The New York Herald Newspaper, January 17, 1863, Page 1

W YORK HERALD. THE REBEL MESSAGE. DOCUMENT IN FULL. yie #t Jeff. Davis Says of President Lin- eoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. ARY OPERATIONS OF THE REBELS. late Authorities to Punirh Union Officers Naval Operations and Plans of the Achels Suppressed. Foreign Relations of the Confedexates, &e., sovereignty, and had ceased to have a distinct existence, Under the influence of this error, which all appeals to reason and historical fact were vainly used to dispel our commissioners were met by the declaration that foreign governments could not assume to judge between the conflicting representations of the two parties as to the troe nature of their previous mutual relations. The governments of Great Britain and France accordingly signiffed their determimation to confine themeelves to re. cognizing the self-evident fact of the existence of a war, and to maiptaining a strict neutrality during Its progress. Some of the other Powers of Europe pursued the same course of policy,and it became apparent that by some understanding, express or tacit, Kurope had decided to leave the initiative in all actiom touching the contest on this continent to the two Powers just named, who were recognized to have the largest interests involved both by Teagon of proximity ana of the extent and intimacy of their commercial relations witb the States engaged in war, It is manifest that the course of action adopted vy Eu- rope, while based on an apparent refuse! to determine the question, or to side with either party, was in point of fact an actual decision against our rights and in favor of the groundless pretensions of the United States. It was @ refusal to trust “s as am independent government. If we were independent States, the refusal to entertain with ug the game international intercourse a8 wes maintained with our enemy was unjust and was jnjurious in its effecur, whatever may have been the motive which prompted it, Neither was it in accordance with the bigh moral obliga- tions of that ipternational code whose chief sanction ig the conscience of sovereigns and the public opinion of man- kind that those eminent Powers should decline the per- formance of a duty peculiarly incumbent on them from any apprehension of the consequences to themselves, One immediate and necessary result of their declining the responsibility of a decision which must bave been ad- ‘verse to the extravagant pretebsions of the United States was the prolongation of hostilities to which our enemie? were thereby encouraged, and which have’ réesuited in nothing but scenes of carnage and ion on thiacontinent, and of misery and suffering on the suchas bave scarcely a parallel in histery, Had these Powers promptly admitted our right to-be treated as all other independent nations, none can doubt that the moral effect of sech action would have been to dispel the delu- sion under which the United States have persisted in their efforts to accomplish our subjugation. ~ To the continued hesitation of the same Pewers in rendering this act of stmple justice towards this confederacy is stil! due the continuance of the calamities which mankind suffers from the interruption of its peaceful pursuits both in the Old and the New World. There are other matters in which less than justice has deen rendered to this people by neutral Europe, and updue advantage effected on the aggressors in a wicked war, At the inception of hostilities: the inhabitants of the sonfederaoy were almost exclusively agricul” turalists; those of the United Staten, te @ great extent, mechanics and merchants, We had no commercial marine , while (beir merchant vessels covered the ocean, We were without a pavy, while they bad powerful fleets, The xdvantage which they possessed for inflicting iojury on our coasts and harbors was thus coun" terbalanced in some measure by the exposure of their commerce to attack by private armed vessels. Jt was known to Europe that within a very few year® past the United States had peremptorily refused to accede to proposals for abolishing privateering,on the ground, as alloged by them, that nations owning powerful fleets would thereby obtain undue advantage over thone possess. ing inferior aval forces, Yet mo sooner was war flagrant between the confederacy and the United States than the maritime lowers of Furope issued orders pro- hibiting either party from bringing prizes into their ports, This probibition, directed with apparent impar- tisiity against both belligerente, was in reality affective againet the Confederate States alone; for they alone could find a hostile commerce on the ocean. Merely nominal to. &e, was Senate arp Hovss os Rarrwsxerativas ov 18p Con, Feommate Sravus: . At the date of your last adjournment the preparations the enemy for further hostilities bad assumed #0 me. ‘on agpect as to excite in come minds apprehension our ability to meet them with sufficient premptness to oid serious reverses. These preparations were com- shortly after your departure from tho seatof go- it, and the armies of the United States made advances on our frontiers on tne Western ‘and on the Atlantic coast im masses 90 great as to ince their hope of overbearing all resistance by mere ght of numbers. This hope, however, like those pre- ly entertained by our foes, vanished. Virginia, their fourth attempt at invasion by armies assured success was confidently predicted has met th Aocisive repulse. Our noble defenders, under the leadership of their General, have again, at Hekeburg, inficted en the forces under General irnside the like disastrous overthrow as bad been pre- ly suffered by the successive invading armies com- by Generals McDowell, McCiellan and Pope. im the West, obstinate battles have been fought with fortunes, marked by frightful earnage on both Dut the enemy’s hopes of decisive results have Deen baitied, while at Vicksburg another formida- expedition bas been repulsed, with inconsiderable loss side and revere damage to the assailing forces. pm the Atlantic coast the enemy has been unable to ‘a footing beyond the protecting shelter of bis fleets, the city of Galveston has just been recovered by our which succeeded not only in the capture of the |, but of one of the enemy’s vessels-of-war, whicn ‘cgrried by boarding parties from merchant river ur fortified positions have everywhere been much tthened and improved, affording aseurauce of our ity to meet with success the utmost efforts of our , in spite of the magnitude of their preparations for A review of our history of the two years of our existence affords ample cause for congratulation, demands the most fervont expression of our thankful- . Father who has blessed our cause- are justified in asserting, with apride surely net un- }» that these Confederate States have added to the lessons taught by history for the instruction , that they bave afforded another example of the im- of subjugating a people determined to be free, demonstrated that no superiority of numbers val Fesources can overcome the resistance offered valor in combat, such constancy under suffering, such cheerful endurance of privation as have been ly displayed by this people in the defence of rights and liberties. The anticipations with which tered into the contest have now ripened juto # con- |, which is not only shared with us by the common of neatra) nations, but is evidently forcing itnell’ our enemies shemselves. If we but mark the af the prenent year by reselute perseverance in we have hitherto pursued, by vigorous effort in st of all our resources for defence, and by nued exhibition of the same unfalterivg courage by soldiers and able conduct in their leaders a8 have hed the past, we have every reason to expect thig will be the closing year of the war. War, which in its inception was waged ter forcing u8 into the Union, having failed to accomplish that pur” |, Passed into asecond stage, in whicti it was attempted quer and rule these States as dependent provinces, in this second design our enemics have evidently upon another, which can have no other purpose revenge, and thirst for blood and plunder of private against the United States, the probibition ope Pea rated with intense severity on the confederacy, lt, however implacable they anay be, they ean have | jv" Net me the only meaua of the spirit nor the resour¢e required for a fourth lofastrugglo uncheered by any hope of succes alive solely for the indulgence of mercenary and passions, and demanding so exhausting an expen" of biood and money as has hitherto beon imposed it people. The advent of peace will be hailed ; Our desire for it has never been concealed; our t avoid the war, forced on vs as it was by the conquest and the insane passions of our foes, are ‘ind, But, earnest as has been our wish for ), and great ag have been our sacrifices and sufferings tho war, the determination of thia people bas, with 0g month, become more unalterably fixed to any sullerings and continue asy sacriiees, bow- ged, until their right to self-government and t jignty and independence of these States shall been triumphantly vindicated and Ormly estab maintaining, with some approach to equality, ite struggle on the ceean against ihe crushing superiority of naval force possessed by its enemies. The value and efficiency Of the weapon which was thus wrested from our grasp by the cotbined action of neutral f uropean Powers, irfayor of a pation which professes opouly its intention of ravag. ing their commerce by privateers im apy Tuture war, is strikingly illustrated by the terror im. aspired among the commercial classes of the United States by a single cruiver of the confederacy. One patéonal steamer, commanded by officers and manned by acrew who are debarred by the closure of neutral ports from the opportiuity of causing captured vessels to be condemned in their favor as prizes, bas sufficed to double the rates of rine insuranee in Nerthern ports and conmgn to forord inaction wambers of Northern vessels, in addition to the direct damage inflicted by captures a sea, How difioull, then, to overestimate the effects that must have been produced by the hundreds of private armed vesrels that would haye swept the seas in pursuit of the commerce of owr evemy if the means of disposing of their prizes bad not been withheld by the action’ of neutral Europe. But it i# especially im relation to the #o-called blockade of our coast that the policy of European Powers bas been 80 shaped ae to cause the greatest injury to the confede racy, and to confer signal advantages on the United wtates. The importance of this subject requires some development. Prior to the year 1866 the principles regulating thie subject wero to be gathered from ‘the writings of eminent publicists, the decisions of sdmiralty eourts, international treaties, apd the usages ef nations. The uncertainty aad doute which prevailed jh reference to the true rules of maritime jaw in time of war, resulting from the discordant, and often conflicting, principles ansounced from such varied and independent wources, had Recome & grievous evil tomankind, Whether a blockade waskallowsble against a pors not invested by land as well we by sea, whether © blockade was Welid by sea if Mike investing Hoot Was merely sufficient f render \.gress @o the blockaced port evidently danger- ous, or whether it! was further required for ite legality that it should be @ubotent reully to prewent aorens, and bumerous other sim War questions, bad remained doubtful end updecited. An) Wwated by the bighly bonorable de. tire to put an ond to @iferences of opinion between Beu- trals ana belligerents \vhicb may oceas\on serious difical. ties and oven conficts—€ quote the official language—the five great Powers of Kur pe, together with Hardinia and Turkey, adopted, in 1866, We following solemn declaration of principles -— Pirsttg=-Peivavesring \s mtd rematns abolished. Scconaig—The neutral fin} Covers snemy 's goods, with the exception of contraband of was. this connection tbe occasion seems not unauitabli reference to the rolations between the confede. the neutral Powers of Europe since the separa: “these States from the former Union. Four of th® Dow members of the confederacy were recognized as independent sovercigntics im @ treaty of concluded in the yeur 1783, with one of the two ritime Powers of Western Europe, and had Beem to that period allies in war of the other. In the 11778 they formed a union with nine other States Articles of Confederation. Dissatiefied with on, three of them—Virgivia, Carolina and Geor. with eight of the Mates now members of ited States, seceded from it in 1789, and these seceding Statics formed a second Union, although terms of the Articles of Confederation express pro- ‘was made that the first Union should be perpetual Wo secede, DoLwithatanding this provision by We tates from which they separated, the subject of direussion with any third Power jater period, North Carolina acceded to that jon, and when , still later, the other seven Stator, bere Of this confederacy, became alse members ‘Union, it was upon the recognized footing 0 and juuzpendest sovercigntics; nor had it theo Inv the minds of mon that sovereign mates eompelied by force to remain members of « eon. Jato which they had entered of their own fre at a pubsequont period the defence of their vafety sbould, in heir Judgment, juristy withdrawal, of the past had evinced the futility of tion Of such imberent rights, and ac. ply the provisien for perpetuity contained in @f Confederation of 1778 was omitted to the on of 171 When, therefore, in 1861, eleven of Again thought proper, for reasons satisfactory to to seorde from the second Union, and to form Phirdiy—Nevtral wit the lon of contra. Jone, woder an amended constitution, they oxer- | Band of war, are not liable to oyptare enemy's tag. Pourthiy. pkades, in orde? to be binding, inust be fight which, being inherent, roy..tod uo justifies a ations, and whieb taternationn! law did them to queation. The uehges of intercourse nations do, however, require that oMctal come be made to friendly Powers of all organic in the constitution of States, ard there wat Propriety ia giving prompt sseurence of our de effective Witt te to say, msioudived by a force sufficient Peally to pro, unt access o the cow of the enemy. Net only ¢id this solemn deoiwation announce to th world the prinelyies to which the siyning Powers agreed to conform in future ware, but it captained a clause to ve immediate effect, an@ which provided that the Siates nol parties to the Congress of puLiDaS ambeahle relations with all mankind, | Pati should be invited to acowdle to the declare nnder the fofloegee of sHnw considerations thet | tin. Under thin imgitation every indepeadeny Te,the provision.) gawerhment took,eurly | @ 'e in ‘urepe yielded its sapent. At least po inetance # Known t me Of @ refuel, and the United Hog. 10 aptent to Lhe pmepeRiajon whch for mending t© hurope contcoimsoners ebarged dul? of = vevlttng the capitale of the | Bretee, while 4 > NEW YORK, SATURDAY, prohibited privatecring, declared thet the three remain- ing primciples were in entire accordance with their owo views of interwational law. No insiance i known in history of the adoption of rales of public law under cir- cumstances of like solemaity wih like unanimity, and Pledging the faith of nations with sanctity so peculiar. ‘When, therefore, this confederacy was formed, aud when: neutral Powers, while deferring action on ite demand for admission into the family of nations, recognized !t as & Ddellierent Power, Great Britain and France made ‘aformal proposals about the rame time ‘that their own,rights as neutrals should be guaranteed by eur acceding as belligerents to the declaration of princi ples made by the Congress of Paris, The request wag addressed to our sense of justice, and therefore mo; smmediate favorable response in the resolutions of the Provisional Congress of the 13th of August, 1861, by which all the principles announced by the Congress of Paris were adopted as the guide ef our et dering the war, with the sole exception of that {0 peivatecring. As the right to make use of privateers was one in which neutral uations had, as to the present war, no interest, as it was @ right which the United States had refused to abandea and which they remamed s$ liberty to employ against os, as it was aright of which wo were already im actual enjoyment, and which we could not be expected to renounce, flagranie bello, against an adversary possessing an overwhelming superiority of naval forces, it was reserved, with entire oopfidence “nat neutral pations could not fail © per. ceive that just reason existed for the reserva- tion. Nor was thie confidence misplaced; for the OMcial documents published by the British government | ‘ueually called Blue Books, contaim the expression of the satiefaction of that government with the conduct of tbe oftcialy who conducted successfully the deheate busines” confided to their charge. These solemn declarations of prmciple—thie im. Phed avreement Between the confederacy and the two Powers just mamed—have been sullered to remain imoperative againat the menaces and outrages on neutral rights committed by the United States with unceasing and progressing arrogance during the whole period of the war. Neutral Europe remained passive when the United Statese—with a naval force insufficient to blockade effectively the coast of a single State—prociain _ ed a paper blockade of thousands of miles of coast, ex- tending from the Capes of the Chesapeake to those of Florida and to Key West, an@ encircling the Guif or Mexico to the mouth of the Rio Grande. Comvared with this monstrous pretension ef the Umied States, the Dieckades known in history under the name‘ of the Berlin and Milan Decrees and the British Ordere in Council, in the years 1806 and 1807, sink into insignificance, ‘Yet thone bleckades were justified by the Powers that declared them on the solv ground that they were retal- jatory; yet those blockades Bave since been condemned by the publicists of those very Powers as violations of imternational law; yet those Diockades evoked angry re- monstrances from neutral Powers, amongst which the Upited States w the most conspicuous; yet those Diockades became the chief cause of the war be ‘weon Great Britain and the United States in 1812; yet sbone blockades were one of the principal motives that led to the declaration of the Congress of Paria im 1866, im the fond hope of imposing an endurtmg ebeck on the very abuse of maritime power which is now renewed by the United States in 1661 and 1862, under circumstances and with features of aggravated wrong wihout precedént in history. The records of our State Department contain the evi- dence of the repeated and forma) remonatrances made by this government to neutral Powers against the recogaition of this blockade. It has been shown by evidence not capable of contradiction, ané which has been furnished in part by the ollicials of neutral nations, that the few ports of this confederacy before which any naval forces at all have been stationed have been invested eo inefficiently that hundreds of entries have been effected into them ince the declaration of the blockade; that our evemies Lave themselves admitted the inefliciency of their blockade in the moat forcible manner by repeated official complaints of the sale to us of goods contraband of war—a sale whieh could not possibly affect their interests if their pre. tended blockade was sufficient reaily to prevent access to our coast; that they have gone farther, and have alleged tbeir inability to render their paper biockade effective os the excuse for the odious barbarity of destroying the entrance to one of our harbors by sinking vee- sels loaded with stone in the channel; that our commerce with foreign mations has been inter Tupted not by the effective investment of our ports or by the seizure of ships in the attempt to euter them, but by the capture on the bigh seas of neutral vessel, by the cruisers of our enemies whenever supposed to be bound to any point on our extensive coast, without in- quiry whether g)@ blockading vessel was to be found a ch point; that blockading vessels bave left the ports at which they were stationed for distant expeditions, have been absent for many days, and have returned without notice cither of the cessation or renewal of the blockade, In @ word, that'every prescription of mari time Jaw and every right of neutral nations to trade with & Delligerent under the savction of principles heretofore universally respected Dave been systematically and per ristently violated by the United States, al Europe has received our remopstrance, and has submitted in al- most unbroken silence to all the wrongs that the United States have chosen to inflict on ite commerce, The Cabinet of Great Britain, however, bas not confined itself to euch implied acquiescence in these breaches of international law as results from simple inaction, but bad, in & pubjinhed despatch of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, assumed to make a chance in the princi, ple enunciated by the Congress of Paris, to which the faith of the British government was considered to be Pledged—a change too important and too prejudicial to: the interests of the confederacy to be overlooked, and against which I have directed solemn protest to b® made, after & vain attempt to obtain satisfactory explanations from the British government. In a pob lished despatch from her Majesty's Foreign Office to her Minister at Washington, under date of February 11, 1862, occurs the following passage: — Mer Majesty's government, however, are of opinion ‘that, assuming that the blockade was duly notified, and also that a number of ships are stationed and remain at the entrance of a port suflicient really to prevent access to it, or fo create an rvident danger of entering it or leaving it, and that these sbips do not voluntarily per- mit ingress or egreen, the fact that vari- ‘ous ships may have nuccessfuily escaped through it (as inthe particular instance here referred to) will not of itself prevent the diockade from being an effec tual one by international law ‘Tho words which | bave italicised are ap addition made by the British government of ite own authority to = principle, the exact terms of which were settled wih deli by the common consent of civilized natifie, and by implied convention with this government, aa already explained, and their effect is clearly to reopen, to the prejudice ef the coufederacy,one of the very disputed questions om th® Jaw of blockade which the Congress of Paris professed to nettle. The importance of this change is readily illustrat. ed by taking ome of our ports ax an example, There is evident danger in entering the port of Wilmington from the presence of a blockading force; and by this test the blockade is effective, ‘Accem ia not really prevented” by the blockading fleet to the same port; for nteamers are contiovally arriving and departing; 0 that, tried by 0 tent, the blockade ix inefective and invalid. The justice of out complaint on this point iso manifest as to leave Hittle roor for doubt that further reflection will induce the British government to give us sneh asnurances as will e@ase the painful impressions that would result from its language if left unexplained. From the foregoing remarks you will perceive that, during nearly two years of mruggie, in which every enorgy of our country bas been evoked for maintaining ite ‘very existence, the neutral nations of Europe have pur s0ed @ policy which, nominally impartial, bas been prac- tically mom favorable to our enemies and mont dotri. meatal to on. ‘The exercise of the neutral right of refusing entry into \beir ports to prizes taken by both belligerents was om) nently burtful to the confederacy. It was soraly anserted sod maintained. The exercieo of the nevizal right commerce with « belligerent whose ports are not blockaded by fieete sufficient really to prevent acosmm to them would have been emiuently burtful to the United Btates, It wae com piaiantly shandened, The duty of neviral States to re. coive with cordiality aad Pecogmiae with respect any new confederation (hat independent States miy think proper to form wast (0 clear to admit of denial but ite poet ponement was obviously Beneficial to the United Staten tal \o the confederacy Jt wae veelpened. of JANUARY 17, 1863. fo dear with great neverity on us and Vefrajaed from caliing your @er Yelations with foreign Powers fo ‘The chief of these wae the foar that * last grounds of complaint against a ‘80 injarinus to our intereste might be am appeal for aid. Unequal as we were im mere nombere and available resources to cur enemies, we wone consolpua of powern of resistance io relation 6° whied Earope waa incredulour, and our remonstraices were therefore pecaiiarty liable to be misunderstood. Prondly self roliant, the confederacy, kuowing full wel) the character of the contess into which it was forced, with full treet im the superior qualities of ite population, the guperjor valor of iw woldiers, tho superior #kil! of ite generals, and, above all, in the gustica Of Ha conse, f6l8 ne use to appoal for tho maintenance of {8 rights to other earthly aide, and it began and hap con- tinued thie rtraggle with tho calm confitence ever in spired in those who, “ith consclounmers of right, oan in. voke the Divine blow.ng on their cause, Thi coufidence has beom #0 assured that we have never yielded to de spondency under defeat, nor do wo fee} unduo elution at the present brighter prospect of a nuccemul issue to Our contest, It is, therefore, because our just grounds of complaint can po longer be inisinterpreted that [ iay then clearly: bofere you, It #eemy to me now proper to. give you the infermation, end, although no immodiate result may be attained, it is woll that truth mbould be preserved and recorded. It is welt that those who are to follow ue should understand tho full mature and character of the tremendous eonttie! ‘tm which the blood of our peopio has beew poured out like water, an@ ip which we have resisted, unaided, the shocks of hosts which would have suffice! to overthrow many of the Powers which, by their hesitation iu accord, she our rights as an independent nation, inply doubt of our ability to maintain our national existence. (tinay de, too, that if infuture times unfriendly discussions not now anticipated shall unfortunately ariso between this confederacy and some European Power , the recoilection of our forbearance under the gricvances. which I have ena” merated may be evoked with happy influence in prevent iDg any serious disturbance of peaceful relations. Ik woukl not be proper w chse my remarks on the subject of our foreicn retations without adverting to the fact that the correspondenos between the Cabinets of Franeo, Great Britain and Russia, recently published, indicates a gratifying? advance in the appreciation by those governments of the true interests of mankind, as javoived in the war on this continent, It is to the enlightened ruler of the French mation that the public feeling of Europe is indebted for the first oMeial exhibt- tion of ite sympathy for the sufferings endured by thie people with eo much heroisin, of ite horror at the awful carnage with whieb the progrese-of shewar har been marked, and of its desire fora speedy peace. The clear and direct imtimation contained im the language of the Fredch note, that our ability to maintain our indepeadcnee bas been fully entablinked, was not coutro~ verted by the answer of either of the Cabinets towhich it was addresaed. It i Indeod diflovit to conceive a Susy ground for a longer delay on thie subject, after reading the following state:nent of lacte contained in tho letter emavating from the Minister of his Imperial dajesty — ‘There has been e#tablivbed from the very beginning of thie war, ao equilibrium of forces between the beligo” rents, which haa since been almost constantly main® tained, and after the spilling of so much blood (he; are to-day in this respect in a situation whic! has not sensibly changed, Nothing authorizes the au pation that more decisive military eperatmns will shortly occur. According to the last advices received in Europe, the two armies were, on the contrary, in @ condition which permitted neither to hope within ‘a short delay ad- vantages suflcientty marked to turn the balance defin tely ana to accelerate the conclusion of peace, As this government bag never prof-rsed the intention of conquering the Unite®-Gtates, but has simply asserted ita ability te defend itself against being conquered by tha; Power, we may safely conclude that the claims of thin confederacy W its just place in the family of nations can- not long be withheld after 6o frank und formal an admie sion of its capacity to cope, on equal terms, with ity aggressive foen, and to maintain itself against their at- tempts to obtain decisive results by arme. It is my painful duty again to Inform you of the renewed examples of every conceivable atrocity committed by the armed forces of tho United States at different points within the confederacy, and which must stamp indelible infamy, not only on the perpetrators, but on their supe. rior, who, having the power to check these outrages om homanity, numerous and well authenticated as they hare been, have not yet inagingle instance of whieh I am are infiicted punishment on the wrong deers, Since my ast communication to you one General McNeil wurdered seven prisoners of war in cold blood, and the demand for hig punishment has remained unsatisfied, The govern ment of the United’ Statee, after promising examina- tion and explanation in relation wo the eharges made against General Benjamin F. Botler, has, by wequent silence after repeated efforts on my part to obtain some answer on the subject, not only admitted bit guilt, but sanctioned it by acquiescence ; and I bave ac. cordingly branded this criminal as an outlaw, and directed his execution in expiation of his crimes if be sbouid fall into the hands of auy of our forces. Recently Ihave received apperently authentic intelli, gence of another general, by the name of Milroy, who has jstued orders in Western Virginia for the payment of oney tobim by the inhabitants, accompanied by the most savage threats of shooting every recusant, besites burning his house, and threatening similar atrocities Against any of our citizens who shall fail vo betray their reach of country by giving him prompt notice ot the a any of or foroes. And thie eubject has also been submitted to the superior military authorities of the United States y disanproba! will evine with but faint hope that they thon of the act. It ity shudders at (he appalling atco- cities whieh are Lolng daily multiplied under the sane, tion of those who haye obtained temporary possession 1 Bea brwor power jp the tp and who are fast making ibs once tair name o reproach among civilized men. Noteven the vatural indignation inspired by thie conduct should however wet as Wy at tribute to the whole mass of the people who are subjected to the despotiem tbat wow reigns with unbridled |) etre i the city of Washington a willing wequiescenee in ita conduct of the war, There murt necessarily exiat among our enemies very many, perhaps a majority, whore humanity recoil from all participation in such atrositien, but who cannot be held wholly guiltiews while permitting their eontinuance withvut an effort at repreasien. The pubiic journals of the North have been received» containing @ prociamation, dated om the first day of the Present month, signed by tho President of the United States, in which be orders and declares all slaves within ton of the States of we confederacy to be free, except gwch a@ are found within certain districts now ecoupted ‘n part by the armed forces of the enemy. We may well Jeave it to the instincts of that common humauity which ‘a Deveficent Creator bas tmplanted in the breaste ef our fellow men of all countries to pas judgment on a measure by which several millions of human beings of an inferior race=peaceful and contented laborers in their apbere—ere doomed to extermination, while at the same time they are encouraged to ® general assassination of their masters by the ineidiour recommendation ‘to abstain from violence wvless jn necessary self-defence,’ ‘Our own detestation of thore who bave attempted the mont execrable measure recorded im the history of guilty man in tempered Dy profound contempt for the impotent rage whieh it discloses. So far us regards the action of this gevermiment on sock crim). pala as may attemp! It8 execution, | confine myrelf to informing you that [ sball—unloss in your wisdow you deem some other courte more expedient—deliver to th® | peveral State authorities all comminsioned officers i the | Vnited States thet may hereafter be captured by our | forces in any of the States embraced in the proclamation, that they may be dealt with tm sscordance with the law, of those Staten providing for the punishment of criminals engaged in exciting servile Inmurrection, The eniited soldiers I ball continue 10 (reat a8 unwilling instruments ‘n the commission of these crimes, and ral) direet they | discharge and return ther Bowes on (he proper med — eval perole * In jtm politieal anpect (bit MOMUTS Pomnennen great wig. oiftennee, and fo if ie thin Iwht J inwie voor atten. ir whole poople the complete of the true nature of the the party which elevated to power the eooupant of the Presidential chair at ‘Waahingten, and which sought to conceal its purposes by every variety of artful device, and by the perfidious use @f the most solemn and repeated pledges on every possible eccasion. Die, the following declaration, made by President Lincoln ander the solemnity of his oath as Chief Magistrate of the United States, on the 4th of March, 1861:— Apprehension seems torexist among the people of the foutbern States that by the accersion of a republican ad ministration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any Feanonable caure for Kuch apprehensions. most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while ex isted and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of hin who now addresses Ido but quote from one of those speechrs when f dechare that | have no parpose, directly or indirectly, to ith qho institution of slavery ip tho States nist. I believe { have no lawful right t do #0, and I have no inclination t do so, These who nominated and elected me did so with fall t 1 had made this and mauy similar and bad never recanted them. And more they placed in the platform for my acceptance, law t themeclves and to me, the clear aud emphatie resolution whieh I now read:— b a atlal to that balance of 1 endurance of our polit: ior Under What protext, ax among the gravest eriues, porition to interfore with our social rystem confined to a Rtato of peace, Both before and after the actual com Monycement of hostililies the President of the United States repeated in formal official communication to the Cabinets of Great Britaio and Franco that ho was utterly without constitutional power to do the act which be has jost committed, and that in po pos sible event, whether the secession of these States, re sulted in the establishment of a separate confederacy or in the restoration of tho Union, was (bere any authority virtue of which he could either restore a cted State to the Union by force of arms or make apy vhaugo in any of its institutions. I refer especially for verification of this assertion to the despatches addrensed by the Secretary of | State of the United States, under direction of the Preml- dent, to the Minister of the United s ‘at London and Paria, under date of 1th aud 224 of Apri, 1861. The people of this confederacy, then, cannot fail to re- ceive this proclamation os the fullest vindleation of thetr own sagacity in foresreing the party in the United States 1 from the beginning to apply their power: nor can they cease to remember with devout tbankfolness that it \# to their own vigilance in resisting the first stealthy progress of approaching des- potiam that they owe thelr eveape from consequences now apparent to the most skeptical ‘This proclamation will bave another salutary effet, in enlming the fears of thoke who bave constantly evinced the apprebension that this war might end by some recon: struction of the old Union, pr some renewal of close po. Litiea) relations with the United States. These fears have pever been shared by mo, nor have 1 ever been able to perceive on what basis they could rest, But the procla, mation affords ihe fullest guarantees of the impossibility of such @ result, which can lead to but one of three possible couse quepeex—the extermination of the slayes, the exile of the whole white population of the con federacy, or absolnte and total separation of these States from the United States. This proclamation is also an authentic statement by the government of the United States of ite inability to subjugate the South by force of arms, and as such must be accepted by neuteal vations» which orn po Jonger find any justification in withholding our just claime to formal recognition, It is also in effect fan intimation to the people of the North that they must prepare to submit to a separation, now become inevitable; for that people are too acute not to understand that a restitution of the Union has been rendered forever im. | possible by the adoption of a measure which, from ite very nature, neither admits of retraction nor can co-exist with union. Among the subjects to which your attention will be abecially devoted during the present sevesion, you will, no doubt, deem the adoption of some comprehensive system of finance at being of — paramount importance, Tho increasing public debt, the great ang mentation in the volume of the carrency, with its neces sary concomitant of extravagant prices for all articles of consumption, the want of revenue from a taxation ade quate to support the public credit, all unite in admonixh. ing us that energetic and wine legislation alove can pre- | vent erious embarrassment in our monetary affairs. It in my conviction that the people of the confederacy will freely meet taxation on aycale adequate to the mainte. nance of the public credit and the supportof their govern ment, When each family is sending forth ite moet precious ones to meet exposure in camp and death in bat, tle, what ground can there be to doubt the disposition to devote @ tithe of its income, and more if be necessary, to provide the government with means for insuring the comfort of ite defenders» If our enemies submit to an excive on every commodity they produce, and to the daily presence of the tax gatherer, with no bigher motive than the hope of success in their wicked derigus against us, the sugg unwillingness on the part of this people to vul the taxation necessary for the success of their in an imputation on their patriotiem that few will be dis, poved to make and that none can justify The legislation of your last sension, intended to hasten the funding of outstanding Treasury voter, has proved beneficial, as shown by the returns annexed t the re port of the Secretary of the Trearury: but it was neither fufficiently prompt nor farreaching 0 meet the full extent of the evil. The passage of nome enactrnent, carrying stilt further the policy of that law, by fixing q limitation not later then the Ist of July next to the delay allowed for funding the notes iseued prior to the Jat of December, 1892, will, in the opinion of the Sec tary, have the efiect to withdraw from circulation nearly the entire sum isnued previous to the last named date, If to this be added a revenue from adequate taxation, and appropriation of bonds guaranteed proportionately by the Nor waa this declaration of the want of power or dis- | | Textract, in this connection, as a ringle exam | Indeed, the | es to whieb the dominant | It bas established a state’ of things | PRICE THREE CENTS far ag practicabie be obviated by the development and employment of interual resources. The peculiar ciroumstances of the country, hows render thie ami. cult and require extraordinary encouragements and far cilities to be granted by the government, ‘The embarrasaments resulting from the limited capact ty of the railroads to afford transportation, and the \n- possibility of otherwise commending and distribating the necessary supplies for (he armies, render necemary the eoutrol of the roads under some! general supervision and reert to the power of impressment under military exigencies. While such powers have to be exercived, they should be guarded by judichous provisions against Ierversion oF abuse, and be, a# recommended by the Secretary, under due regulation of law. 1 specially recom this connection some revision of the Exemption’ law of last ression= Serious inte haye reachod me of the jnequality of it8 operation from eminent and patriotic citizens whose opinions merit great consideration, and 1 trom that Heme means will be devised for Inaying at home # gufficient local police, wit makiog discriminations always to be deprecated, between different classes of our citizens Gor relations with Uhe Indians eenerally continue to be frienily. A portion of the (herokes people have aesumed fe hostile to the Conjederate government; but Ie fs gratifying to be ablo to state that the mass of intetti- and worth |o that notion have remained true and loyal to thelr treaty even onta. With thin excep. there haye been no important instances of diseatiefaction among any of the friendly nations snd tribes. Divsatisfactionrecently manifested jtwif among cortain portiony of them; but Chis resulted from a misape Proheusion of the imtentions of the government in their bebuif. This has been removed, and no further diMeuity is anticipated. The report of the Secretary of the Navy, herewith transmitted, exhibits the progress made in this branch of the public service vince your adjournment as well aa 4# present condition, The details embraced in it are of nature as to render it, in my opinion, imeompatible with the public interests that they #hould be published with this message, 1 therefore confine myself to inviting your attention to the information therein contained. The report of the Postmaster General shows that during the first portal yoar under oar govermment, terminating on the GOth of June last, our revenues were in excess of those received by the former government in ite portal year, white the expenses were greatly decreaped. Thera jf Still, however, @ considerable deficit in the revenues of the department, ay csmpared with its expenres, andy although the granta already made from the general trea- cury will euttice to cover all habilities to the clogs of the tiveal year ending on the 300 of June next, I recommend some legilation, if any ean be copetitutionally devised, for aidipg the revenues of that depart ment during the ensuing fiscal year, ip order to avoid too great a reduction of —pontall facilities, Your attention im also invited to numerous otuer Improvements in the service recommended in the report, and for which legi#lation is required, J recommend to the Congrons to deviee a proper mode of reliel to those of our citizens whore property has beew dertroyed by order of the government in purruance of & policy adopted a# a means of national defence. It is true that (ull indemnity cannot now be made; but some mes- wure of relief ts due to those patriotic citizens who hat borne jtvate loss for the public good, whose property im cot has been taken for public use, though not direciy appropriated, Our government, -born of the spirit of freedom and of the equality and independence of the States, could not have survived @ selfish or jealous dinpos sidon, making ewch only careful of ite own interest or safety. The fate of the confederacy, under the blessing of Divine Providence, depends upon the harmony, energy and unity of the States, It especially devolves om you, their reprosentatives, a6 far an practicable, to reform abures, to correct errors, to cultivate fraternity and to saxtain in the people a just confidence io the yoveruinent of their choice, To that confidence and to the unity and more | self sacrificing patriotiam bitherto displayed ia due the success which has marked the unequal contest, and baw brought our country into « condition at the present time such as the most sanguine would not have voutured te predict at the commencemeut of oar stroggic. ny armies are larger, better disciplined and more thoroughly armed and equipped than at aoy previous period og the wor; the energies of a whole pation, devoted w thé single Object Of success in this war, have accomplished marvels, and many of our trials have by @ beneficen’ Providence been converted into blessings. The magnitude of the perils which we encountered have developed the true qualities and ihustrated the beroic character of our poopie, thus gaining for the confederacy from \ts birth » Just appreciation from the other nations of the earth, The injuries resulting from the jaterruption of foreiga commerce have received compensation by the de- velopments of our iplernal reeovrces, Cannom crown our fortresses that were cast from the proceeds of imines opened and furnaces built during he war. (or inountain eaves yield mach of the uitre for he manutacture of powder, and promine ineraase of product From our own foundries and laboratories, from our own armories and Workshops, we derive, in & groat neasure, the warlike material, the ordnance and ordnance aoTe, which are expended #0 profusely in the numerous and desperate engagements that rapidly succeed each other, Cotton and woollen fabrica, shoes aud harness, wagons apd gun carriages, are produced in daily {nereasing quantities by the factoriom springing into extatence, Our fields, no louge® whitened by cottom that camnot be exported, are devoted to the production of ceresia and the growth of stock formerly purchased with the proceeds of ootwn. In the homes of our noble aad devoted womes— without whoee fublime ractifices our muccems would fave been \mjanm- ble—the poise of the loom aod the spinning whee may be heard throughout the land With hearts swelling with gratitede, let un, them, jovo in returning thank» to God, and in beseeohing the con. tinvance of Hie pretcting care over our caure, sa) the ‘oration of peace, with its manifeld blessings, to oar beloved country, JEYTEREON DAVIB. Rocwmoy, Jan. 12, 1868, seven per canta, as has already been gemerourly propowd | THE FIQHTING ON THE BLACKWATER. by some of them in enactments spontaneously adopted, there i# little doubt that we sball se our Seance | OMelal Despatches from General Dis and restored to & sound apd patisfactory condition, our circulation relieved of the redundancy pow productive of vo many mischiefy, and our credit placed oif such a basia as to relieve us from further anxiety relative to our re sourees for the prosecution of the war, It is true that at ity close our debt will be Inrge, bot it Will be dae to our own people, and neither the interest nor the capital will be exported to distant countries, tr poveriabing ours for thelr benefit. On the retors of peace the untold wealth whieh spring from our poll will render the burthen of tax far lean onerous than is now supposed, expecially i ‘take into consideration that we shall theo reo from the large and steady drain of fnubstance to which we were subjected in thy jate Union through the mstrumentality Of wee tional legislation and protective tariffs, 1 recommend to your earnest attention the whole repertof the Seeretary Of the Treasury ou this important sobject, and trowt that Your legislation on it will be delayed no longer than may be required o enable your wieder bo devine the proper measures for insuring the accomplishment of the object propuned ‘The operations of the War Department have been in the mein satiafactory. in the report of the Secretary, here with gubmitted, will be found «summery of many memo rable wuccesen, They aro with jortion aseribed tn ler ge tnessaTe to (he rrorgenization aud reiuiorcement of our armies onder the operation of tue enectments for con scription, The wirdom and @Mfeacy of these acts have been approved by reeuite,and the like spirit awity, jy be war endurance od wil-devotion of the people whieh tas | most abeerd ramurs are hither» eustsioed thelr action must be relied im w sasure thelr enforcement wader the evptinu log pecorsitice of Our situation. The recommen dations Of the Seoretary Wo this effect ore tempered by womgestions for their amelioration, and the wabject de- perver (he cone \deration of Congrem. For the perfecthm of our miliary orgapization po «p propriste means rhogld be rected, and um thia subject the opinions of the Heeretary merit early attention. it gratifying Wo perceive tbat, under allfibe efforts and pace! eee of war, the power and meme of tbe couleder my oF jhe Puccenatul promeeution are inerearing. Jeperdenee om foreign wuepijes ie to be deplored, end rhould me General Pee Foutame Mownom, Jan 15, 1863. Maj. Geo. Hl. W. Hatince, Geveral-in Chief, Washiogton — The Richmond papers are boasting that General Pryor Fepnlned ovr troupe near New Providence Church on the Oth instant. The following despatch of the 10th instant, froma General Pecks Hie attack was repulsed by our Mounted Kifer, under Major Whoelam, It is due to the latter and to ver troops that the troth ehoald be known, amd if you see no objeo~ tone | would be gind to bave the despatch pabliehed JOUN A. DIX, Major General Aerroum, Jam. 10, 1868. Thm enemy crosea the Blackwater in consiterabo force, and attempted yeuterday to drive in our right wing At Providence Church. Infantry, cavalry and artillery wore employed by the rebel, tut they were repoleet by Major Wheelan'® New York Moanted Rites A¢ durk the <iny's advanoe was charged wpon and driven \ack 9pea eapperte At intervals tur Lhe night aoe wore we from the rebet baiterion JOUN J, PECK, Major Geweral Commanding Our Fortress Monroe Correspondence, Foutnas Mexsoe, Jan. 16, 1963 Movements of Ure Rebels on (he Mackwater— Donde of Koger A. Pryor teneral Pek’: Preparations ta Meet the Hee bale The Union Soldiers Net 0 be Omaght Napping, de ‘Thee boast of tbe rutias Roger A. Pryor (of Potter bowie kulfe gotoriety), commanding the rebel forces oo th Wackwater, 0 eke Sut before the mite of th, week, has pot ar yet Been felfilied, The rebet ehemens of cogck ant Nerina, of Coures, te very jubilant, and the im cremation One ip thet vey avery aheret to come through the Tinee! annp, ride nrg Priarers Aon county, sod mek ah 00 the devoted city of Norfolk, eaptare Priget rai Viele, ont Aemroy the storms tor the army, am? wits Ubeaannd and one other depredations, to whic! co rebel tale it (or granted) our fyreee would ‘ouk 0 hod jet themn retire tu Ye deememmration it tnace by the rebete in ihe rear ibe fank of Major General Jobo J Peva, (bat oneal ot wold ubhoabiediy be canght apyleg Wut there need be po (oar on that soore Gener! Meck ie too etek an officer het to knw what i before Bem, ame how wily an enemy be bas to contend with There le ne tee of apprebenwion for the safety of waltelt, sed the iden Of 8 RM belng tande om Nort ik # simply 1 itieulor The preperativas of Majer Generel lot ore meet cMmple en ad