The New York Herald Newspaper, March 7, 1867, Page 5

ude, he would not antago- istic, but, at all events, distinct from tbat of nee nations. We had, and he thought, very wisely, con- eeded to these provinces the management of their own affaire, and it wonld not be politically wise or just matter connected with the inces without consulting le confessed, however, to foeling some dismay at prospect of consulting five distinct-goverpments, looking at the question possibly from different and often circumscri! ints of view. He did not believe that. we should entirely get over the difficulty by the union of the provinces, but by having one colony to consult, instead of tive, the disadvantage Es Uae Sanne wae nd nt scheme as a confederation, al 1 would rather have bad a legislative union. The weak- ‘Bess of a confederate union was generally supposed to re- side in the absence of suilicient authority in the central power. Not one of the surces of weakness of federal union was lo be Sound in this confederaiion, The Union was not created ly the act of the States themselves —the supreme autiurily and Mia ceaaes authority were both to be possessed the om. power, and for all purposes of xen’ ae central government acted chiefly through ils officers upon the people Of the united provinces, Tho central power also reserved to itself the complete ceatrol over the logislative, the executive and tho judicial authorities. As there was no opposition to the measure, there was but little further for him to say, except that he believed that this union Would conduce to the good government of these provinces, and would render the relations between the mother country and the colonies more permanent, and would piace the colonies on such a footing that in the event of their ever being desirous of severing that con- nection they would be enabled to choose their future positicn in the world, regardless of any exterval disturb- ing influences, Lord Lyvepey regarded the confederation as being most advantageous both for this Sonniry au for the American government. He wished to axk tire noble earl (£arl of Carnarvon) whether Parliament was precluded from making any alteration in the terms of this bill, and whether, in the event of it being possible to make any alteration in those terms, it would not be advisable that the salary of the Governor General should be paid by the mother country, instead of by money to-be voted by the Colonial Legisiatare. ‘The bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed on Friday. THE FENIAN REBELLION. Military Role and the Suspension of the Ha- February the Earl of Exsex said he wished to ask the nobie Enrl at the head of the government wi r, considering the present state of Ireland, the recent attempt upon Ches- ‘ter, and the fact that on the following day a large num- ‘Der of men connected with the Fenian movement were arrested in Dublin, 1t was still the opinion of her Majes- "s government that at the end of the present month suspension of the Habeas Corpus act should cease. would also renture to express a hope, even at the risk of deine thought barsh and hard-hearted, that any who might be caught red-handed would ‘be treated with the utmost He to an officer or @ soldier than to know the performance of his. duty mght toa criminal trial. - He could conceive not! more on oF distressing to an officer in the British army to know that tne non-performance of his duty would ‘be attended by professional disgrace, while its performance might subject him to an indictment in a criminal court. It was certain that an siepahae jiency nowad: leniency was 78 exhibited toward crimes whicl Were formerly characterized by the old fashioned names of rebellion and high treason. It might, perhaps, jisguided men evidently did not care for which only subjected them, if captured, to a few months’ ‘amprisonment or, at the most, to a few years’ penal ser- vitude; and was it probable they would care tor the military unless the latter, when called upon, could act freely? He should be sorry to be deemed harsh and un- fen ne J but he thought that there was no more effectual ‘way of curing the evil than by dealing with the leaders im the most somimary manner and by peace rendering themselves liable to the punishment which ‘the law awarded for such offences, The Earl of Lurrrim was understood te say that those who spoke 60 feelingly in that House upon the subject of Fepianism shoul’ jook nearer home and see whether, after all, the disturbances in Ireland were not fomented and concocted in England, and whether the suspension of the habeas corpus act would not be of more service in the suppression of Fenianism if applied to the mana- facturing districts of this country if continued in nd. The Earl of Dexny—With regard to the question put by the noble earl who*has just sat down, I have to say that the government has decidedly no intention of pOsin, so quagend the habeas us act in Chester, ae ) regard to the question put to — 1 —_ . ~~. _— I — al one earl opposite (the Earl of Essex) very imperfectly; gn I understood him he Dut os fer as inquired as ent intended moving for a con- ‘act suspending the Habeas Corpus act fm Ireland; and. at the same time, he expressed @ hope that if avy of the Fenians connected with the recent Gisturbancs were captured they would be punished ‘with the utmost rigor of the law, and also, that military y the government from any enminal proceedings which might be broucht against them in consequence of any acts committed by them in the discharge of their duty. The question is one of gach great importance that I think it would have been better if the noble earl had given me notice of his in- tention to put it At the same time I can quite under- wand the has so neatly run jeutenant, who would at once be i ea petit fe 5: : & The Gallant Policeman and the Patriot Pricet. In the House of Commons on the 18th of February Colonel Grevitir asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he had any formation to impart to the House with regard to the Fenian movement in ‘Tord Nass—I have no further information to give be- this, that 1 received a telegram two hours ago Biating that everything was perfectly quiet, and that appearan there was oF Tevive the !nsurrectionary movement in the county of Kerry, 1 may add that from the information which the government has received it appears that the number of ‘the band was at no one time more than 120 or 150, Hear, hear. (are? Warioan wikhed to ask the noble lord whether he could confirm the published reports of the gallant con- duct of Police Constable Dugan, who was attacked by the rioters while cagying despatches. He would also inquire whether the hoble lord could confirm the report if the loyal conduct of the Rev. Mr. McGivn, a Roman Priest, who, it was stated, gave notice to the police of the intentions of the rioters, endeavored to diasvade the Lee th one cee gree oe on being charged by their jer witi wing infor- porn dy sates hem, boldly and loyally acknow! ‘that he had done so, » Lord Nass—The statement which in the ‘Times ot this morning to Police Constable Duggan ntirely correct. owed greatest possible ni nan Nod devotion to bis duty. After being Beented’ une cher falling from his horse, he still en- devored to as best he could i ce of any attempt being made to | NEW; YORE HERALD, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1867.~TRIPLE SHEET. oe ag ye within two barracks turned off the road and aver eyegemys gen- tyne maseaten Pou, agp | ee t ig more than probable @ Fenians fuarney there are a conveyed important fed- jorities. One or two tricks of this kind have just been enacted in Ireland, and it is stated that the Fenians, bad there really been any serious savor could have tapped every wire from Fairhead to [Fermoy (Feb. 1S) correspondence of Dublin Freeman.. From & roport which reached here y thal the ires between this and Limerick were cut in two p! the constabulary, under the ige, of Mitchels- town, went to inquire into the matter, and found such to The wires were sev. be the fact. and from the ap- pearance they ited must have been done by or somo other blunt instrument. A magisterial inquiry is to be held here to-morrow relative to the circum- stances, A Fenian Attack on Woolwich Expected. [From the London Post, Feb, 18.] In consequence of information received on Saturday night, the ige nature of which is not known to the general public, the most active and complete measures were taken by the commandant of the garrison and other authorities, and were continued during yesterday, to meet apy attempted Fenian outbreak which it was strongly rumored was to take place, and the programme ghwnich was stated to include the seizure of arms aud apie Af the drill establishment of the Blackheath and other local vol GODS, an 5 2S pee Tt is to be pre: BREE aorante imporlance was attached to the rumor, ag a detachment of royal artillery and the military train corps were despatched to Black- heath on Saturday night, and were engaged yesterday in the removal of arms, &c., belonging to the volunteers, to the repository at the Royal Artillery Barracks; and the available troops in garrison, both royal artillery and royal marine light infantry, were kept in reserve in bar- racks to be avaliable if required. The same was also the case with regard to the royal arsenal and dock- yard police force, As might be expected, the strangest Tumors were afloat during yeterdvy, none of which were realized, ‘The Latest. Kusuarxey, Feb, 19—2 o'clock, All is quiet. None of the | They are s:ilt in the country, thouch perhaps scattered, The authorities hope to capture them, No movements of troops here to-day. Kurarney, Tuesday,afternoon. All quiet. An unreliable report circulated that stephens ts.in the country. No arrests except on suspicion. Mili- very active. a ae Kittarnry, Feb. 19—Night. Sir A. Horsford, with cavalry escort, will go through the country to-morrow to the coast, Captain O'Connor has been exhibiting the sub-inspector’s sword carried off at Caturciveen. Government, it is said, disapproves of the apathy of the local autherities at Cahirciveen before and during the outbreak. THE REFORM QUESiION. Johe Bright on the Derby Resolutions. On February 18 the following lettor was read at a pub- lic meeting held at Bradford on the government retorm resolution<, the Secretary of the Bradford Branch of the National Reform Union having transinitted to Mr. Bricht, Lord F, Cavendish and Mr. Forster copies of a series of resolutions adopted by the Branch, criticizing the gov- ernment reform :— Rocupaze, Feb. 16, 1867. Dsar Sir—I think your resolutions very good, The course taken by the government is an insult to the House, and a grvss offence to the whole body of reformers m the country. Icannot say what the House will do, or what the liberal party in the House will do, till after the moet- which is called for Thursday next. e administration is bitterly howileto reform. When in o) ition this was abundantly proved,.and it 1s con- firmed by its course since its accession to office It has Rot the bonesty or the courage to pronounce boldly against stoi but it seeks to poe the cause and the ‘question by a course. contrary to Parl jary usage, in the sight of al! honest men. If the House fon the guiltfof this proceeding it will only add to the join ia the nwi i) distrast with of os taden ot the peopl im at par me 1 paris of the couutry. ‘You aro right in holding meetings, and in every town and village meetings shouldbe held. already they have been held more generally and more numerously attended than at any other time since 1832, Hitherto the effect seems litle, so faras wo may judge from the Lod of es. . bya pager and = whether er meetings will produce any aoe, 1. Commat antertake te, aay... tor. 1 vor, ture to say this—thata government, unmindful of tt opinion exprewed so clearly in the great centres of our population, is running the country in great peril. If Meetings have no effect, if the open and almost universal expression of opinion has no power on the adminis'ra- tion and the Legislature, then inevitably the mind of the will seek other chanwh with a view to oltain and secure the rights which are now. contemptuously denied them. If‘I am wrong in believing this, then history is a lie from the beginning, and we have all been mistaken in onr estimate of the caunes out of which many of the great and deplorable transactions it bas recorded have Bs understand that in Birmingham a great demonstra- tion of opinion is contempiated, and I suppose other parts of the country will have something to say to an administration which sbdicates its functions, and 1s ready to betray both Queen and people, that it may remain in office for another session. cuaminkia A a reapect, yours truly, n GHT, Tue sécteary of the Bradford Brancu of the Reform Tpion. SOUTHERN ITALY. Public Discoutent--A “Cheap Bread”? Move. ment—Insecarity and Alarm. [Naples (Feb. 14) correspondence of the London Timos.] ‘The great discontent which has long existed in South. ern Italy, occarioned by heavy taxation and the high < of provisions, has within the last tew days awa- ened much anxiety, On the night when the bali was given at the Palace a demonstration was apprehended, and this might have been one of tho causes why so few ladies were present. Since then a “cheap bread’’ move- ment has been almost daily expected, and very prudeni- ly every csennn arrangement was made to put down any street~ festation. On Monday last the troops to their barracks, and the Carbineers and Guards of Public howe bad strict orders fo sup- press any open expresvion agiatim, However un- withng lam to szseqente the et public feeling, still it Is undeniable discontent prevails, ant that proper means are used Just expectations of the peaple lie works required or long projected of execution labor would have abundant occupation, classes would be satistied. Un. everything assumes a po- ter, enterprises of are bandied about from one party to nothing 1s done. The high price of the necessaries of life and the sufferings of the working classes have at length attracted the attention of the local authorities, and agubscription has been opened for their a the ar oe. prepeces name ap a the head. ‘cases 01 emergeucy, the 80 isto bo. empl in idiog work for the say, but it is probable that public workshops will be established, where each man will reeeive a day’s pay, er mode of employing the money coilected be peed, 6 om: ene et tees pee mereees needed for the health and comfort of the iohabitants, as ‘the erection of a new quarter, the improvement of city, or providing it with a good all nny Loew By the right Rang poocd however * sum lar trade be thus avoided, ‘suffered in the city is slight in compari- ith what is suffered in the prov! from many is of which we Peer se great distress. ty a The so exhausted that litte in the way of internal improve. ith heavy taxation and dear provis- ions, many are reduced almost to starvation. h I have fut! confidence that the Italians will surmount the difficulties of this crisis, still there is Copy Atm for pubiies ristepe are fy vemporery onedies the evils public wot are only temporary remy 5 vi all are laboring lie deeper than such reme- reach. The Italian Ministry has fallen without awakening any regret in where the ts of laws in reference to ecclesiastical affairs had created general dissatisiac- tion. No people could judge eo weil of the probable results of such measures as those who have suflered 80 much in past times from the uncontrolled inilueuce of the church, and though the respect entertained for Ricasoli is great, the fall of his ministry is welcomed as salvation from —moral, if you like, but all = ae nares for the reason that it would have rn leas hes rv Cardinal Riario Sforza is said to have interdicted three hundred priests since bis arrival, This I believe to be an ex: ation, aud his secretary, indeed, denies it without, however, stating how many have been interdicted. Of one thing be persuaded, that free church in a free State be ever established, every priest who is not of the right political color wil be sap- SESS rh seh woe wus oe roault ob the pop ’ THE UNITED STATES SQUAD RON. Grand Ball on the Fingship ¢ (Nice (Feb, 13) correspondence of London Post.) Yesterday (Tuesday) we went to a matinée given by Rear Admiral ‘on board the United Staces flagship Colorado, in the harbor of Villafranca, The ap- of the ship, decorated fags lorado, aders 95 yet arrested. ¥ great utility” another until eve had deo som arse to bid adieu wo Ayiontert & ome penal r-dock erin eas fret duly’ appreciated by the friends who wil sincere a welcome. SOUTHERN RECONSTRUCTION. OPINIONS OF THE REBEL PRESS. A Wicked Werld. hae the Raleigh Standard, March 2.) If the Southern people should resist the execution of martial law by force they would be fighting in as righteous a cause as any in which a patriot ever drew his sword. Armed resistance is the natural and appro- priate mode of redress for such flagrant injustice as is now meditated against the South, ‘Resistance to. ty- rants is obedience to God.” The only good reason for not appealing to arms in this conjuncture is the hope- lessness of success.—New York World, The above extract from the World proves two things— first, that there is as much treason among copperheads at the North as there is among secessionists at the South; and secondly. that opinion is absolutely free in States like New York. But if any portion of the Southern people were even mad enough to fight, such asthe World would not help them. They would get them into trouble and then retreat, or join themselv as they did during the rebellion, to those who war upon them. It scems to us that all sensible and honest people have had enough of auch papers as the New York Wo Indeed, any paper which advises a renewal of the horrible civil war through which w: re just passed ought to be supprested by the hand of power. Democratic Advice Distrusted and New Alti- ances Desirable. {From the Richmond Rnquirer, March 2 } The New York World is tendering advice to the South in the present sad emergency; argumentatively, and interrogatively and delicately, indeed, but still very dise tnetly, The substance is that the South would be fully Justified in flying to arms in opposition to the impend- ing tyranny; but that as we are too weak for such rerist- ance, it would be better to accept the terms of the 3. 8. 8. bill, and so get into the Union, and have a voice in the next Presidential election, and help to effect a change of administraton. The terms in which this advice is given impinge very unpleasantly on Southern sensibilities, We had supposed that the defenders of the constitution in the North con- sidgred that instrament when attacked for one as at- tacked for all; and that the assault on the franchises of the South was an assauit on their own. It was thus we understood the World until now; and it constituted a cortain bond of sympathy between those it repre- sented and us. In the present uuparaileled crusade against the South we find, however, the World promptly detaching itself from our support, and while Jamenting indeed our hard fate, coolly informing us that it 8 our case only, and giving ‘us pity and advice where it should lend its heip and share the fortune. There is nothing manly or generous or faithfui in such abandon- ment. THEM, SELITSH MOTIVES UNMASKED, ‘When we come to scan the counsel given we find that whether it be wise or not it is at least selfish, Through whatever abasements and renunciation’ of” rights and liberties, we must win the inestimable folicity of gaining a voice and voie in the next Presidential election, for the ce that our vote, if given to order, would’ put the td and its associates in office, ‘That is the goal for which we are to toil, and to attam which we are to count no sacrifices too dear. Perbaps a little exammation might make it exceedivgly questionable, if indeed we are to subordinate everything to a political speculation, whether the scheme proposed holds out much hope. Until the Northern democrats show more strepgth and more nerve the Southern vote, if given in bulk, would avail them but little; and if co given would proba- bly draw down upon us fresh proscriptions from the successtui party, with fresh condolences from the WWcrid, and fresh counsel to maki he best of our sad case, by risking some new venture for, democrata. We must tell the World plainly that its jonment of the constitutional questions involved in the impending legisintion, and its leaving the South’ to make her defences under the constituti unaided, and with caroful a’monitions that it is her case exclu. sively, are to our treacherous to us, and. erous to principle, and can but be reecived as O ‘warning not to expect futaro fidelity, end ax counsel to Sendenetanedens the best we may. regurdiess of past. associations or commitmenta, This is the logic of the World’soxample. ‘THR SOUTH STANDS BY ITS FIIBRDS ‘The troth is, the feeling at the South seems but little understood d any’ of the at tho North. Our people cormiaen and mitt esse abandon a faithtul friend; but thoy are not so blind to the shiftings of the time-serving end unstable, not so implacable towards former opponents, as scems to be assumed or suppored. No people are more easily won by @ dixpla: pa- nimity or justice, Take some exumples:—If intelligent Southern men were asked this day who, in their judg. ment, of all tho Northern public men, did mont to bring upon’ them the enormous evils and the enormous wrongs which we believe we suffer, the answer would be William H. Seward, If they’ were asked what Southern politician had done mow to alienate their sympathies from himeelf, the answer would be Andrew Johnson, If they were fart tioned they would declare that since the close of the ‘war they are indebted to Messrs. Johvson and Seward far more for a manifestation of the spirit of amity than for deecs of amity and of justice; that they have devied us cet Tights and imposed penn. crunions and galling hardships. Let our response, then, to as much erosity and justice as they have shown us—iet manner in which we have forgotten our prejudices and met them in a catholic and patriotic spirit—testify to the true character of the Southern temper and judicate how similar overtures from others would be received. STURDY STEVEN BETTER THAN COWARDLY COorrerimADs. With all our just resentments this day agaiust even Stevens and Sumaer and Wade, they have not excited our sense of wrong more than Johnson and Seward had done before them. From these thngs the World may see t r introduction into the political circle would by no means insure our votes to men who fly us when in trouble, over thess who, however they have wrongea us in the past, might hereafter act a more just and ‘ous aud coneiliatory part, And further, that and driven to renounce every constitutional right, to appeal to radical metey alone for terms, we might consider such advice, ander such a necessity, as teach- ing us also to purchase a mitigation of the itions by piedges of future sapport. And when Soathera men make pledges or justity expectations, it is always with purpose to make them good. Why Don’t You Fight Yourself ¢—What Vir- ginta Fought For and What She The Richmond Whig of the 2d inst. genes the same paragraph above quoted from the World, and then ‘gaye :— Our able contem; does not seem to perceive that this is a matter that concerns the Northern people as much ag the Southern. If Congress, and that may thrust aside the constitution and set up i led will in its place, the ernment which is de- stroyed ia as much that of the World and its friends as it is gure; and if resistance is to be made, why should the World consider it the exclusive duty of the South to ‘We do not say this with any idea of en- that we believe Soertd ie reuse at the North; for cour, ance 4 to jy out the jon. The unity from April, to April, 1865, for the Northern conservatives to show what they cared for the constitution, and all that we saw was ‘as greedy a palm for bounty money among the demo- cratic * Virginia took her stand in favor of the pt the constitution, properly aa, and in ‘armed nee” to those who were it to trample them She kept up the fight as long as she could, she yielded she submitted to and knew that submitting to different from the of government for which bad been fichting. no idea of renewing a war that would be hope for principles that are dead. What the new government is we see in part, and will see inetly hereafter, Whatever i: is to be, we of have no choice but to submit. If free gov- and republican imstitutions are gone forever we no shame to ourselves for their loss; for we we them, If the jnerors choose to im- humiliating conditions the ignominy is ‘The disgrace of having stood ignobly timidly by while civil liberty was being murdered, i i i jo Longer to Trust CRC. {From the Lynchburg Virginian, March 4.) ‘We wili not undertake to indicate at present what course the people of the South, those of Virginia espe- Events are on the wing, and the ay enable us to iy upon the conservative of the North. They seem to and content themselves simply with tame protests against the usurpations and cutiagee of Congress. Neither can we oe, with any effect, the decisions of the Supreme Court. That body is now sup- ing the constitution, but how long it will be found in accord therewith depends upon the little of life that remains to one infirm old man who must soon sink into the grave. The rt will then be equally divided, and its decisious upon all po- Wtical questions be neutratized. But if it were What ‘of to a Supreme Court Ten ’ If the South were in the condition it was ix years ago we should counsel resist- ance to these unconstitutional laws; but it is idle to think of resorting to thie now, while the con- servatives of the North will risk nothing for the canse of constitutional government. We have made sacrifices without avail, and the very we relied npon to help us turned against Ch OE OR aC in, w al ‘up to the w ory and afraid for their greenbacks and public securi- their hand and ray to men a period must find the South ready to be required to ve 2 z i i i i Show us Your Hand. ‘The New Orleans Crescent of the 27th ult. quotes ae declaration of ihe Chicago 7¥mes, “thas until the South overcomes its eu pins ite to c0-operate with the conservative element of the in efforts to counteract radicalism, be to precisely such legislation as is ‘contained im the military bill of ‘The New Orleans Times had also commented severely on the character and effects of the Sherman bill. The bo ld ‘on to say:—Wo must confess that, after reading such a description of the contem offects of this measure, and after the confession thus made of the total inadequacy of what is called “¢on- servative” opposition to radical tyranny, We were scarcely prepared for a charge of supine indifference against the South. How is the South to manifest the interest which she feels in this ing question ? How is she to exhibit her willingness to co- coemiei the ‘conservative’ element of the North ? iat does the Times advise? What course i mn to her? Docs the Times intimate that it is her duty to fail back upon that indisputable right of revolution which is the final recourse of oppressed communities? She has already discovered that in such a contest she would stand friendless and alone to combat, not only her ene- mies, but the very friends who now complain of her seeming indifference. And in what other way is she to display her feeling; her senso of honor, of dignity, of right? How else can she co-operate with the conservas tive element of the North? Political co-operation is plainly impossible, long as the Southern States are excluded from participation in the government, effective alliance with any “national” party is impracticable. Sacrificing bi ist pride she elected Senators and Representatives. They were excluded from Congress. She sent delegates to a convention which was to unite the “conzerv: ‘elements of the country ina grand coalition against radicalism. She could offer nothing but sympathy and encouragement, but of sympathy and encouragement she gave her all. ‘The movement was a failure, The “conservatives” of the only part of the country in which “conservatisin” is allowed a voice, declined to act with the democratic party, declined to vote for ‘conservative’? candidates, declined to do anything to secure the practical. and efficient co-opera- tion of the South, Radi@lism rioted iu triumph and went mad with power. as it for the South to utter de- ‘fant warnings, to indulge in truculent threats, to pro- claim resistance to the will of a party which lad con- quered the South bg foree of arms and subjagt Norih by force of audacity, on pain of being accus: asupine Indifference to her own rights and her 0% honor? Why, indeed, should she do this thing? Had not the smoking rains of Columbia and Atlanta, tho devastated fields of the Shenandoah valley, tho flooded lands of Louisiana, the glories of many a bloody victory, and the miseries of the final defeat, proved to the whole world that sno was not supine or indifferent? Was further proof re- quired? She has furnished it by declining to accede to conditions of restoration which are inconsistent wish her rights and with hor views of the mature and objects of this goverpment. She will continue to furnieh it by declining to accept the scheme of “reconstruction,” which forees her to shape her institutions to suit the ambitions purposes of a despotical party, and which attempts to subvert the very foundations of civil liberty within ber borders. What more can sve do? Let the Times answer, Let that paper show her in what manner she can co-operate with the conservative element of the North. She is ready to do all that is in her power. Bat first let it be seen that the “conservative” element of the North is willing to co-operate with her. Rejects the Prescription. om the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Feb. 28 } We kot insuit the people of Georgia by asking them te open their months and take into their bowels the abotnination contained in the last pill compounded by the political quacks 4? Washington. If our people were mean enongh to bid for representation on such debasing conditions, they’ have no guarantee tbi tional degrading terms wil) not be exactod, led on to deliver up to outlawry and martyrdom the best and purest men in the South, and to send to Congress creatures who can take the test oath, and swear that they set t people in the day of trial, ‘This would be placing the brand of infamy on our own brows. Military despot- ism, or any other rule, would be preferabie to such an alternative ag that presented in the Sherman bill. if degradation and torture are ia store for us. let not oxr people voluntarily aid in the infliction, bat let the shane Of such a monstrous iniquity fall upon its instis: and authors, Dirt, dirt, and when we have swalk it all, aud ostracized the represeniative mon of South, what will it avail us? Who are to sujipiy | the places.of the representative mon of this gencration? What character of men are to occupy | tho excoutive, legislative and jutro! positions in our State? Who are to represent. us in Congress? These inte: tories arise in reading Over the provisions: Of Chia last wicked abd dexpernic euactment of Congress. ‘and we but expross the opinion of our people when we terms propossd. Ty ig a faree and ke ve ee a faree and a mock mn. the ‘States, aud our le cannot fii] the Dill, ank Heue- en, 8 sulted and debased ‘never voluntarily consent to ve vy. a Brownlow, # Morse ora Bryant Military despotism 18 far preferable to reproventatives of this strive, and it is only creatures of ths character wou are eligible to offices of honor and trust under the pro- posed amendment. *ave us (rom the affliction. The Fury of an Avalanche, (From the Memphis Avalanche, Fab 28. tary bill which we published yesterday, and passed the radical Congress, has produced a profound xcasation in this community. It has intens'- fled the ha.e of the people agaist a party that can in- dorse so stupendous a crime against liberty. For twelve months the Avalanche bas told the people that the radicals were determined to accomplish ail their hellish schemes. We have been censured for onr severity toward this party, aud kindness and concihation have urged by the timid and but the dill which has Congress, and wich 18 to become the law of the land, shows that the radicals are even more brutal and meaner than wo have repre- sented them, They are determined to degrade the Southern people, a& we have often told our reader® and still we are advieed to treat them with respect and to speak of them with honeyed words, ‘They are pursving us with that bate and revenge which is always the off- spring of narrow, grovelling minds, and we are advised to lick the bands that bave been raised to chastise us, The people of the South will now pro- sont a uvited front. They will turn upon their perteeutors acd exhibit toward them that universal, concentrated hate and scorn which their conduct has inspired. The man in our inidst who tayors thie mili- tary bil i ao enemy to the people among whom he lives, and the man who recognizes or encourage: its atvocates with his patronave or his milo is no better than the radical scoundrels who are seeking to rob us of liberty and to make us the abject slaves of the most unprincipled tyrants that ever disgraced the earth. The Miltary bill ts nothing but a plan for Poland:zing the Southern “ta/es—States jarger in geographical arca than the whole continent of Europe, and occupied by tweive millions of the Anglo-Saxon and Celtic races It is as pregnant with danger to the North as the South, and if the people submit to it it will only be to find their own slavery in the act of submission. “Finis Poloniz.’” {From the Richmond Times, March 2.) So far as tho victor can strip a ‘conquered province’ of its sovereignty, civil rightg'and constitutional guar- eos of “if, liberty aad property of Kosciusko. afhe re- The whic ill soon sadly echo the bg . ms treated from Warsaw, an that unhappy city att! mercy of ( hordes, “Finis Polmia.”” If this demolition of all our civil rights is not acgra- vated by the piliage of our cities, the massacre of our men, the outrage of our women and the confiscation of our property, it is simply because the soldier, whose sway will soon be despotic, happens to be a gentieman, and not a Haynaa nor @ Tilly. Foremodern bistory seareely records an instance where a conquered nation was left more completely at the mercy of the soldier than we shall soon be placed at that of the com- mandant of this District. Except those purely ‘pro. visional”’ rights and liberties which we may eojoy by the grace of the military ruler, we will have none. The Judges, the Legislators and the Governor will all be ubject to-his will, ae dis in oe e is" processes, try steal ear civil war- rants, issue letters of ndmninistration,” at the meetings of the Common Cou regulate the price of ecus, butter, fish From calling @ convention to summoning together Commissioners of the Almshouse bis power will be su- preme. Everything pertaining to our sov ity and rights asa State will be demolished and ruthlessly trampled under foot. It ts fortunate for us that the renown, honor, glory and greatness of Virzinia, like that of Ve- netia, Sparta, Rome and Voland, rests upon a foundation which is indestructible and immortal, Our history und traditions extend over nearly two centuries bright and shining with classic , and are safe from the fury of Congress. The garo fame of four years of marvel- lous talor, privation and suffering, with their monu- mental battle tields and vast cemeteries of dead war- it divorces and riors, are safe forever, Our dignity in misfor- tune, patience under insult, honorable and faithful respect for our of allegiance, have imspired with admiration the very soldiers who cuerd an Seana thet To this hour of fearful agony we can thank that above the and bitter waters of that flood of misfortune which has destroyed the soy of the mother of States and of states- me, the ark of our honor floats safe and spotless. In’ consequence of the cract ingenuity of the “mili- tary bill,” we have been suddealy ht face to face with two measures, to avoid either of which we would bave despairingly sought protection under the rule of the soldier, as the hunted vietim of opprestion in ancient and medimval times fled for safety to the “horns of the altar.” A thousand centuries under Schofield would certanly have been ferable to a second under universal negro But, impover- — ana, lempeeen My? Fidler org paral a military roler supreme in inia, the bayonet a . to armed resistance ond a ow of the question, the most favorabie decision which we can hope from the Supreme Court ten months off, and negro snffmge in April and May next as inevitable ir condi- tion demands prompt and decisive action. The first danger against which we must le is negro immediate and universal, at spring electioi second A e mak ofa ednvention, th Sores bef we biirg which may be postponed uni mon! ptem- ver or October. Let us brieily consider each of these a to aston oF bon-ection ‘upon 1, No or part can postpone or avoid the enforcement of u1 suffrage in Virginia in Apriland May. Untess it military commandant mercifully to sw: ebartore and ‘provisional constitutions,” to the pollé or stay at the than #1: ‘The lag ity. negro will vote in less xty days. Court cannot be invol Bina ‘ie ae white Ee in jn superior incomparably 80 energy, 1 uence, The tbr ay Pg ‘male resid above age of franchises the some ihrea or four thousand false fer ike ourself. the white voters of the fate” Weds not doubt that we havea nag ren ae voters in Virginia who Porat: albinoes in great bortur. may jnion: of a few impracticable and well meaning we believe that it 1 the di Silceeene. at tho polls at the next im the maintenance of the ir faces against our 4 +? the Virginian) supremacy of the white race, We wish our to hazard nothing by supineness and dependency upon the Supreme Court. We believe that the duty of voting at the approaching elections is as imperative as that of pro- tecting our wives and children. To shis point tbe path of daty is very clear to us, and we see how any rational man can hesitate er doubt. 2. As all doubt about the equally inevitable conven- tion is confined to the question, shall call it and when shall it meet? we should deeply deplore any di- vision of seutiment among our people this subject. ‘The question of real irrportance is not who sball convention, but when shall {t meet ? ‘There is yet a faint hope that we may be spared the rage’ —but negro trage of ‘constitutional negro which Congress, at the point of the bayonet, im- people pon out suffrage poses, is inevitable, We piace no contidence, while public Sentiment at tbe North remains as i pow ig in the abil- Wy of the Supreme Court to save us; and we have to disabuse the minds of our readers upon that point. But there are symptoms at the North of a Sah spospeching mouetary crisis, which may in a few months burst with the relentless fury of a tornado over the heads of the destroctionists. The horizon is already dark with lowering clouds, and trom the crashing of their magnificent iooking, but rotten, hotlow and intlated paper money aysterm, our deliverance may come, The ack despair of universal bankruptcy, the 1oppling over of many a prineely merchant and banker, and the wide- spread and swift ruin which will then crush the laboring Mhusses: be the shape which Nemesis wili assume. = nation has ever given itself up, body and soul, to vindieti legisiation, that it has not eventually been Punished by God most terribly for its sca-let sing, How the South Came to be Humillated. {From the Rienzi (fies) Unio, March 2 } We remember distinctly, just after the great battle of Manassas, Va., that we heard a number of the most prominent and influential men of the South, in and about Richmond, say that there could be but one sort of compromise made between the two sections, North and South, that could at all meet their approval— and that would be to give the South her independenc® and pay all the expenses of the war incurred wp to that time. We had the wildest rumors in camp, to the effect that the North was just in the act of granting us our independence, "Indeed the ramors were not only among. the privates, but also ofieers of high rank wrote bome teiing their fellow citizens that the war bad ended, and announcing their names for civil office. They had fought and won the victory and bad laid tneir enemy hors de combat, This mad speculation was cared from paper to paper, for at least six months, until it was pat on every couniryman's tongue that peace was already made between the two sections, and tly there was a general lethargy all over ‘@ South —inaction on the part of the farmer, and among the, officers of the army, The papers the entire South were preaching the doctrine that one Southera man was equal, in battle, to three Yanks. And, strange to sav, this mischievous and wild infatuation had many votaries at the South. The con- sequonce of such stupidity on the one hand, and self- conceited boasting on the other, bus wade the entire poopie of the south “hewers of wood and drawers of wale . my ‘trange to say, some of our ministers of the ctrine that the cause ‘of the South was so pure and so holy that every soldier of the Sonth who was siain in baitle would be saved through grace; that fighting for their homes and firesides was an ample aloncment fur ail their former sins, Now, wo think that thi grave error, and it reminds us that reads thus:—Whom the ad; and it does 2a truism, so fur as we, the people ‘ned. mbag was written in the newspa- pit and stump, and false im- rams until tus spring of 1865; alities of a bankrupt and upon us, ued to cach State lately goveroors were appoint. of the several seceding send loyal men to s of jegislation. It was ion of country, that our nd tthe Sonth, aba desired ein all legistution pertaining di had our own ucts been in out for us by our friends, pers, prenehed (fom pressions made by at whieh ti subjugated poo Certain proclamations were i rebellion, and ths in repre-eurath oand federal government. Tnatend of harmonizing vaiive Union. men at the Tegi-taiss onour South, we ale other fect awe ran for oft’. axa maby. votes 4u.a corporal’< gun tains, with “ali the. ive. Course Wave preferev:co that brought xbout the aud then, in the day of our country’s peril, sneaked ous tike whipped dogs, dictate to the people’ who they stovla vole tor In the several elections of our State. ‘This modo of procedure, on our part, is cumbustible far the radicals, They aro not so stupid as some of our people at the Youth seem to think them; nay, they aro wide awake and plotting our rain, Stevens’ bill, for instance, with ali the horrors of military rule, is now upon us. the writ of habeas corp: pended in all cases where the civil and military authority come in ontlict with cach other. All this, reader, could have boon avoided, This terrible despotism could bave been thwarted if our people had oniy mixed a litile common senso With ther moro than overburdened ambition. THE KINGDOM OF CANADA. Proy ontd Protest ot the Legisiature of Maine. The joint standing Committce on Federal Relations in the Maine Senate, to whom was referred so much of the Governor's message nz relates to the proposed confedera- tion of the British North American provinces, having considered the sabject matter thereof, ask leave to REPORT. Avy question affecting the political relations of any portion of the continent of North Amenica is of interest to the people of the United States; more especially to the people of those States which, from a frontier posi- tion, bave a necessary connection with those dominions, and are infinenced and affected by their proximity. The political relations of the provinces “bordering on the ‘vate of Maine, accordingly, are matters of interest, and, under some circumstances, of highest importance to the people of this state The colonsal empire of Great Britain dates back to tne cbarter of April 10, 1606, by which the people of the Rritish nation were authorized to establish colonial governments in North and South Virginia, onder a claim of title to tho territory bordering on the Atlantic Ocean, between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north Intitude, Subsequent grants to the companies of New and Virginia extended this claim of ttle as far sorth as the forty.eichth degree of tude, and over this broad belt of fourteen trom the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. ‘original graat by King James, under the guidance such leading minds as Sir Ferdinabdo Gorges, Sir fobn Pophara, Chief Justice of England, the Earl of ton ‘and Lord Bacon, th je estab- lishment of plantations, communities or cnionies ia Amer- ‘ht of self-government in ther local nd- ministration, only to the superior. power of the imperial or home government. The ayatem of territorial governments now known under our federal Union is modelled on the same plan. Increasing jealousy of the growing spirit of independ- among the colonists led to a curtailment, by siow and almost imperceptible dexrees, of the privileges clearly set forth in tbe original grant of April 10, 1606. under which the colonies were first established. The amended charters, though claim ng to be an enlarge- ment of the powers of the colonial governments, wore, Jn point of fact, more restrictive than the ori; ‘The right to choose officers, coin money, venues by impost, ize military force for their own defence, and extabli i laws necessary for their gov- ernment, y were consonant to the laws of grant. ect re- Yaglend’ was Clearly granted, in es fuli end ample a manner as the United States govern the ment now permits ereise of similar but lesser powers by the terri- vernmenta. nder this beneficent system the colonial dependen- cies of Great Britain bave dotted the surface of the earth in every hemisphere with {ree governments, the depositories Of the rights of tho people. With tho ex- ception of the Dutch, whose form of colonial ern- ment was similar to that of England. none other of the seven of Europe, who embarked together in plans of colonization, have left any great results as the fruit of their labors. The I dominions of magn! France in the new world, which for a century and a half surpassed all others in their promise of future greatness, disay before the power of a froe people, whose habits of seif-goveroment had taught them how to conquer and role men of eqonl military genius, but whose dependence was apon the uncertain favor of princes on auother continent, And but for the invasion of the rights of the people of the thirteen colo- nies—granted to them vy the original charter of King James—by the stupid kings of the house of Hanover, no one could see any possibility of an American repabl.c with a hundred years from the time of their actual jon trom the British crown. he revoit of the thirteen colonies and the recognition of their government by that of England, re-established the principles of King James’ charter, and fifty colonial governments, scattered over different portions of the civilized wortd, now owe allegiance to Great Britain— embracing more than eight million square miles of ter- tory. and about two hundred millions of people, in the form of British colonies and dependencies “The Coionial Empire of Great Britam, therefore,” as has been justly remarked, “the wonder of this age, had ite root in the enarter of April 10, 1606, and its develop. ment in the New England charter of 1620. The idea of a strong central government having extended dominions Se cer en et ae na 0 ing equal and jv wants of each, ourch wee developed in action enone of Cromwell,” seem suited to conten of free government \- ble of the exercise of political rights. | Th tal pri on which such — rest is that Ee tn The admitted docirine of at this day is that whenever any colony Cab reached sof. vel their meang of and railways; the én- institutions of learning, The sanmple of our more imme- @ sufficient {Ilustra- where the population during the last decade, from.1851 to 1862, increased at the rate of twen- ty-six per cent, while that of ine, with similar char- soil, climate afd physical resources, in- creased only at the rate of eight per cent from 1850 to 1860. The province of New Brunswiek, with less than balf the popolssion of Maine, has beer able to construct i embarrassment to its treasury, and to contribute $10,000 per mile as a gift to other leading lines now in process of construction, Nova Scotia, with greater physical resources than New Brunswick, from the extent of her exbaustless and in- valuable coal mines, is constructing @ magnificent sys- tem of railways, connecting ail the chief business points with her metropolitan city, Haiifax. : These illustrations are sutticient to show the entire want of motive in the people of these provinces for any change in their political systgm—such as the proposed confederation. They need only the markets of the United States to become rich, prosperous and powerful.’ The market of Canada is of no more value to them than that of Vaneouver, or the West India Islands, In the midst of our political troubles, while the British provinces were enjoying the benelits of the late Recipro- city treaty, a plan—originating in the cupidity ofthat enemy of republican institutions, Lord Palmerston, and his chosen ally, the Emperor of France—was set on foot to extirpate free institutions from the American soil and suvplant them with monarel.teal governments, Agsum- ing that the American Union was broken up, and the North and South permanently separated, Napoleon bold- ly played his part, placing Maximilian on the throne of Mexico, to become the ally of the Southern confederacy, while a new Power was to be created in Nort America by the confederation of the British North American provinees, placed under th» kingly rule of a scion of tho house of Hanover, to {orm tha nucleus of a new order of government for the Northern States, ‘The early seizure of New Orleans by the forces of the republic was the first fatal blow to this magnificont scheme of European aggrandizement; and the freeing of the Mississippi from traitors’ fetters placed the dis- memberment of the American Union—to the surprise of the civilized world—beyond the reach of all Europe ta arms. While Napolecn has been forced to an ignominions surrender of all his plans in Mexico and the feeble Maxi- milian driven into exile, tue successors of Lor! Pal- merston, who, while sharing his hatred of republican institutions, lack his audacity, are forcing upon the British North American provinces a now foi of government, without a single movement in its favor among the people of British North Ameri- ca, Against their known opinions and wishes, an attempt is being made to secure their assent to an im- perial law that places the people of the Lower Provinces at the mercy of Canadian politicians, If the people of the several British provinces are al- lowed to vote on the question of confederation, and shall agree to it, this would be satisfactory to all; for we ad- mit their right to alter, amend and chi thetr consti- tution of government at pleasure. No snch liberty, however, 18 to be given. The Imperial Parliament pro- poses to lay its fron hand upon all British North ‘America, crush out existing provincial governments with the same disregard of popular right as they exhibited in. that “act of union” by whiel Lower Canada in 1840 was placed under control of Canada ‘West, and a union of the two provinces, unngtarel and uncalled for by the people, forced upon both by impe- rial power—a condition of things now most distasteful to Canada West, as its superiority in nambers can re- ceive no additional representation over the Catholic pop- ulation of Canada Any invasions of the rights of the people of British North America, made in the interest of monarehical governments and against the wishes of ee are as clearly a violation of the principles of Monroe doctrme, go called, as was the invasion of Mexico by imperial France, and call upon ouy: ronment to interpose In behalf of free institati the rights of the people of British North America, 88 clearly as in the case of Mexico, Brought into intimate Coorg and social inter- course with the of British North America by the necessary force of their position, the je of ine cannot fail to respond with alacrity enthusiaam 10 the suggestions of his Excellency the Governor, whose timely warning has met a generous from alt liberal minded men recon oi the empire, and shonld arouse the nat government to a, -dication of tts principles in reference to our -Htical opinion throughout: North publican institutions should never bo ople uatil the whole population has been Ret tx oF self-government and thorou; the principle of implicit obedience to Jaw is the declared wilt of a majority. all thoughts of the annexation of the North American pro- vinces to this republic, aud await the matered wishes of our neighbors. If the advaniages—commer- cial and social—which shall follow their union with the republic, are less in their estimation than the correspond- ing burdens of greatly increased taxation and the insta- bility of adminietrations, they must onjoy without in- terlerence on our part that form of government most congenial to the ti habits and interests of the:r peo- ple, in the assurance that nothing but friendly relations can grow out of the existing state of things. They caa never be involved in a war with ug, unless it is forced upon them by the circumstances of their political conuitton. In view of these facts the committee report the follow- ing resolutions: — Resolved, That any attempt on the part of the imperial government of Great Britain to establish monareh'ead gov. ernment in North America, or to place vice royalty of parliament over her sev: jorth Americati provinces, would be an, infraction of those principles of gov: ornment which this nation has agsumed to taintain upon iMfterolveds That the peopie of Maine, deeply i ai e ic of Maine, interested in the tion of ‘and of friendly relavione with the m ‘of British North Ai ‘appeal to, the nited states government to interpose ite legitimate ibtiu- euce in friendly and exrnest remonstranes witli the Br tah government catabttabing any apaiem of u@ent in North America, the influence of which would ends the friendly relations of the people of flo British provi with the people of the United States, Resolved, That the Governor be requested to” tranamit copies of tiie foregoing report aud resoives to the Premdent of the United States and to each House of Congres PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Colonel W. D. Mann, of Mobile; Edward Clarkson, of Philadelphia; A. B. Van Slyke, of Wisconsin; Wm. shields, of San Francisco, and H. Becker, of Yokohama, are stopping at the Metropolitan Hotel, F. D. Archibald, of Nova Scotia: F. H. Odisone, Olives Ames and F. B. Hayes, of Boston, are stopping at the Brevoort House. General H. 1. Robinson, of the United States Army, is stopping at the St. Denis Hotel. Pm? De ry ad Fran army; Nig Seer. ot Newport and B. am, of Rhode Island, are at tio Everett House, mame = Coronel W, L. Grant, of Kentacky; Eee of ‘tennessee; H. G. Fant, of Richmond, Va; B. Pheips, of San Francisco, and T. C. Allyn, of ping at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Captain W. C, Rogers, of Boston; Lieutenant Com- mander (Kane, of the United States Navy; Colowel Lincoin , of the United States and Renaad, of Montreal, are stopping at the fotgan House, Colonel R. Fowler, of Chi ; Charles ot 7 Jersey, 204 ee New Jersey, Mass., are stopping at the Astor It will Le a source of pleasure to the ntmerous friends of Cominodore Cadwalader Uvited States Navy, to know that be has been promoted to the rank pt Admral for meritorious condact during the war. |, are Btop- MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARANCE. Worcester, Masa., March 6, 1867. George H. Hayward, a young man residing in this city and employed as bookkeeper by A. P. Ware & Co., disappeared iast Monday evening and bas mot since sant et yn" ser ive ceo for ie. rj moventeen years of age, ive fot five inches io height, light complexion, smooth face, hazel ey: dressed in a saouff colored suit, with: rk cap an overcoat. 4 Bostoy, March 6, 1867. J, 8. Clement, recently head of the dry goods firm of Ciement, Tasker & Co., Fedoral committed sui- cide by txking a dose of lauduoum. bad ly exhibited sigos of insanity, TWE WEATHER REPORT. Boetox, March 6, 9 A. Mi.--Wind north, cloudy, Ther- wironaemn, loach 6; 9 A MW north, . ‘ORCHETRR, —Wine Therinometer 38 decrees. - bong SPRINGFIELD, aig 9 A.M.—Wind northeast, over- “Risampay Meek 6, 9 A. M.—Wind north, cloudy. Oenaeerna March 6,9 A. M.—Wind norin ‘e porth- “Burson March 6, yi ‘ind cast, snowing, about nine inches of snow on ground, good eleighing. hacen a gt ASHINGTON, March 6, 9 A. M.—Wind southwest, seven Inches of ‘snow foll Inst might, and ie sill snowing very Minsiant Fowenat or tur Lare Proresson Jonn H. ALEXANDER. —In accordance with the wishes of the late by rg tg Alexander, who died on No, 272 Wert Lexi ree ne atts Nek panto ns ‘a somewhat novel manner, a A i HIBS i