The New York Herald Newspaper, February 25, 1867, Page 6

La] SJ = m ° The Great Struggle for Right in Gr Brit eech on the Derby Reform said Balances of the Con- ch, German ied States Legislatures. Plan, the Cheek stitut he Fre ongresses United Leaguers. enian WZovement Against Caoester Casile. nned and Alarming Raid »y an Irish-American Cflicer. History of the Fenian Military Directory. ke. &e. &e. 2) steamship Dentschland, Captain Southampton on the 13th of Feb- roary, a { at this port early yesterday morning, bringing our European files with details of our cable ves to that day. ochester Guardian, speaking of the state of The German n Weersels, which le say: » ramor of two large failures which has been cur- in Manchester some days back is said to have o red. One is that of a Cha bouse, and the other that of a New York firm, neither of whom have estab- Iishments In Manchester, although they are both con- ne th that market, the latter more particularly with, Bradford, An order of the French Minister of Agriculture an- nou noes the catéle plague is extending in Belgium. Tue Dutch government has declared its readiness to givo every facility to the engineers appointed by Eng- land, renee and Prussia to carry on separately their in- vestigaUion with reference to (he question of the barring of the river Scheldt, XM. Grove will be appointed Hungarian Minister of Com- merce, Revolutionary pamphlets were being circulated in Posth, but they produced no eflect among the inhabit- ants In South Germany the Military Conference agreed to adopt the Prussian military system, with the sole dif- ference that the length of the periodical attendance at drill for the Landwehr wiil be shorter. The Austrian State Railway Company has invited subserptions t an issue of 150,000 new obligations. The obligations will be issued at 225 fravcs and bear 15 fronca iaverest, with aunuat drawings of 500 francs. The whole amount is to be redeemed within ninety-tive years Tho interest and sinking fund are guaranteed, Professor Lasener bas been oilered the portfoito of Pobiie instruction of Austria, and has accepted. Count Anton Auersperg, known as an author under the name of Anastasius Gran, has been summoned from Giatz to Vieuna by telegraph. ‘The people of the Saxon portion of Transylvania are favorable to union with Hongary. The oilieial Gazette of Bertin publishes an article on the signatvre of the now constitution, in whieh it says:— The different States bave readily resigned a portion of their individual rights in favor of that common organ- izavion of Gormany which witli bo the best guarantee for her security and national development. “Prussia has only claimed such rights as aro indispensable for her leucorsaip of the confederation, The article also comments upon the especially concili- atory attitude shown by Saxony throughout the confer- ences of the North German plenipotentiaries. In the Italian Legislature Signor Orisani has been eboren reporter of the Committee on the Free Church and Ecclesiastical Liquidation bill, He is instructed w oppose the bill, ‘The committee of ihe Cuambers were upanimos: rejecting the political portion of the bill, while the flaam portion was thrown out by five to four votes. A propozition was introduced to draw up a NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1867. ch itand all parties ) In 1852 there was a y Lord Juhu Russell, 218 Earl of stion and @ govern- , Which attempted to | dea! with this@ In the year 1800 there wap a moderat , headed by Lord Pal. merston, mpicd Lo coal With this question apd in the 5 1500 there Was Ba govermmen| which J will, notwithstanding the present rage as 4 moderate liberal goverament— was headed again by Eurl Russetl— (with this question and ‘ailed, these circumstances been dealt with; that there was no or to draw the attention of Parliament 2 iow. Sir, all that (have to say on the ues ig that this is not the opimon of ‘s government. In the opinicn of ber & ment the seeds for perhaps the most con- portion of those changes that we contemplate sown in the memorable act of 1852, Until c ms of the laboring ary system were a ged and their rights were enjoyed a . sh the mode by which they were ried may ave beon happily ad ad to the circumstances of present century, there can be no doubt that those ms were definitely acknowledged and acted upon, tn- dependently of party. Before the act of 1832, for ex- ample, it was possible for the laboring classes to return both members for Preston, a town of now nearly 200,000 inbabitants; they might also bave returned two ‘for the city of Coventry, then, as now, the seat of an im- portant and ingenious branch of our manufactures; and there were a great many pi: in England in which they exercised a considerable, if not a preponderating, influence. But it was houzht fit at that time to abolish thore rights and privileges’ I think myself—I thought so then—that was a very great error, It is iair to admit tuat,as they were then enjoyed and praciised, they were, perlaps, ill adapted to our Present socia: stato; and though the laboring classes, m Ube most considerable seats of labor, might with the old machinery not avo been repres*nted, that was nol a reason for abolishing the right, bat rather for remodel- ing it and adapting it to the new circumstances with hich statesmen then bad to deal; nor, sir, did the abo- Hiion of tho-e rights pass unregarded in this House, Those who were the framers of that Reform bill, who were supported with enthusiasm by powerfat classes, wero able then to override the objections from iniiuential quarter, They were warned by some of the greaiest authorities of this House as to the danger and impolicy of the course they were pursuing.- The memo- rable words of sir Kobert Peel on this subject are familiar to the House, He warned the government of the day that ip putting an end to the rights of freemen as they thea existed, and terminatong all those other means by which the Lousehoider in many boroughs registered his vote and exercised it, they were embarking in a conrse which eventnaily must involve them in great danger aud inconvenience, The rights of those electors which were then attacked were not lest for want ot advocacy—and advocacy of the highest and ablest character—m this House, Une of the most shining lights of our teme, Sir lham Foliet, brought thos? elaiins before the House oa more then ong st with that eloquence for whic bo was remarkable, and that power of argument for which he was distinguished. Other rights for the then existing generation were, Iv another place, not only vindjeated byt saved by no less a person than Lord Lyndhurst. Sir, I would not, especially aCter mention. ing such names, refer to anything I have myself ex ed. If I may be permitted to say xo, under no Circumstance would T ever refer to anything I have said here merely m vindication of myself or my colleagues, But if I baye made a declaration upon a public ques- tion of great Importance as the organ of a part; if Ihave been requested by men of great eminence, to express an opinion upon some subject of great public importance im this House, 1 think it is no assumption to refer to it, not as the expression of an individual, but, as in a certam seuse historic, as illustrat f the conduct and opinion of a party. ‘Now, sir, in 18: had the honor of a seat on this bench, Parliamentary reform was then rife, thoug urged in a Very different spirit, and with very differ. ent objects from those which now animate ii advocates. In about the first week-—certainly with- in the first month—ot our accession to office, it was absolutely necessary that we should come to & conclusion respect ng the policy we should pursne upon that supject, At that fimo what was eriled piecencal re‘orm was very much in fashion, and I think it \vas upon one of the wotionsof the bon. member for Surrey (Mr. Locke King), which he brought forward im- mediately after the formation of the government of 1852, that it became necessary for me to consolt Lord Derby and the moet eminent of bis colleagues as to the Mine we should pursue respecting refurm. Perhaps tho House wiil allow me to quote one passage trom what 1 raid on that occasion. 1 objected to the motien of the hon. member tor Surrey, my objection being a broad one—vamety, that Parliamentary reform was not a sud. ject which ought to be treated ina piecemeal manner, and I ead with reference to this motion, and with the full conewrrence of Lord Derby and of my colloagues:— @ have also another objection to this bill, T have | ald in this House—I repeat it now, and itt the ex- deep and sincere convietion ‘on my part—that construction of that memorable the Ke- , there Was a very great defi whieh consisted in a want of due consideration of tae rights of the working clasiesin the franchise, © #9 Ui system, by the suffrages of the freemen, the Of the Invorer were acknowledged by the constitution virtually destroved thore rights, ® * * 1 do not fora m now wish to maintiin that there were not strong tng arrangements should be interfered er heard a reason why a more satis ‘ould not have been substimted tm lien And {trace much of the disesntent in this at times has been painfully felt, to that hit was.then That will at least show that the question was ove which, having been taken up originally, when the Referm act was introduced into this House, by a party in the State not then successful, bas since never been entirely {by them. On every fliting occasion there have counter scheme. The betrothal of the Princess Mary of Hohenzoliern with the Count of Flanders will be colebrated in Berlin nest Ma A telecram received at Constantinople from Candia tay that another body of Groek volunteers, six hundred and Gfty in number, had © rendered to the Turks, uck- ck to Greece, Coroneos and Zumbraka- atirely deserted, rived in the same city from Athens ferent account of the state of the insurrection, and asserts that Mustapha Pasha, on bis rot Capea, was attacked and defeated by the Sphaki ner asserted on Greck authority that the insur. been ictory Dibssi, Praghero and ntell! ) states that the Porte has invited the Cretans io send delegates to Constanti- nopte, Advices from Bucharest report :— me The bill for the abolition of the tobacco monopoly has been agreed t by the Senate. Prince Stirbey bas here on a special mission to ine Austrian govern: The Hoxpoda his Lrother are expected to return to Bucharest immed ately. REFOaM. nt Exposition of the Franchises the British Peopl he Bas lance of Satety Between Radical Reform, the Aristecracy and Crown. Reconstruction of the Constitation—T" Legisiative Bodies of France, the Uni Mr. ¥ and Rights of iaraeli jost after the termination of the great o nstration in 1 read, viz., “Consideration of cious specch as Telates he people in Parliament, The Chancellor of the Exchequer (My Disnsnzi), who was loudiy cheered, rose and sed:—T move that the pressions of opinion similar to those just quoted ; because the declaration snow heard was made by me esa duly consulting those with whom I have tho honor to act, Measures of disfrancbisement of this kind could nol now te tolerated; bat m 1832 it was Lot dificult to curry them with impunity, The position of the laboriny classes in 1822 differed from their positon: in 1867; bat such Was the excitement produced by the measure of 1832 in the country generally, especially among those influential classes who ‘consideravly benefited by +t, and whose power was immensely in creased by it, Unat it was utterly impossible that any policy Which was projected by the authors of tue biil of isi2 could have been success.ully opposed either in this House or by those who, ou'side the House, were more immed ately interested in the question, ‘That, howover, which Sir. Yeel told the government of Lord Grey in- evitably happened. He said, “As ume advances and te ry prospers you will find the laboring class, whore Puriamen ary rignts you are now destroying, wil take the pporiunity of evaiming agaan the priviieges which you have tenght eoly taken from thom, and. for whick you “fier no substitue.” (ear, bear) Since 1882 this coun- try has, no doubt, made great progress. But it is during Lie last Len years Unat progress has been most remark- able. 1 will not now attenspt to inquire tnty the causes, Ihe particular cauees, which bave brought about that great advance. But I think I may say thers is one soveregn cause whi at the bottom of every- aud that is the Jaoreased appheation of seence » social Life, hat I believe to be tuo main caose of tue Vast clanges we have seen in the condition and feeiings of classes, We are ali (aiuibar with the material resulis Which the application of seicnee has produced, Vhey are prodigious; but, 10 my mind, the moral eet are not lew sanung: ‘she revoluuon in iccomotion, winch wonld strike us every day as a miracle if we were noi familiar with it, bas given the great body of the in- bab:laute of thie country ia some degree the enlightening advantages 0 el. ‘Fhe mode in which steam power is pied tothe printiag press im these days produces eilects more startling Ubaa the tirst discovery of printing in tue Liweents contn It is science that has reised Waxes; it is science that bas increased the desires and Ue opportuniies of men, and it is selence that has ennovied jabor. Taere ave som: who aay its | evects mus ve to equatize the condition of men shat is a controversy. I am not anxious to- | wgut on that or aby other subject to enter into controversy ; but this, I think, may be said, and the dogina wil not be impugned—there 1s no cr porsgraph in her Siajesty’s most gracious epecch be Tead. Ft Le Manocmant accordingly read the paragraph, as Solo Xe :— jament, and | trust that m 110) whieh, without mudnly disiurbing tl power, shall reely extend ‘The Chancoitor of the Exchequer rose amid cheer- ing tror Min.ster.al beaches amd said h, sir, on We part of her Majesty # government, clearly t convey to the House the interpreation which they put jour words (nat have just been read, and f advice, ber Majesty deigned to ad: Wich, neder dress wo ber her Majesty from t Liberal acter, name hat tney should the most important subject . the dstriiution of power elver of that ur, hear)—is ry and constitn- questions 1m 5 nt. Sit, y last men da this Houre who wo epreciate the importance of the ties of party; they are the last men who would wish to derozate from the leg ¢ function of party. In their opinion pariy organization is the condition of Parliamentary government, and without it they Kee no security for either ef ¥ of independ. ence in & Popoier nesembiy, Nor, least of ail, sit, On thie occasion aro they ychved in any way w eet from appealing to the support of thove* with whom. Jung years of public aivanoe and prvs 'y foel—tuey painfu iw the vecasion oi at e@arpestiy u of that cow rested with assurance atinbute to those words is that, under the aoea in h the House found iteeli, ¢ war in our opinion expetiont that Partiamenlary re orm ccd ne meaning thar Loey roumst a quesiom which showed decide the joe of Ni (irenicat cheers from the opposition and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) buve arrived at that conciteion with the i consistent with onr duty a men, aud we hope that (he House ihstaoding tho pression Ol opts pived qnart Fr ia! cheers)—after G16 consideration, wil also be of opinion that enon a conrad ts compat Of thelr part with al) those prnet Jee apd All hese Kentinent® tuat ought to influence Duble men, (Heer, heer.) And, eit, we bave arfived Wb that coneinsion, that it is mo’ for the advantage of the country that Pariamentary reform shenid be a qnestion tuat should 4 the tau of ibe Minictry, that it should nut be rmonty called a party moxton, Sur bine sumple ous io w tion that it nin be called’ to the state of the re. | They are signyirant words; | : » appeals to the House of | “ho may follow ue, (Lund cheers.) All 1 can say of | amight even venture to say—the sirst of European nations, F(esiHLIo Teasen, Liat al) pares ation of scie to social life ha: e'evated the con. | of the wrking clases, (Cheers) Having smd | a all y, Lmust repudiate an opinion which | is wo p ud, as 1 think, is utterly uatoanded— | the opinion that, (épecially in’ thas House, the legi- | mate claims «f the inboring cligs to ther due share | io the Parsamentary system have met with vexatious | opposit a yave enoountered a sinister spint of ne- giect and intent onal delay, (Oheers.) On the contrary, if, forming my opinien from what I have seen out ol | doors auc, Lam sorry to add, in some measure within | these walls, Pshould say that these claims bave been | Wewed rather with an epicurean feeling, which, anxious uot to be troubled by wwe settlement of a dis. agreeable and, perhaps, as some think, a dangerous } question, woud ree to anything for immediae ewe, Without apy \hought of our duty towards those | suet a ‘eeling is that I think it more dangerous than any of those opinions which perhaps to-day may have akirmed the minds of some, and which, if pract! woaid injure the future of those who preach them, bave no besitation iu saying that as far as 1 can form an opinion, asd I am sure on this bead ic is an impartial ope, L know of no great question—uo question, I mean, that largely influences tie history of this couniry, and fouches tre prineip es upon which our constivutiom rele which bas inet with less discussion and with leas ditfl- caity than the one now engaging our attention, (Ou! and «ingle Notwithstanding tis deciaraton of Lord Paimerstoa, and notwithetand- ing the efforts that Lord’ Paimerston made, the House of Commons set at detiance his aushority, and a private member brought forward an amendment which gave a totally diferent color to duct of the higuee, And who was that individual ? Lord Jotn Russell. (Hear, wear.) Lord then ent below the gangway; Le was not a per of tue government that bad retired trom office; was not then a proximate Minster. He ceenpied, commending position, such as a man of by evement#, bigh character and great talents " would command 1a this House; but ne was thea in tie position Of & private member of Parliament, Weil, the House of Coumons followed Lord Jehu Ruse that it was again the Howe of Cominons that forward, and by that vote made it, I say, vwesien, (Cheers) J do net object to the con. 1 Jolin Kussell, Lam not contenaing about “ison which the House arrived at, as car as ue decison thell was concerned, on tne bill of 1859; but \hie L do say, thet it was a vory On the part of the House of Commol 1) and then, when they had forced @ change of Mine istry, 10 by cuable to carry their optaions into effect, *) Sit, Lhave thus shown that the position of come yar duet ‘Biary Keorin is diiterent trom that which exists ; elf Howe generally aod all other great How ee by a body of men who ars in the possession of office of who are candidates for oitica, and who, there fore, Coght Dob to eurink from the seaponsibility of carrying their opinions into effect. I have shown that the House of € regards the present Minisiry and that pa: t, is in @ Very pbrploxin: position, au » increases its respousilii- iy. For, reatest Tespect—withoot the is pos ti with ¥ si ghtest desire of giving oifenee to any member oF tbe which woud be foreign to my mature—I musi at that (ke country upon tes question comme Lo ir ion of the mana «of 1898. (Lond cheers ) It v0 (af a measere should be thro: sor captiods point of detail—c —oud that then those who bay’ ii should shrink from ful ving os rest to bring forward. yagne resolu tons. su the House such a sanction of cur 1 assistance by. the expression of their own as that we can bring ina DIM which will pass wiih promptitace. And therefore these vague resolutions are exactly What we should avoid, as they would not w ua in our course, I want to meet this question because Tam sure it will facilitate our fainre course if we can arrive as soon a8 possible, and as much as pe sible, et a mutual understanding. I will take one of tho most difficult questions which can occur in the resolu- tions. Our first resolution probably must refer to the extension of the suiltage, Weil, if I bring forward resolution which mefely declares that it ia expedient tvat there should Le am extension of, the suffrage in counties and boroughs, I should call that a vague reso- lution, (A Jaugh and “Hear, hear”) The ti is agreed, and has agreed, not oniy in this but in preceding Houses, and in an unmistakable manner, tat there should bea considerable extension of the sutlyave in counties and boroughs; but the House, certamly not this House, has never yet formally stated the mode by which. the extension should tako piace. Butif a resolution is brought forward propostag tue mode by which extension should take place, e'ther by the ‘creation of other frauchises reduction of existing tenures of franchise, why then you have arosolutiog Which advanees the qaestion. Ii, however, 1am asked, us 1am told I shall be asked,-whether it is not useless to bring forward resolutions on such a qués- tion ag the frauchise without defining and describing om ape 4 the qualification, then I say that is an un- reasonable condition, (Cheers.) I say it is au unreason- abie condition, because it is a condition whiel it is im possible for any government to comply with. If you come forward with a resolution which declares that {tis expedient the franchise should be extended by a reduc- tion—that is a principle which wheu laid down cannot be misunderstood. But how are you to settle the amount of the franchise? Take your bcrongh franchise—how can you fix in your resolution, even if you agree to the principle of the extension of the franchise, the amount of your franchise, when that must depend upon principles not Jess important than the exteasion of the franchise? (Cheers) 1 wish to illustrate this point, The amount of the francuire depends upon many considerations, but it depends mainiy upon one principle of the greatost importance, and that is a prin- cipie upon which this House has giyen an equivocal and ambiguous decision, Yet without a right appreciation and a clear conception of which it is impossible to make any proposal to the House which can lead to a practical resuit, I mean the basis upon which your franchise shall rest—namely, the principle of rating. (Hear, bear ) Until you decide what shail be the basis of your fran- chige, and, if you fix_upon rating as the basis of your franchise, unt'l the House of Commons has in a clear and unambiguous manner decided that point, how is it possible in a resolution to come forward and recom. mend a particular franchise? I put vhis forward because it is an important point which may be thrown in our teeth if we do not propose a resolu. tion in which the exact character of the borough franchise ix defined. It may be said that we are trifling with the subject; but Tsay’ that it is utierly impossivle if you proceed by resolution. You must have a resolu. tion to decide whether the basis of your franchise is to be rating or not. (Hear, hear.) I will not trouble the House “ith too many details of the charactor of the re- solutions, which, if the House will give mo the oppor- tunity, Lintend to propose. They will be, 1 hope, in the hands of members to-morrow morning; but perliaps the House will permit me to advert to one or two points upon which I think it higbiy important this House should come to a clear and unequivocal decisior And I mast say that Iam anxious the House shall decide on what principles ‘hey mean to constr! the Hous: uf Com- Upon sou and countor eb curred the resj their duty by ca views and si “eof commons with regard to this question of | Aingare not to st in it. mons, Lo they mean to vecnstruct it on the principls of the English emstitution—(hear, hear)—or do the? mean to remstiue’ it on the principles of the con titution of any oter country? (Cheers) I think it very impor- tant that this question shall be dec'ded. Now, sir, her Majesty’s government intend, if they can, and if this House will allow them, to reconstruct this House on the principles of the English constitution, (Cheers.) I will not advert to any remarks which J may have made be- fore on that subject, dr, at ieast, I should like not to advert to them, becatse it Is painful to repeat onoself, but it is better to be wearisome than to be ambiguous on this subject. We think that the English constitution is nota mere phrase. We believe that we live under a mouarchy modified in {ts action by the co-ordinate authority of the Estates of the Realm, and we look upon the Commons of Engiand, whom we represent, as one of thove Estates, Str, I know it has been said that this is merely an archolngical view of the copstitution of England (alaugh); but I think T can show the Houso that they will be very unwise if they quit without due con- sideration the ancient traditions of the polity under which they live, and under which tfis country has so singularly flourished. Undoubtediy, under the great vicissitudes of centuries, the relaions between the Es- tates of the Realm in this country have greatly altered and changed. No doubt the Commons whan we reprer-nt have ater bed the ar-ater part cf the authori'y which those Esiate: unce themse.ves exercised; but 1 think I can show the House that this is no reason why we shouid forget the constitutional scheme under which this eountry has so long prospered, but rather, if deeply and fuily con- sid-red, Why we should ting to that scheme as our only surviving guide against the impending perplexities that surround us, (fear, hear) No doubt the Commons of England, by We immense incresse of population and property, bave assumed a character with reference to the ofhier estates which never Was contemplated in the days of the Mlantagenets and the Tadors, It is a very great ercor Wo suppose that {tis merely the increase of popu- Jation and property on the part of the Commo which bas brought adout the present form of the English constitution and the preseut character and fane- tions of the House of Commons, Take ong of these estates, Take the peerage of England. That ‘s a very powerful body. It is probably the weaithicst assembly in the world, and it possesses particularly the kind of property which is most popular in England, because it is a tenure connected with the fuldlment of dutles—I mean the land. Nor are the power and intlueuce of the peer- age to be measured by their property. Their social in- fluence—I use the word ina large sense—their national infil uence is very great. 1 havo often myself felt that the power of the peerago is greater in every part of Enélana than in their own Hous, What, then, has plaYed the Commons of England in the comman position which they now occupy? Ji is the devet pment of our financial ceric gees tt ag —_ Spe tong asserted two centuries partially recoguized then, and how completly established, which bes practically placed in this House the taxing power, That is thecanse of the position and character of the Commons of Eng- land. The moment that power was established every class, every interest in this country, sought ta. tion in this House, and naturaily, because in thts House alone can they defend their rights and their property. (Hear, bear.) People complain of the influeace, tue undue intluence, of the peerage, in the House of Com. mons. Why, sir, tne iutlueuce of the peerage in the House of Commons ts not a usurpation of our rights; it is a deference to our authority. (Cheers.) And so it is with all interesis. Here they come because here power is reposed, and it is here only that they can ve guarded in respest toythe exercise of that power by the presence of their representatives. The consequence is that ev. ry class and every interest hae sought, and to a certain degree has obtained, representation in this House. That i@the cause of the vari ty of our character. But is it the variety of our character that bas given us our deliberative power? (Hear, hear.) It is our deliberative power that bas given us our bold upon the execut. ve—(hear, hear) it is this hoid upon the executive which ts the best, aye, the only, security for the freedom we enjoy. (Cheers.) Well. sir, her Majesty's goverument can counsel and countenance no cours: thot will change that varied character of the Howse of Commons, (Hear, hear.) They will respect and reveren.e the causes which Lave cievated a rude popular assembly of the days of the Pantagene:s into a senate which commands the admiration of tue world. (Cheers,) We do not find that there is any security for retaining that character unless we oppose a policy which gives to any ciags in this country—I care not whetber it be high or low, whether it be influenced by a democratical or we may bring forward, we shall assert that the elective franchise must be regarded as a mo privale, and not as a democratic right. (1 , hear.) Sir, we wanted to see what are the consequeuces allowing one class in @ popular assombly to have a pre- influence, what is passing in the world at the present time is fruitful of instruction. bear.) 1 pever ‘ume to criticize the institutions of other States, Indeed, T bold, and hold most sincerely, as a general principle, that the institutions of every are pretty well adapted tw the population who live under oe red Mena fe instance "pot soe sg There ts Frawe in the very van ization, if I were not in the House of Commons and iti England ¥ i ft ior to none in vivacity of mind, in acut: an int always full ws Well, in France, tis gifted nation has @ ular assembly, and it is elected by universai suffrage, any one pretend that (he Legisiative Assembly of France te equal, I will wt say merely in but an cxmopnlitan, consideration to the Howse mons? (Cheers) If there be any Englishman who thinks that the Legislotive Assembly of claim that porition, fam cure there is no Frenchman who does #9, (Laughter and cheers) But it may be asseried that our institutions are not susliciently otative to sult the advanced state of our race, and that the constl- tution of France was suddenty and redely invented under circumstances of disorder and disturbance, (Hear, hear.) , let us take the case of the United States of America. ‘There med have a House of Representatives, framed the children of our joins, and cortaiuly wader the i raion ae pure a poirioiom a: er ervtd, elceted by universal suflrag®, But dees any «ne contend that the House of Repreventat we at Washistgon ean equab in cuthority of Commons? (Bear, hear.) what is the cause of this? Why, no doubt the Ataorican nation is inferior tons in no point; it is of tue same biood, the same brains, the some intelligence, of eqoal money perhaps of more enterprise ; but the Home i elected by one clase—(eheers)— rere ie no vartely én thy And so the Legivietive Assembly of Am rica, like tuat of France, can neither of them rule the country it whieh it is established. 1 would bardiy ventare to refer to another case, but there is one further ple for our guidange. You have sow a German Partiament inst tuted. w, Lam proud of our countrymen, but T do hot suppose there is eny man in this House at this mo- ment Who will pretend that for intelieetual power we are superior to the German nation. That gifted people have’ now a Parliament at Parlintnent is elected by ‘universal aflrage, and we find taal ihe Ministere of the (Hear, hear.) Thue we have ‘these extremely popular and representative institutions are introduced jaud jnliated im this | fee are the consequences? | tose all thy elected by one erating cles; and what do we Why, thet the Assen! hich we believe, and justly believe, to be the characteristic of the Hous of Commons It loses Jt from we want of thai variety of Clements which gives various wisdom, various knowledge, deliberative power, and, by ‘leliberative power, such @ moral command over society ‘lat it wiliugiy Intrasts to it @ grest portion of she executive of the country. (\heers.) Well, sir, with these views, -considering tho doctrines that are now preached, the wiclent, th: thou ghfas, the parnicivus doctrines which ave vow circulated (eheers), we cannot pretend (o enter gpon the laborious and responsible task which we are otierwise wilting to undertake, unless the House of Commons will, by some resolution, declare an opinion in harmony with the general sentiment I have now ex- pressed, (Hear, hear.) There are other subjects on which I think itis of the utmost importat that the House shoutd come to a decision, and by ite coming to a decision upon which subsequent legislation may be greatly factiitated. I need refer but slightly to the principle to which I have adverted as the basis of our legislation om the franchise—namely, the princinle of rating. I admit that In the year 1859, having endeaored to bring forward a scheme which founded our suffrag on that principie I was reluctantly obhzed to give t up, the difficulties were thon so great, the anomalies 0 glaring, and the consequences to which it would have led so absurd. But since that time the course.of legisla~ tion in this House has greatly lessened those difeuities, A_ bill introduced by the right honorable member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Viltiers) on the sulject of union rating has greatly contrihuted to this result, But I hops that tonight my friend the Secretayy to the Treasury (Mr. Hunt) will have an opportanity of bringin: in @ measure which will entirely remove a! the remaining difeulties connected with _ this matter. Under these cireamstances we trast the House will assent to @ resolution aifirming that rating shall be the basis of the franchise. (Hear, hear) Sir, there are one two other points to which, if am not wearying the House, I should like to allude, (Cheers.) Among them 18 one of the most difficult of ali ques- tions—viz,_ the of eeats. (fear, hear.) Now, upon that subject there are two achools o/ opinion, which are as much at variance as upon the subject of the ene. i, There Is a school that would Foconstrut ¢ electoral map of England. We hear # -metimes that the map ae isto be reconstructed. Tiere is also a echool in country which would reconstruct the electoral map of England. On the other hand, there are those who approach this question —_ baci great hesitation, ‘Lhey see an ancient and complex oment, at thesame tine, ‘one which, for a commdaretie ea has coniri)u ‘ed, as they think, to the representation of a country like Engiand, having a variety of interests, with success. It 4s impossivie in tuis country to think on this subject and hot be struck by the apparently. providential manner in which ao almost obscure island in the,days of the Nor- man kings, with but a limtted popeilation and slicht resources, has developed itself into a magnificent and unparalleled empire. Through the rude institutions of the Plantagenets and Tavors, however, the means have been found of representing interests so vast, 80 various, 80 inconceivable a8 tase which are bound up with the Englaud of the present day. (Cheers) Those who are impressed with that conviction will, 1am sure, concur with mein the opinion that apon the question of the Tedistribation of seats we must proceed with groat caution and care, Any attempt to portion according to cortain symmetrical arrangements the representation of the country, would probably end tn altering the charactor of this House, and in altering its character depriving i@ of its authority. (Hear, hear.) I think that before we introduce our bill wo bave a right to ask the House to give us their opinion upon, and I hope thelr sanction \o, certain pripcipies upon which we pro- pose toact, One of those principles is that no boroagh Should, so far as the redistribution of seats is concern’ be wholly disfranchised. (Cheers.) I am in favor this principle for two reasons. I look upon it in the tret Place as wise and nec ssury that the representation of the country should, as far as lies in our power, be dis- tr.buted; and 1 regard it as unwise and unnecessary to disturb any centre of representation because it is impossible in an age of rapid growth, when com- muuilies so rapidly rice and vanish, when the cuanges and allerations of secial arrangements are so evanescent, to proceed with too much circumspestion. Speakiag, then, for myseii and my colleagues, we are of opiaion that no borough should be whoily disfranchised 50 fav as the redistribution of seats ts concerned—for I am far from saying that if bribery be proved to exist in a borough, as we bave reason to fear and believe it may be in the case of some—we ought to sbow ourselves more deficient in spirit than our prede essors, and 1 trust uo- der such ereomstances we should know how to act. Cheers.) Our main—min4@, 1 do not say our selo—con- sideiation, ia altering the apportionment of the repre- sentation would, in the second place, be to supply repre- sentatives to places now unrepresented, but which are, from a variety of causes, entitied io the privilege, Lhese are the two principes by which we would be guided on the question of the redistribution of seats, and unless we bave from the House ther sanction with re- Spect to these two points all our arrangements must: perfectly useles, for honorable members must Teck thas we might then have an,#mendinent on the second read- dng of the bill which we might introduce, founded, haps, ou the case of some obscure borough, 30 ingeniously worded that the fate of the mousure might, depend upon it. I have to apologize to the House for having gone 50 much into detail, altbongh I have deavored to contine myself to those rosdiutions appenzed to me to involve large principles; but another pomt on which I think it my duty to slighlly—a point with whidh it has been found difficult to deal, which is @ very imporiant element in the settle- ment of this question of reform, and upon which I venture to say @ greater amount of malerer sie sion exists than almost upon any other—I_ allude to the subject of Docatiiee (ear, hear) Now, I have myseif on more than one occasion not completely, but casually, expresaed the views which Lentertain upon this subject, It is really a vital subject, and one, it ap- pears to me, on which no dissension og to prevail, for if clearly aaderstood there would be, Mimagine, scarcely any root for a differance of opinion in regard. to it- *"* © We shall enter into the committee and avail ourselves of all that the learning, tho genius, the ie rience of the House can suggest for the solution of this question; and to all we shall rive « cordial and a candid jeferonce, (Cheers.) The course we adept is not ove fuitering to ourselves—(ironical cheers)—bvut it is more Hattering to assist, however hambty, io effecting that which ve thinks is for the pubic good —(cheers)—than to bring forward mock measures which he knows the spirit of party will not pasa. And let me teil the member for Birmingham, who gave me that ironical cheer, that there are others besides bimself who think’ that it is desirable that this question should be settled, and who wish ft to be settled in the genius of the Englisn constitution. (Cheers.) Of course it would ‘be very agreeable to us to bring forward at once a com- trey measure, backed by a confiding majority, and hav- i the assurance of settling a question which engages the attention of a great nation. None of my colleagues pretend to be superior to ‘The tast infirmity of noble minds. Phew sir, this oo — in which Aepeap to consider complacency ministers, or even ‘ide of ties, (Cheers.) 1 earnestly tope that the House of Commons wili rise to this occasion. 1 earnestly that the House of Commons, in unison with that vracious speech which her Majesty delivered to her Parliament, authorized by autecodent circumstances, and urged by the necessity of the case, will divest iiself of party feeling aud give her ministers on*this if on no other oceasivn the advantage of their co-operation and their cordial yt oa Sir, some sharp things bave been said about the Bouse of Commons since we parted in the sommer—(a laugh)—some sharp things, not with refer- ence mer nt character, but to its past iy to ils preset conduct, which I thought bad beem acvepted, sanctioned and emba'med by history. I do not doubt that this human institution is not free from the Imperfections of humanity. It is possible that thore may bave been periods when the integrity even of the 80 of Com- mons might success(ully have been impugned. 1 know well—we all know that there bave been times when its conduct has been unjust, violent, oven tyranpical, If you search our records unquestionably you will fad conclu. toctrines which are the happier appanage of our wre nes Which axe the appanage of our moro enhehtened Wines. But, sir, there is no error than to jodge the morals of one age by the manners of a (Cheers) Thee ts no than to dacide upon the @ sure security, (Cheers.) There tee philosophic calmness is no greatir error than to aaugs the. iniilect of the prat by ils wieene. not by the ae. Paes of human systems, who take a larger nobler view of haman affairs will, [ think, recognize that, alone m the countries of Europe, England now for almost connticas generations bas by her Parliament exhibited the fair exemplar of free government, and that in the course of the vicissitades of her heroic bi she bas chiefly by this pane commons maintat and chericbod that z iff Es: Ha : z . ! f i A z be had except by oak the practice of ing by resolution. I will not , ask what are the precise limits to which this wethod a we og Legh oon gene but the right honora. men, having dwelt upon the subjest fal bas Fatted to satisiy my mind that thie cist # ry ie neral rule, adeney to general , some te ow ashy, (Hear, bear) The righ: honorabie gentle: ‘man, iu touching upon the second and more important pois admitted that vagueness was almost inseparable im tho nature of revolutions—that is to say, that if resolutions are io be passed with greater facility than would be the case were Lie sume propositions embodied ip a bill, the right honorable gentleman almite that those resolut oer this House. Pod w the ces, T do not ask why | Might be asked on other oerasions—how far the proposal is in government which makes this possersion of the ueneral hear), and I now go further and say that the objections 1 euteriain to this mode of procedure wili not stand in my way—and should not, I think, stand in the way of others—If, notwithstanding this mude of procedure, we can use the propos tious of the right honorable gentle- man—either by adopting them as they stand, or by alter- ing them—as a meaus of arriving at a settlement of this qcestion, (Cheers) Those seraples which I feit with regard to the method of proceeding by way of resolution I shall cast behind me if, upon examining those resolue Hous, f find tt poasibie for us to make an onward move-, ment, ( > hear.) The right honorable gentleman hos told us something of bis propositions, aud in reforence to them I must observe that think we are bound to avoid everyting that tends adjourn the settlement of this question, (Hear, hear.) In whatever form these resolutions are Inid before us a long period of time must elapse before this great and fundamen‘al question can be etled. The right honorable gentleman asked the question—and I think it wasanatural remark to make—“Upon what principle the House of Commons sas to be reconstructed? le answered that it ought to be upon the principte of the British constitution. “Then, spreading his wings for an exteuded flight, (a laugh,) Az travelled east and we-t, and gave us an account of the Representative Chambers of foreign countries. - Sir, Z very much doudt the wisdom of those self-compiacent allusions to the instilutions of fur eign countries, Lt sometimes that our vi-ws of them are mx atogetier accuraie, and at best they canni be ex fo carry on them the stamp of impartiatily.’ (A ugh.) Were this the time and place, I should be dis- posed to challenge some iculars iu the statement of the right honorable gentiéman; but even if those staie- ments were strictly accurate, [very much doubt whether much is gained by comparisons of tbis description. The right honorable gentieman must, however, see that he isengaged ina combat with a phaniom; for has any goveraent in this country at time proposed to deal with the question of Pariiament Reform on any other rinciples than those of the Br constitution? (Hear, ear,) We have been ready at all times, and never more so than last year, to contend that it was upon these prin- ciples we took our stand. It is trae there may be the misfortune of a difference of opinion as to tho construc- tion of this and that. Indeed, I frankly own that in mary of the opinions of the right honorable yentieman I think he di from the principles of tue Sritish constitution; but am Ito rise in my place and ascume that I have the exclusive key to those principies, and that be has abandoned them? (Hear, hear.) Lask the ght honorable gentleman to enlarge his views so as to belive that those who may have differed on former occasionspwho may differ on this occasion, and who may differ in the future, whether they ditfer or not, are not less proad of that glorious constitution, with’ the rich traditions and the noble inberitauce it bas left us. (Hear, hear.) Oa this side we only ask for ourselves that liberty of construction which we gladly and treciy accord to others. (Cheere.) The motion was then agreed to. The following are the . RESOLUTIONS A MPa Chancellor of the Exchequer in Whole House on Monday, February tw be moved cadena of ‘This House haying. in the last sesion. assented to the Second read.ng of a bill, entitled “A Bill to extend the eight ing at Llectious ot Members of Parllament in Bog. land and Wales,” is of opinion ‘That the number of electors for counties and boroughs ‘ought to be in: at such increase may best beeffected by both reducing the value of the qualifying tenement, and by adding other franchises not dependent on such value, ‘That while It is desirable that a more divact representation should be given to ihe laboring class, it is contrary to the constitucon of this realm to g've to any one class or interest a predominating power over the rest of the comraunity, ‘That the occupation franchise evall be based upon’ the Principle of rating. That the principle of plurality of votes, If adopted, tate the settlement of the borvuglt franchise on an exte basis, ‘That {tis expedient to revise the existing distribution of seats, ‘That in such revision tt ts not expedient that any borough how represented in Parliament should de whoily distran- ch.sed. ‘That in revising the existing distribution of seats this Hause will deknowledge as its main consideration the ex- pediency of supplying representation to places at present not represented ind which may be considered entitled, ‘That It fs expedient that provision should be made for the better prevention of bribery and corruption at elections. That it is expedient that the syvtem of registration of county voters should be wasimilated as fur as possible to that Wwhicti prevails in boroug hat it shall be open to every Paritamentary elector, if he think Ab to resord his vote by means of a polling puper, duly signed and authenticated, hat provision be made for diminishing the distance which Voters have to travel for the purpose of recording Laeir votes, so that no expenditure for such purpose shall hereafter bé That a humble address be presantod to the Queen praying her to fssne-a royal evmmnssion to form and submit. to the consideration o: Puriiament «scheme for new und enlarged Donaduries of the existing Par! umeatary boroughs where ‘the population extends beyond the limits now assigned to such dorotrghs; and to fix: subject to. the decision of Parla. mcut, the bouddaries of such other horonzus ad Variiameut ‘Way deem iit to be represented iu this fr0use. THE PEOPLE’S CONGRESS. Details ofthe Monster Out-Doar Procession in London—Speeches of the Leading Leaguers. By the steamship Deutschland we have the reports of the London journats, in detail of the Hzratp special cable telegram pablished on the 13th inst., of the scene and speeches witnessed and delivered on the occasion of the out-door reform demonstration in that city. ‘TRE PROCTSBION, rom the London times, Feb. 12.]* The Reform League demoustration went olf yesterday quietly and in perfect order. From first to last nothing ocearred to mar the perfect harmony of the gathering or distur the good order and good temper with which it was carried ou throughout, Yet judged by the standard of the procession of last December, it was, compara- tively speaking, a failure as a’ great demonstra. tion, The Trades’? Unions evidently know how to Manage these things betier than the Reform League, aud their last display was both in numbers, in pee interest, and in its main features more imposing yy far than that of yesterday. ‘here are many reasons which quite account for this failing off in attendance without at ail showmg that the peopie are indiff rent to | the queation of reform. In the first place, it was a gecoud attempt to do what had been well doue already; next, there isa more or less widely-spread feeling of dustike to these demonatrations when tho whole q'es- tion is dwatting its solution; aud, lastly, the creat mass of the operatives are not no#, ater a hard winter, in a position to throw away the chance of a day's work, Perhaps cach of these causes taken singly Might not account for much, but in the argregate they told in a diminution of at least one-fourth from the numbers of those who attended the last pro- cession, What, however, was wanting in uumerical strongth, was gained iu the regularity and good order of the different sections. There was the usual boisterous sale of medals, programmes, paper cockades, paper feathers, {aise noses, &e, Negro minstrels and acrovate were in Side streets, and did a thriving busines; and, in fact, ull two o'clock, there was in Trafalgar sqoare only a London crowd, very large, sometimes a littie boister- ous) but always gi humored, Towards two o'clock the different divisions began to arrive, marching in sections of four, six or eight, with bands piaylog avd colors flying. Some had assembied in land place, others from Clerkenwell and Stepney, A large party had mustered iv Lincoln's inn, another ja Birdcage Waik, while others came from Leicester and Rasseti squares and from streets leading down routh- ward from the Strand to che river. Ali came up in very good order, keepine there lines well, and merching quickly, though tie high wind made it difficult work for the banner bearers to stavger along duder the hug? folds of sik whieh they bore aloit. As nearly as pos sible they passed in the followin: order: — ‘The Conneil of the L e carriages (open). , No Lvrresiient of the, itefarin L ‘Leugus 3p Edmund M. A.; Treasurers and Secretary, Mr J. A. Nicho- i i, Howell; Chairinan of the i r Rogers. epuiarion st the Trish Reform League—The eeecsten, Alderman MeSwiney, Mr. Keevil and Mr. antey. No. $—-Scottish League Deputation—Mr. John Bus, Mr. Jarnes Mow, Wr. 6 Jackson and No, 4—Oxford Kerorm Leagae—t ). B. Thorold Rogers, Mr. A. A. Mathers, Secretary; Mr. Owden, Mr. J. Fowle, T. 1. Hateb, Alderman ¢ Drastic ae Uldbamecue Jou Te yor, and ranisield, é % 4 xt Robert Allen, hom, see. Rock Mer. Webster and 1071 No. i—Manchester Reform League and Reform Union— . Bi the Rev. J. Morgan, My, Beness Jones, = Hie and Haaderstield, Ro: London Workiugmen's Assoelauon, headed by Mr, Ro. =I ra Mr, G. Potter and tive members of the Executive International Workis a Hy Marshals, Mr. one farrier Dye] body of ated standard bearers 3.” Branches from tha fame mmm ariang Reet and West rg pa | Tedapd tenner, Ko, 3 and banner. No. nner, No, 4—Carvers and gitde: ‘itteen band and from iw Goldemiths? End); banner, borough with A dsanches, banner, branches, band and makers, variou vated, eas 11 branches, banner, ra? rae 4, 22 branches, band and bane Xo. 2 OR NORTH prvisrON, Bannister (mounted), including North, rh districts, No. 1, slik Silver Trade." No. 16, ‘Organ ‘orks, No. 18, ‘orestera” Novi, in ate chas—tdgware Road! ‘Town, Camden m. Kentish Town, Somer's Hacuney Foad, Gooden, Hi mn, Beth. nalGteen, No. 1; Bethnal Green, No. 2; Shoreditch, tomers ton, H John, Bright, Euston, Pentonville, St. Leon: ants, Be 01; St. Punerar, Bo. 2, NO. 8, OR SOT DIVISION, Mi Mr. Marte (mounted), incinding South, South. eastern, and Sonthwestern districts. Amalgamated Engl. SSaen, 1 containing the Gounell. Lodges of toe theanlgnt neors, South Lambeth Reform vongae, banner. P Society, banner: Chelsea eth, Noting Hil. Lolborh, Caledonian Road, Hie tnd, Kingsland road: Baitersen Branch (No. 1) of the jRerorm banner; Haitersea Bi banners Of the Battersea < ‘Kent Lond, benach: ‘banner bad & he rarer divanch: bauer and ‘arators sg tah “Y me sae abers of the Pokham Rye Branch, ba’ ‘members of the Sydenham. Aranchs bai bers of "pper Py Hed hea; C3 of ita membere of Timiico. Beaches ef the Rot i members of Chelsea No. 1 Brau ue; banner and members of No. 2 Branch: bat at of Irontfounders’ Society, banner of the . members Tanners’ Society, banner and mem Ra “a ) banner and mem- ory Ca of ny ea noecoare of Dentford . members of Sk James’ ‘Branch, member Saigar's Branch, members of Woolwich Branch. MO. 4, O8 RAST DIVISON, M Mr. Coifey (mounjed), including East and Dast Cen trict Sh weighs seamen, Uititersa Water- wen Stniths, Cabmen’s Society. Coopers, Old Frise, Oat clldorae olorss League Branches-Stepner, How No. 1, Bow No. 3, Bromley, Canning Town, Gladstone, Limebous: is Fors, isiow. Poplar, Et concgy's, cent afore, spo a St. Dunstan's, The Counsel o jeague (ea “ President, of the Reform and Secretary, Chalrman of Le Sos eermation, of form League *Donog:iue, Alter- man M’Swiney. Mr, Keeeis and Mr. Shanley. So. 3. Seot~ tish ae Deputation: James Moir, George Jackson and other members. No, 4. Oxiord Reforia Leagu Professor J. 8. Thorold Ri Mr, A. A. Mathers, Socre- ary; Mr Ogden, J. Fowla, J. 7, 1. Haich. Alderman, tc. "No.5. Yorkshire Depariment—Alierman Carter ist Dransfield, &c, No. 6. Manchester Reform League nnd torm Union, No. 7. Birmingham, Halifax and tiudder field, “No. & Newcastle, Bridford aud Brighton. No. 9% London Work Aksocfation and luternational Work ~ ingmen's Ansett. No, 10, Welch deputation. NO. b, OR TEMPERANCE DIVISION, Marshal, Mr. Brighty (maunted). Band, Captain of the Paddington Life Bout Crew (mou ‘mem: Temperance Life Boat Crew Societies. perance So° ties; Marshal, Mr. ©. Hull (mounted), Cheisea Yorkin: men’s Band, members of Temperance Societies, Marshal of Fhenix Lodges (mounted), Bund, 0: Grani Order of Tonal Abstainers (Sims of the Phenix), ‘from the Lev lges of the United Order of the Aostinent Phenice, members of the Excavators’ Society. It was anticipated that some expression of fecting would be elicited when Portland piace was reached towards the American Minister, and, in his person, towards the government .of the United States, such « consideration may have accounted for the crowd that had collected in Langnam place, especially on the stepa > and round the raliings of Ail Souls’ church, and which formeda compact body as the procession passed rapidly , out of Upper Regent street, On reaching the American Legation, however, itwas found that the blinds were drawn down, and though there was a stoppage oppositor to it, it was mot for the purpose of making any display, but Irom the necessity of proceeding slowly round tue coracr of Park Crescent. In the hail the President of the League, Mr. Beales, M. A,, took the chair, supported by Lieutenant Colovel Dickson and Professor Beasley, aud subsequentiy Mr. Taylor, M. P, The O'Donoghue, Mt. P., dir. I. B Potter, M, P., Mr. Eraest Jones, with some persons trom the large manufacturing towns of the north, attended. When the noise caused by whose who were in the remote seats scrambl ng over to the reserved portion of the bail had somewhat subsided, the proceediugs commenced. ‘The Caaimxay, on advaucing to speak, was received with loud cheers. He suid he congratulated the people upon this meeting, Suit more he congravulated them upon the great demon-- stration of the day, as one imposing in point of numbers, aud conspicuous in observance of law and order, It was a demonstration worthy of te peopie, wortby of the metropolis, worthy of (he cause in which the peopte took so deep an interest, aud worwny of the many noble friends to tle same cause in the provinces. (Cheers.) He regretted that their friend Mr Bright— «cheers and waving of hats)—was prevented, by his Var-- Hamentary daties aud by other causes, from being present in pefson; but he was presont in heart. (‘Hear,’ and cuecrs) There would, however, be among them that evening otlier frieuds, such as Tho O'Donoghue, represepung the Irish Reform mei a League—(chcers) — be called their friend, and he migtt aimost the martyr of reform,, Ernest Jones—(ch ers) and may others, @ had also ~ received aietter from that eminent friend of the people, Jonn Stuart Mul, (Cheers.) That letier breathed a «itferent spirit to the homilies to wiich tho people had been treat- ed in the House of Lords, Lord Derby—(jisrs)—on Friday jast lectured the leaders of this organization for reforin, for wot taking more correct and sounder views of their duty to ihe public and the country in gonera! than to persevere in such a position as tiey had taken that day, aiter the goverument was prepared to dea! with the question of reiorm. (Laughter.) The people were wid they should have submitted to tue consideration of Parhament aad the goverament. Bu! wo vee Partiament the government, (al they were (0 deab with aa’ questicn? (**FRear,”’ and cheers.) Lioth govern- ment and Parliament consist.d for the mos: par! of men. in‘erested in opposing any real measure of refi, and who combined in the last session to reject, by every species of open and direct hostility, the measurexatro- duced by the government in whom ihe people bad cond- dence. (Cheers) But the people had no coniitence im the present Parliament or government. (Cheers ) Lord Derby said the other evening that this question shouid + not ‘cin the spirit of party or political strife, for the purposes of obiaining ollice oc Parliamentary majorities,” (Langbter.) Tos was from. the very party who made this question of reform @ question of most bitter poliucal sirite, for the express p! of obtaining Parianentary majorities and the suee's of fice, and they “ combined ia inuway not honorable to themselves nor «ie to the country,” with Lord Derby at tveir head, to refuse to concede the franchise to half a milion out of five mil- lions who were debarred from the exercise of their po- litical righis, Tisis they did out of office; but mn office they exp their readiness to extend the franchise — ; Supposing the vague words in the Queen’s speech to mean anything; bat he would ask this moeung if the- people would trasi the vague professions of this Minis- uy (Shoat of “No.” aud cries of * Down with Lord® Derby.) Out of office the tories threw inwilt upow ingest upon the peopl, and tried to. hoot them gown with vigorous clamor—they tried to sweep down = Mr, Gladstone—(loud = cheers),—Mr_ Bright: (cheers) every other advocate of publie right: but in office they entreated “consideration and forbearance.’’ (Hear, hear) Were the peopio to trast these men? (Loud shoats of “No,” and cheers) If it sbould be shown tant night that the government were really honest in this mavier, and iutended to do justice to the great body of the peopie, they would pot Lave io complain bf the people’s want of moderation. But their conduct beforehand was nox sach as to lead the people Z urast oar a een ih wh ins menor bere far jed away by ciass prejudices and oligarcrics, feelings: as to say that maphvod suffrage, which the peopie- had demanded, bad not a single supporter ia | either fouse, This was a rather unwarrantable | allevation, Bat Lord Derby said that manhood saflrage and the batiot wouid destroy the constitu- | tou—ccu'd cause rev lution, (A Voice—Let's have Pb pid tl i aakeh cgavemuet eas ciate hood su would destroy the government lia but they were at direct issue sts She peonte aud reais- man! suffrace, of destroying the constitution woul it, woa'd muke it in what it now was only in theory, would make it a reality justead of a mock- ery; and he charged Lord Derby and thoso with him as being the real destroyers of the constitution, (Loud cheers.) Nine-tenths of the Parliament were sittiog there in direct violation of the principles of the con- pone ry neers, bo ge not es ber fo to for they only represeat “ag [spore and s*ctions of towns and boroughs, and gross ly misrepresented the feelings, opmions and principles of the majorities of the populations of the places they eat for, More dampering with tis injusier, with this national fiction of repre mation, ¥ not stisfy te but to keep the people from expressing their | opinions Lord had recourse to menaces and threats. (Shame!) As to the parties who were respon- sible for aay possibie interruption of law and order, ne woold telt Derby that those who were thus respon- sbie were tose who foolishly, obstinately and } njustly resisted the just clams of the peopie, and who sougnt to sacrifice the national interests to class interests, (Cheers.) He disclaimed on the part of the Roform L mue any wish to erate such disturoances as led to anarchy and revolat on; but at the sume fim, he declared that the League wouid maintrin the right of the . le of Great Btitain and Ireland to be represented in rurliamen’. When this end was atained the mivton f the Reform League wowd be at an end. (Cheer) Ho concluded by staliog that gentlemen ting Ire Jand, Scotland, and different parts of wud ia the: Reform jae would address the meeting. Provessor Rocres, the Vresident of the Oxford Reforty League, moved the first resojution:— That this meeting consider it their duty to distinctly de- clare that 10 measure for the saprovement of tie repre. sentation of the in parliament will be satisfueiory which {# not based upon the prmeple of the people tiem= ing and MALLY 80 reprerente.), instead jog only virinal and wect onal, and rect an. representation ean only be offecvedt by means of residential and regisiered ma sallrage, protected in its free and honest exercise by the ballot, He said the people were mot here to-night to show ‘that they were not willing again to trast those who had denied them their political rights. The ‘of pol tical power was now weighed all on one side, aud 1 people demanded that thie should be corrected. wi thoso rights then ‘would jaa laws be passed. The O'Donoghue came forward to tion, and was received with again and again repeated, In Birmingham, following revotution was wnantm: tion of Alderman Hawker, su essor Rogers, of Oxford: — ‘That this meeting hav !n geons: chanvetlor of the Richens and iv that the ae : parliamentary reform: ‘that pect ntl} jesterd to fuvite the House with wo decane ite want of comfiaemce in Ministers. A resolution affi of manhood sut- jor Majosiy's tmnanimous! whe unabie toe present, and the fo jegram from Mr. Bright was rea: meet. lowion ‘of Government are only eal wate i and to irritate those who ask for: An. a ine hoon roturm tm (he representation,” exporbioncy... take them in hand. allow this to be done is un course prescribed by Hehe bch is plein. becanee the » 2