess by yy what right a sovereign rules than what is the nature of his Tule. Letting alone the policy of the first empire, which, whether or not it rose by the free choice of the French people, did not certainly fall by any act oftheirs, we may freely sayof the second empire that it could find in the material well-being and tn the intellectual progress of the country better argu ments in favor of its continuance than any it could draw from the legality of its origin. The French were quiet and submissive so long as the present “ruler of their choice’ made their comme pros- perous at home and respected abroad, and their allegiance continued unshaken even since his wonted ht or his rare luck seemed to have abandoned , and since he was himself driven to admit the presence of ‘‘dark spots” on the horizon. From the rise of the empire to the “crowning of the edifice” there has been peace within, if not without, its boun- daries. The very bread riots or workmen’s strikes which now and then rufMed the surface of the happy community only added popularity to a soverel whose proudest titles were those of “Friend of the Artisan” and ‘Emperor of the Peasant.” Whence, then, comes now this mistrust of his popularity, and this necessity for a new appeal to tho masses? It was only, we believe, when he strove to repair the disaster of Sadowa by an in- creased armament that the Emperor Napoleon shook the foundation oa Ww mole < Vers his irons. ‘The Frenc' ople wan! @ mi ion, not an ag- ravation, ae the conscription, ar might, per- indy with resignation, if not with cheerfulness, have followed their imperial leader across the Rhine if he had told them it was absolutely indispensable for French honor that Sadowa should be avenged: but to assure them that there would be peace, and at the same time to turn the empire into & vast bar- rack, showed as little regard for the poms judg- ment as for the people's interests, Precisely at the moment in which the imperial pamphlet comes forth to vindicate the popniar origin of the imperial power we hear of disturbances in some of ing fue a cities of France, and these are causes by the first attempis made to put in force the new law for the organization of the Garde PapeHale Yovije. We gre told, indeed, that the riots in Toulouse and elsewhere arose from no objection to the army law, and we are almost expected to be- lieve that they are owing to enthusiasm in its favoy. We hear of nothing but the calmness and regularity of the proceedings, the eagerness of the young men answering the call, their excellent spirit, their patri- otic ardor. But somehow these flattering accounts impose on no one. In the midst of gil this harmony a jarring note is heard. * * Weare far, how- ever, frum fancying that there is among the French people anything like regret for republican times or anything like settied hostiilty to imperial rule. There is no possible change on wiifch the mind of a reason- able Frenchman can rest with the least confidence. There is no be en leader with a determined scheme of action; none ready to take upon himself the responsibility of a revolution, France has come to an end of ail political experiments, ‘The present has nothing so dreadful as to induce her voluntarily to face an unknown future, It js upon this instinct of order at any price that the Emperor Napoleon can rely for sup) against any deliberate attack, while the immense strength of his civil and mili organization screens him from those “surprises? which Nave so often decided the fate of his predecessors. The French would not wil- lingly overthrow him, and he must take care that they do not do #o by mere oversight. It is to little purpose, we think, that the Imperial pamphlet dwells upon the excellencies of the constitution and on its capabilities of progressive improvement. What the French people want ts peace with liberty, if the two blessings can be combined, but peace bel all things and at = Price. It is impossible that the Emperor should not perceive how Hy the new Army law has com; ised him before public opin- fon. it Army bill was conceived under false appre- hensions; It was proceeded with in obedience to still more views of consistency, in obedience to an obstinacy which does not really belong to the Ei ror's character. We are convinced an assurance that the Jaw, if not actually led, would be at least so modified in ite application as to lighten ita most crushing burdens, would do more for the sta- bility of the Emperor's throne and for the chances of hie oe, than any “titles” resting upon the most unanimous plebiscite. A proposal on his part for & simultaneous disarmament would win him the suf- frage not only of millions of Frenchmen, but of the one of true freedom and progress throughout the world, OBITUAR General Otman Hashem, Information has been received from Tunis an- nouncing the death, in January last, of General Hashem, who visited this country three years ago as Ambassador from the Bey of Tunis to the United States. While here he made many friends, and carried away with him the most agreeable recoliec- tions of our country and the kind reception ac- corded him by the government as well as by the eople. Before his mission to Washington he had Been accredited as Ambassador to ror 4 and Madrid, when he Lm te he talents of @ high order, He was a gentioman of culture, integrity and moral worth, always ready to liberally give from bis abundant means to the poor who needed assistance. He was about 4 years of age at his death, in the prime of life and the fullness of his powers. His country has suffered a serious loss in his demise, which Will be regretted by a wide circle of friends in this country as well as in his native land. SRTTLING IN TENNESSER.—The McMinnville New Pra reports that two citizens of Pennsylvania have purchased property ia that town, one of whom will establish a drug store there, and that several other parties, representing Connecticut, Wisconsin, Micht- gan, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are looking around with the view of making purchases of real estate. THE SCAFFOLD. Execution of William Donovan at York, Pa., for the Murder of a Whole Family—The Crime—The Trial—The Execution. Yesterday a noted criminal named William Dono- van, alias “Irish Bill,” was hanged at York, Penn- sylvania, for the murder of three persons on the evening of Sunday, June 17, 1866, The details of the crime and the trial are given below:— George Squibb, a respectable and inoffensive old man of Quaker descent, was living with his wife and granddaughter on a small farm situated in a quiet and secluded spotat the foot of Dare’s hill, in War- rington township. He had owned it for many years, and by strict economy and industry had succeeded in accumulating a small sum of money, which he kept in the house and was in the habit of loaning out to his friends and neighbors as their necessities required. He was seventy-one years old at the time of as- sassination, his wife was sixte seven, and their little granddaughter, Emma Jane Seifert, who lived with them, was between eleven and twelve. Their house, which was situated about a hundred and any. vas from a public road, was an old, dilapidated build- ing, constructed of rough logs, was but one story high, and no one who was not acquainted with the character and ‘habits of its inmates would have thought for a moment that they were in jion of any money whatever. It contained but two rooms on the ground floor, the one used as a kitchen and sitting room, and the otheras abedchamber. It was therefore very strongly suzpeoted that some one residing in the be ats ood and who was ac- nein with the family was connected with the fark crime. The dispute between the head of the murdered family and their murderer was of long standing. It appears that about six years ago Donovan, in a wan- ton and cruel manner, st one of Mr. Squibb’s cows so that it died, and Squibb brought suit against him to recover the price of the animal. It was decided in his favor, and when Donovan was obliged to pay the money he made threats that he would have re- venge on Squibb, if it were twenty years afterwards. It was claimed on the trial that Donovan was an ill-tempered and desperate character; but the evi- dence did not support this claim, showing him to be simply an eccentric person, inclined at times to in- dulge in very violent language and much addicted to drink, but, on the whole, considered harmless by those’who knew him best, He was the ostensible owner of a small piece of property on the north side of Dare’s hill, but it is said several executions were Pending against itat the time of the murder, and hat he was unable to satisfy any of them. It is re- garded as certain that he knew that Squibb had money in the house, and probably availed himself of the opportunity to feat is re- venge and _ su} himself with the money to settle his liabilities at the same time. On the evening of Sunday, June 17, 1866, about the the time that the family were preparing to retire, ac- cording to appearances, the murderer entered the house and commenced the bl work. The crime ‘was not discovered until about ten o'clock on the fol- lowing morning, and the victims, both the livingand the dead, must have laid where they were found dur- ing the whole of Sunday night, up to the hour men- tioned. George Snelbaker, a grandson of Mr. Squibb, came to the house about ten o'clock to borrow an auger, and was the first person who knew thing of the deed after the murderers had fled. Geo! Squibb was found lying face downward, upon the per, with a pool of coagulated blood around him, is face being so covered with gore as to render htm unrecognizable. Although insensible, he was not yet dead, and lingered until half-past twelve that night, more than twenty-four hours after receiving his wounds. There were fourteen of these on the right side of his head, four of them having penetrat the brain, producing the unconsciousness which con- tinued to the hour of his death. The fact that these wounds were all on the right side of the head showed quite conclusively that they had been inflicted by a left-handed peace, 4nd unfortunately for the pris- oner he is left-handed. The little granddaughter was lying dead in the kitchen, with the back part of her head crushed in, showing that the flend who robbed her of her tnno- cent 1ife must have accomplished his ose by using a heavy hammer or some similar instrument. Close beside the corpse of the child Mrs. Mary Squibb was Iving in a state of insensibility and covered with blood. She had three wounds on the right side of the head, one of which produced a slight fracture of the skull. She survived her injuries until the foi- lowing Wednesday. At the examination before the Coroner’s jury Mrs. Squibb was present, and although perfectly conscious and rational she was unable to speak, and it was necessary to resort to a very novel method in conducting her examination. One of the jurymen took her by the hand and requested her, ‘when he named the person who injured her and mur- lered her husband and rand daughter, to signify ‘the fact by a pressure of his hand. Several names were mentioned to her before Donovan, but when the name of William Donovan was pronounced she preened the hand of the Juor, and thus signified that e was the man. She was interrogated in the same way as to the number of persons engaged in the out- rage, and signified by the pressures of the hand that there were two, On the day of the murder two suspicious tere d strangers were seen loitering in the neighborhood. Tt is sald that Donovan was at tng, ys the day previous, and that he returned home company with another man, who is supposed to have been one of the strangers noticed above. While the inquest was in pi 33 Donovan was arrested and taken before the Coroner, by whom he was subjected to a severe examination. The evi- dence against him, although of a circumstantial cha- racter, Was nevertheless sufficiently strong to autho- rize the jury incommitting him for at the August term of the court. It being the general impression that at least two Persons were engaged in the bloody work, ten differ- ent men were arrested and thrown into jail on sus- es of being concerned init. But true bills were found against four persons only at the August term ofthe court, viz.:—Willlam Donovan, John pores Edward Boyle and John McGranigan. At the No- vember term of the court Donovan was tried and convicted. He was defended at that time by P. L. Wicks, James B. Zeigler and Silas H. Forry. The trial lasted ten days and attracted large crowds every day, showing the interest that was taken in it. ‘The prisoner received his sentence with perfect cool- ness. There was not the slightest go — his countenance @d not a word escaped his lips. A motion was made for a new trial. The court re- served its decision until after the other prisoners were tried. At the January term the reaming prisoners were tried. John NoGrapl an and Edward Boyle were acquitted upon the three separate indictments found against them. John Boyle, who is the father of Edy; Boyle, was tried and acquitted upon but one indictment. At the next April court he was tried and acquitted upon the remaining two indictments, In the next case there was merely a formal verdict of acquittal given, the Commonweaith having aban- doned further prosecution. During the trial of John Boyle in April there was evidence developed that in- duced the court to grant a new trial to Donovan, Donovan was tried a second time at a special court appointed to try his case on the 2ist of last October. The ution was conducted ye W. Bittinger, (District Attorney), George W. McElroy and H. R. Fisher, and the prisoner was defended by P. H. Wickes, James B. Zeigier and Levi Maish. The trial began on Monday, the 21st of October, and was concluded on , the Sth of November, occupy- ing two weeks and one day. All these cases were tried before Robert J. Fisher, the president judge of this district, and one of the most able and cau- tious Judges of the State. The second trial elicited the greatest interest, the court being filled with peo- ple every day. The jury retired at half-past one o'clock on Tuesday mn and returned at about half-past five the same day with the verdict. The | ng received the solemn words pronouncing his ate apparently without an emotion. The evidence a Donovan was very volumt- nous, and only the most important points can be given here. ere were tweive distinct threats proved against him, all made in a period of six years anterior to the murd Meng ‘were superinduced by the cow bem — above. ley proved a Jong settled hate in the mind of the prisoner against the murdered man, the element necessary to commit such a deed. .In one of them he said that “as sure as the sun rises in the east and sets in the west and water runs down hill he would have revenge on George Squibb.” In others he sid he would have revenge on old General Squibb, that he had sold the ‘and meat from his children. He nearly always accompanied these threats by the expression that a Squibb had wronged him. During the jong imprisonment of Donovan he toe eae: u dubious and mysterious expressions, which, it must be confeased, are hard to reconcile with his inno- cence, such as these, for instance:—He sald to the —— Sheriff on the evening of his first conviction, as he was taking him from the Court House to the prison, that “if they would put him on the stand he ‘would leave the whole thing out.” He tried to im- plicate others, and told the Sheriff yo! to ar- rest the Boyles. He also told the jailer, when the Boyles were brought into prison, that “they had the “hh it parties now." he strongest evidence juced against him were the hatchet and cloth! found upon his premises, The hatchet contained blood upon it, and a pair of pantaloons also contained several of blood upon them. He made numerous contradictory state- ments about both these things, and tried to account for the blood upon them in various ways. The skulls were produced in evidence, and on the left pa- rietal bone of George Squibb's skull was a depressed fracture which corresponded in a remarkable man- ner to the pole of the hatchet found in the sion of Donovan, ba as was manifest at the time it ‘was produced, made a deep impression on the jury. This hatchet has greatiy troubled the mind of the risoner since then. Itis no more than Just to say hat this hatchet belonged to John Boyle, and that Donovan denies having had it on the Sunday even- ing of the murder. It was found in a log of Dono- yan's stable, in a conspicuous piace, on Tuesday after the murder. The Execution, {From the Evening Telegram of yesterday.) York, Pa., March 31, 1968. The murderer, Wm. Donovan, expiated his offence to-day on the gallows. The town waa besieged at an early hour this morning by a number of country folk bent on witnessing the execution if possible. ‘The bloody deed, with all its horrible details, has been rehearsed at the street corners, and hardly any two stories agree in many points. Many believe him innocent. He told a lame story last evenifig about the finding of the hatchet, which was one of the Principal points in the evidence which led to his conviction, LAST MOMENTS OF THE CONDEMNED. His manner until he retired last night about twelve M. was cool, dogged and determined, and no efforts of his spiritual advisers could draw a confession ‘from him, He arose this morning betimes and ate a moderate breakfast, after which he had a very affec- tionate interview with his wife, but his children were not present, His wife remained with him until near eight o'clock, when she retired to give place to the priests, who administered the Holy Sacrament to the prisoner, during which his wife walked dis- consolately Dpans: down the corridor of the prison, " brown vell concealing her features from ali The immettate PREPARATIONS, flat) for the execution, under direction of Sheriff Jesse Eagles, commenced, Shorty before eleven o’clock, when the military, consisting of two companies, called the Siegel Guat and York Zouaves, arrived at the prison, a fino brown stone building on the outskirts of the town. ‘The scatfold was erected near the centre of the prison |, and could not be seen from any point outside, ¢ ig the same one used in Lancaster in 1858 to han, two negroes, and contains a drop platform worked by a roller and bolts, A large crowd gathered on the outside of the prison, composed of men, women and children, and the military had their time occupied in pressing back the throng from the gates. During the morning @ rumor was circulated and generally credited that the Governor would Grant Donavan & pareve ; but there was no real ground for the repo At half-past eleven o'clock Sheri Engles, alf-past eleven o'clock Sher! accom. bwgest by the deputy sheriffs and the reporters of he public press, entered the cell of the condemned man, and one of the priests proceeded with the last religious rites. Thecondemned may was dressed in cassimere pants and blue jacket. He held an ebony crucifix in his hand, and kept repeating “The Lord have mercy on me,” and in a penitent manner threw his ¢ heavenward. A slight tremor wis visible in his frame, yet he was wonderfully calm under the circumstances. He submitted to the Placing of the rope around his neck without appa- rent emotion, still keeping his eyes strained upward. is arms were pinioned in the cell, and during the entire time he kept mutter: meee. Exactly at twenty minutes to twelve o’cloc! he procession was formed, the prisoner being sup- orted by Fathers Murray and Burmistier, and hold- ing before himsetf the cross, emerged from the cell, and was followed By the Sherif, Deputy Sheritr and the Inspector. Dr the scaffold the ing the walk to eondemned continued repeating, “The Lord be mer- ciful to me,” “Lord have mercy on me,’’ “God bless my wife,” & 0. THE CONDEMNED DECLARES HIS INNOCENCE. He ascended the scaffold with a firm step, still praying abstractedly. After he had reached the Platform the Sheriff asked him if he had anything to Say, stating that in case he had “now was the time to doit.” “The condemned then faced the assembled crowd and spoke as follows:— “T here stand in the presence of the Saviour of the world, and 1am as innocent of the marder as the pele of wie word te z Ciel know who done it. ‘was in m junday night, and don’t know any- thing about the marder.’’ si te ile the Sheriff was fixing the black cap the prisoner turned to him and thanked him for the ey, kind acts he had done for him. He then said “God be with you all. You are hanging an innocent man. God bless my wife and children. I will see them hereafter.” The platform was then cleared and the poor wretch stood on the brink of eternity. A few moments’ pause and the Sheriff pulled the bolt from under, the drop fell and the body of William Donovan hung in mid-air. His neck was broken by the fall, and he died remarkably easy. There was a scarcely perceptible movement of the legs and ull was over. The body was left hanging the usual time, and was then taken down for interment. BROOKLYN CITY. THE COURTS. KINGS COUNTY COURT OF SESSIONS, The Burglary at Gravesend. Before Judge Troy, Justices Hoyt and Voorhies. Udell Cohen was placed on trial yesterday on a charge of being implicated in the attempted burglary at the residence of Mr. Cornelius S. Stryker, at Gravesend, on the night of the 27th of February last. Before any evidence had been taken the prisoner, through his counsel, pleaded lity and was re- seated for sentence. Isadore Schey, another of the me wang, was next ‘placed on trial for the same felony. District Attorney Morris then stated the cir- stances of the case to the jury, after which several insta were examined as to the identity of the risoner. John A. Eaton, a policeman at Park, tes- tified to having scen the prisoner, by ot tty in one of the Coney Island cars on the night of the at- tempted burglary. There were four in the party— Cohen, Schey, Goldwater and Goldman. They a bap oor them and rode to the end of the city line. ‘therine Arnway, the servant girl in the ily of Mr. Stryker, testified to having seen the parties there selling goods @ day or two previous to the at- tempted robbery. Cornelius Stryker testified to the fact of the parties coming to his house on the night in question and breaking open the blind of the parlor window; also to Mr. Waters discharging ® musket at the fellows, Cohen and Goldman were caught at the time. After some further evidence the case was given to the jury, who returned a verdict of guilty. Judge Troy then sentenced the prisoner to nine years and ‘dX months in State Prison at Sing Sing. UNITED STATES CIRCUIT COURT. Prisoners Sentenced. Before Judge Benedict. The following prisoners were arraigned before the court yesterday and sentenced:— John Phillips, convicted for aiding in illicit dis- tilling, was sentenced to three months’ imprison- ment in the county Penitentiary and to pay a fine of Thomas Reynolds, convicted of violating the In- ternal Revenue laws in dealing in distilled spirits, ‘was sentenced to three months in the county Penl- tentiary and to pay a fine of $600. Bryan Ennis, who pleaded guilty to being engaged in defrauding the revenue, was sentenced to two months’ imprisonment in the Penitentiary. As the three men were not the principals in the crime the court said the sentence imposed was lighter than it would otherwise have been. John Bolger was convicted for fllicit distillation and removing whiskey in violation of the Internal Revenue law. The court said as the prisoner had other means of procuring a living there were no mitigating cium. stances in his case. He was senten tothe Albany Penitentiary for fifteen months, and to pay a fne of 500, % Dudley Bolger, convicted of removing whiskey in violation of the law, was sentenced to imprissnment in the Penitentiary for five months. Joseph Gibbs, keeper for the Marshal, convicted of violating his trust by rolling away a barrel of whiskey belonging to the government, was sentenced to im- —— in the Kings county Penitentiary for ive mont! Francis Abigg, convicted of counterfeiting United States fractional currency and United bonds, being an old man, and not having been the princip: was only sentenced to thirteen months’ imp! en in con- rfeiting the gold- siderat avi portant information sideration of his having given to the government, he was sentenced to two years in the All Penitentiary. Alex. Cochard pleaded guilty to counterfeiting currency, and also United States coupons. He was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment in the State Prison at Sing Sing. The court then urned for the term. BROOKLYN INTELLIGENCE, ALLEGED TaRrT oF $350.—OMcer Hambler, of Jus- tice Cornwell's court, arrested 9 Woman named Mary Gilliland yesterday, on the complaint of Mary Bringman, who accused her of baying stolen seven $60 government notes from her. The accused and complainant reside in the same house, at No. 9 Ham- fiton avenue, and the theft ts alleged to have been committed on the 27th of February last. The accused was taken before Justice Cornet yesterday after- noon and gave bail to answer on Thursday next. SHAMEFUL Assavtt.—Delia Dunn, 4 woman about forty years of age, was arrested yesterday and taken before Justice Cornwell on a charge of baving com- mitted an inhuman assault on an old lady named Catherine Hall, residing at No. 3 Canton street. The accused was sent to the Penitentiary for thirty days. BuRGLARIES.—The oil factory of Thomas Roe & Son, inJohn street, was feloniously entered on Mon- day night and robbed of $139 worth of articles. A Germaa named Frederick Miller was taken before Justice Delmar yesterday afternoon and held to awaitche action of the Grand Jury on a charge of burglériously entering the Roman Catholie church in Ewen street. RoweRry or Watskey.—James McNally and Alex- and@ McGivney were arrested yesterday and held to ansver on a charge of being implicated with others in the robbery of five barrels of whiskey from a shed in te rear of 103 Gold street, The whiskey belonged to ldward Brady. ALLRGRD Ther oF BRAss MOULDS.—Two bodys, naned Charles McCaffry and Lawrence Tague, were hed by Justice Cornwell to answer the charge of staling brass montds valued at $100. James Tague, fauer of Lawrence, was aiso held for buying the Poperty thus stolen. SINGULAR ExpLostoN.—A singular explosion oc- otrred yesterday afternoon at the corner of Colum- ba and Summit streota, and on examination ia nt- tubuted to the generation of gas in the sewers wisich jan at the corneis of the above streets, It apgears Uat the gas pipes in leaky condition and the und te Billed with the It collest- he sewer to-such an extent that when it exploded tt sounded almost like an earthquake. It ae ae ‘he mason work of the sewer for a consid- ye tance, and. blew the corner of the manhole in tee rte ‘ayy to a distance of about — a ne ecmallar Sapenon oc Tae Park ComMissionges,—The vacancies exist- ing in this Commission, created by the resignation of Mr. Conklin Brush and death of Mr. 0. J. Spi have been filled by: the an ae Marshall and isaac Van molninens ot Mo ™ POLITICAL INTELLIGENCE. Senator Wade’s Family Retation—A Card from General Brisbin, of Kentucky. LEXINGTON, Ky., March 28, 1868, To THE EDITOR OF THE CINCINNATI GAZETTE:— J have seen a great deal of late in the public prints about my being a son-in-law of Ben Wade. It wil, T hope, be proper for me to say that I never knew Wade had a daughter until I saw it so stated in the papers, neither dol think Mrs. Wade or the rest of the family knew of it, and those curious to inquire further can address Mr. Wade, when they wilt Probably receive such a reply as will satisfy them, It is nobody’s business whom I married ; my wife suits me exactly, and so long as we keep out of police and divorce courts I att at a loss to know wl At newspaper fen have to inquire into our famil affairs, No connection exists between Mr. Wade myself except such as bind us together in the great cause of human justice and a desire to promote the best interests of our common country. I have known Mr. Wade long and well, and re; him as one of the ablest and best men in the nation, but I have no influence with him, and I hope this ‘statement wilt be sufficient answer to those disinterested ntlemem who have been boring me to exert myself (in a cer- tain event) in their behalf with my “father-in-law.” JAMES S. BRISBIN. Massachusetts Pelitics—The Impeachment. (From the Evening Telegram of yesterday.) Boston, March 31, 1868, The republicans of the Essex county distrite have chosen Eben F, Stone, of Newburyport, and Roland G. Usher, of Lynn, to represent them im the National Convention at Chicago. Willard P, Phipps and Ben Perley Poore are the substitutes, an@ ali are instructed to go for Grant and Wilson. Upon the impeachment question the Convention declarea as follows:— M Resolved, That we rejoice to see the great criminat. of the Witte House at last beogte to trial; cm | believing him guilty, we demand nis speedy trial Prompt conviction and removal. Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be tendered to our distinguished representative in Con- gress, Hon. Benjamin F. Butler, for his bold an@ monly efforts to secure the impeachment and removal of Andrew Johnson, and we conpsemiare the qonies Wi and him that these efforts seem likely to be cro’ wish success. very 1 Perfecriy ed io Politics in Georgia. The Executive Committee of the National Deme- cratic Party of Georgia have issued an address ad- vising all the opponents of radicalism to unite in the support of Judge Irwin for Governor and to oppose the adoption of the proposed new constitution. The committee calls upon the people of Georgia to recol- lect the immense patronage that will be placed im the hands of the Governor by the new constitution, if adopted—the control of the Western and Atlantic: Railroad, with its income of over $1,000,000 annually; the nomination of the Judges of the Supreme and the Superior Courts, the Attorney General, Solicitors General, the Senatorial District Judges and Attor~ neys, the State School Commissioner, and to appoint and commission Notaries Public, not to exceed one for each militia district, for a term of four years, whe shall be ex-officio Justices of the Peace. The Augusta Chronicle, March 28, says whether this action of the committee will receive the hearty, approval of the party remains to be seen. The Chronicle avows its determined hostility to the pro= posed radical constitution, The Macon elegraph (March 28) acquiesces in the recommendations of the committee, hoists the name of Judge Irwin for Gov- ernor and denounces the proposed constitution, Henry W. Hilliard is announced in the Augusta Papers for Congress from the Fifth Congressionat district. Miscellaneous Political Matters. Missouri Radical Convention August 13, The conservatives of the Third Congressional dis- trict, North Carolina, have nominated Thomas @. Fuller, of Cumberland, as their candidate. rs The Charleston (S. C.) Mercury, March 28, urges the calling of a State Convention of conservatives “f they intend to have any policy in resistance te negro rule,” and advises concord and organization ag the only means to secure success, General John M. Harlan, of Kentucky, has come out for Grant. Eleven Congressional candidates have been publicly. named to succeed Mr. Spalding in the Cleveland (Ohiop District. Cleveland will put forward Mr. R. 0. Par- sons and Mr. Mason, while Summit names General Voris, Mr. Egerton, Mr. W. H. Upson and several others. Democratic State Con vention in Maine, June 23, at Augusta, The radical press in Pennsylvania do not appear to admire the course of the State Convention tm Philadelphia, There seems, in fact, to be a row among the faithful in the Keystone State. The Lancaster Inquirer (radical) asserts that ‘‘the reso- lutions adopted by the State Convention at Philadel- phia do not receive the commendations of a single republican journal in the State. Even the few who at first ventured to support them have found that it is @ business that don’t pay, and have dropped them. This will, we hope, be a lesson to the miser able tricksters who got up the affair, under the belief that they could badger the earnest republi- cans into ignoring principles that they had hereto- fore supported. It is to be hoped that the conven- tion at Chicago will profit by this lesson and give us @ broad, honest platform—such a one as the true mem of the party will not be ashamed to stand on.” ‘The Hon. Thomas Williams is named as the next Attorney General of the United States. The Harrts- burg Telegraph says:—Mr. Williams has maintaime® a@ reputation as a distinguished constitutional lawyer for more than a quarter of a century. Forso long@ period has he held his place among the giants of the Pennsylvania bar and before the Supreme Court, Few lawyers in the country will clatm rivalry with him tn his professional ability; none will controvert the claim of his admirers that he has reached the highest place as a scholar and a statesman. A Washington correspondent, giving the latest speculations about the republican nomination for the Vice Presidency, says that Mr. Wade’s an@ Colfax's friends are equally sanguine. Mr. Colfax himself says that the battle fleld lies in the doubt ful States, and believes that whoever will add the most strength to the ticket will be nominated. Senator Wilson and Governor Buckingham, of Com necticut, have posverfal friends, and shrewd Senators and Representatives say that they will not be sum prised to see either of them nominated. Still later speculations give Senator Wade the lead in the race under the jockeyship of Thad Stevens. BOLD BANK ROBBERY MM NEW ORLEAKS. Fifty Thousand Dollars Stolen. (From the New Orleans Bee, March 27.) About ten o'clock yesterday morning an envelope containing fifty one thousand dollar bills was stolem from the eeper's desk at the Canal Bank. The envelope was one ordinarily used by express com- panies and marked as follows:—“Use envelope only for money remittance by the Southern Express Company; said to contain acre eg For Messrs. M. Morgan Sons, 30 William New York. From the New Orleans Canal Banking Com- any, 26th March, 1868."" The x4 had placed ihe ‘notes in the envelope, taid tt on his ledger and went across the counting room for a book tn which to enter the remittance, When he returned theen- velope was missing. The counter, which ts made of mahogany and has @ high wire guard, over six feet from the floor, has around the panels heavy mould ing. On this is the mark of two feet. The thief had oviiently been walking over light sandy soil, ticles of it were scra] off on the counter. ere ig no lack of theories as to how the ig ‘was come mitted; but ag yet none of them are sufficiently de~ fined to affor clue which promises to lead to the detection of the thief, Another singular thin about the affair is the fact that the door of the P dent's office, which is within eight or ten feet of the desk, Was open at the time, and the office more of less crowded with visitors all the morning. THR OYSTER Loe nd Mgme bad weather has had the eifect of congregat! in Our waters some thirty or forty good sized vessels that have come here to load with oysters, So soon as the olonds dis. perse and we again have sunshine, these crafte wilt commence taking on board their oes from adjacont waters. This trade money our communtty, and should be encouraged. oystermen of this section ¢an fully te presence, and we trust that in futare the bivts that section are in a | may be greatly enlarged. —Nors