The New York Herald Newspaper, April 1, 1862, Page 2

2 NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, APR{': 1, 1862.—TRIPLE SHEET. ——$— shall uphold the morality of nations and the faith of | We have heard from several honorable gentlemon, ably | tnan thoy aro t treaties, he is exactly that man. What is it that Whea- and forcibly stated, the partioular evils which it 1s sup- dauger a pata prrened 4 ~ ee ton, a distinguished writer on international law, says on | Posed will arise from the operation of the Declaration Of | try, thoy wili nut undertake to a, — this very question of what becomes of treaties in time | Paris in favor of neutrals, boar.) The question of — ae. oe. ——_—_ the cowrse any jerpment would have tofolle’w is so | take that view negative the figst part of the | meat in the debate that has st this point of th» caso, plain that it newésno expiavation. Iwill doal,fire..with | assertion, Weeause they say our eommeree woud | though it is a mowt important canaideration. Did ¥ the Declaration of Varis. It has been fully exp& ined | go on witnou. any interruption whatever, and ai | take any step, by the declaratia | Of Paris, rolinquisiing that the only new point far as we aro concernes! that would happen would be that tho ¢ anuel throu;h | » cardinal pineijiv and Haparing OUP maritime st-engca? of wart He says:— pr cee cemer ree bp nt ante -“d saree upon the carrying trade as between us and noutrals | that declaration was chat which declared that an enewny which it flowed would be changed, and that commerce | That is the real question. It ism ' interests superior to There might be t re that war would permit me to pat before it the i. «pe oP ne sastio, | oat doubt, extremely important. I did mot | property shouid be {ree from capture im @neutral bay- | would be carried on through the neutrala with snuch | that of the shipowners that we aa © Now discussing the neceameridy but an we ne erie eae dee bat are ee cag otter sive of the question» | unterstand ty’ right honorable frignd, the Lord Advo- | tom. Tho other pounts in the declaration were old emtab- | greater sa:ety than in our own ships. If that be 8, 80° | subject. ‘The noble Jord has traaw this question in an A intervening {option of the priaciple t mended by the honiwahie cate, to goto the length which some have attributed to | lishet practice. The declaration as W blockades wns ) fur as our commerce is concerned, there is no ground for | extraordinary manner. He fret ge ‘V@ Certain abstract ‘inwerpreta” | member for Liverpool Neg ee aid more than | Wi Tdul not understand him to way that he admitted | coly reéapitulating acty well known and taken as facts | complaint.“ (Hear, hear.) Ti must be admittod that that | reasons iat favor of th» change.) tis very surprising perma ssig Mane that all the carrying trade would, asa matter of course, | My houorab'e fricnd the member for Birmingham very | principie would increase the inconvenicnces which the | that so experivnced a statesman, bor, ? and bred in the Ouce in the course of this debate that it is of no use LW | yo into the hands of neutrals (Bear, hear.) Dr. Phill an au ty whom we c: -ofes 3} “ Evon in the Liverpool pe- | ably and very fully shows that it was a wise und potitic | shipowners would feel when war broke out. Bus, umfors | school of politics th: hea mfch importance rn cee eres oan | Tate Late stablished aw of uations, for that we | tition Ido uot find such an assertion as that, Tho peti- | measure on the part of she govermment tw adopt the | tunately, it is of the nature of war that it cannot be our. | bo th int Of our’ uaritime cad. 2, the schol ot Sad chateakanan between | Paris. But that, sir P deve We gave up ceratin bet. | Lovers use More garded and more modified language. | Principle that noutral flag should cover enemy's | riedon without embarrassment, suffering and lose to all | Liverp of and Caning, should sada ‘only find there pallesioete weet poten igerent rights on sohich soo might hase tastated, Goran bal | Thoy speak ouly of considerable part of the grade being | sods. He has shown that it was the doc- | parta’s concerned. “If you make war without any wuller- | are abstract arguments against se existence. | J rase—viz., in the c Y provide for | introduced no ney principle, Bur this motion likely ‘to find its way into neutral hands, I haveno | tine of every other maritime Power, and that | ing aad apy jogs to any party whatever, it would become | mist dothe noble jo-d the justice be SAY that he did if we bad persisted in maintaining the opposite doc~ trine, and we had gone to war with any great maritime State, we should inevitably haye run the risk of adding to that war a dispute wilh the other maritime Powers, which would baye led to anotherarmed neutrality. There is a principle upon which, a8 it appears to me, this doc- trine must stand. We have lately maimciined, at the risk Of war, that a merchant ship at sea is a part of our territory; that that territory caunod be violated with im- pumity; that, therefore, individuals cannot be taken out of@ merchantman belonging to@ neutraleountry. The same principle may be said to apply % goods as well as men, and if it be granted,as we do grant, that a bel- ligerent has no right to tako out of a neutral sip persons who are enemies, 50 it follows that the neutral must al- ways be reapected, and m the case even of enomy’s pru- perty on board, ought not to be violated. But the ground upem which the goverument asscated to that declaration was, a8 has been woll stated by the honorable momber for Birmingham, that in the altered state of things and iny the preseat relative tions Of the great maritime: Pawors of the world, they felt that persisting to maintain’ a doctrine which no otber nation maintained, wouldincur the risk of involving this country in hostilities with’ more than one Power if wo can.o in contact with any one Power. The right honorable ro onatenss who has just sat ed in a war with the Uni- ted States the Dec'sration of Paris would: place us in an agree . ornditions seeteteatien of Paris was that they should apply only -t0 the States which became partics to them, and therfore, in 30 far as the United States were net parties to the Lecla- rotion of Paris, they would not apply to any parties who.en- gaged in’ war with the United But, with regard to the second article, which said that the flag should cover the goods, that has always Leen the principle which the United States has maintained, and, th: ‘e, no difficul- ty arises between and the United Staies upon that Grticle. (Hoar, bear.) It requires no addit decla- ration to bind them to am observance ei that article, because that has always been their doc. , and the fast that it was their doctrine led us to think t.. 1 itwas more prudent and wise to adopt, in common wi: other par- ties, the Declaration of Paris. Taereiore ave do hesi: tation in saying that to go back to the parties who sembied at Paris and to ask them to rescind those reso- lutions, is @ course which no gentleman can seriously think tho government ia likely to adopt, or that, if adopt- ed, the government is likely to get the other parties to agree to it. Then we come to the other subject—namely, the proposition which is made by tho honorable member for Liverpool, that we should agree that private property by soa shall be exempt from capture. It is said that it is a logical deduction from thie Declaration of Paris. I deny that proposition. he Declaration of Paris related tirely to the relations between belligeronts and neutral ‘The proposition of the henorable momber rolates to the re.ations of belligerents to each other. It isa matter totally distinct, resting on totaliy different grounds, and I cannot see any logical connection between them. Tho honorable member for Birmingham has beon kind enough to attach some value to opinions which 1 expressed some years ago at Liverpool. The attention which he has ‘been pleased to pay, and the weight whtch he has been pleased to give, to my opinion, induces-me to hope that he will with me alter the opinion which was then ex- pressed. (Laughter.) The passage quoted as having been part of what I said at Liverpool related to two mat- ters.. Firat of all, to the exemption of private proporty ‘at sea from capture; and, secondly, to the assimilation of the principles of +. ‘sea to the practice of war on land. Lam perfectly ly to admit that [nave entirely altered my opinion om the first (Hear, hoar.) Further re- tection and deeper t) taking hag satisfied me that what mere clsild’s play, and it might last forcver without com- | not dwel! much on that point, He m& vitted that tho ing to auy result. (Hear. ) It is said that all our co real eausos of the’change have been piaa ‘1 more cleorly moree would immediately bo carried on by neutrals, but | before the House by the honorable memém * for Birming- how is that made out? I preaume it may be asserted | ham. It was’because,on th: eve of a yea * With Russia, that the commerce of the world is carried on by tho shiye | we ‘cared the assertic of the principle @ bat a neutral of the world,and I believe onr commercial ships form | flag doo not cover the eargo might involve "s in embar- a largs proportion of the shipa which carry on that | rassmeuts with the United States. (Hear, hear.) ihe commerce, Suppose that our ships were thrown out of | doble lord recognized the accuracy of chav@, 18cription. employment, where will you find ships to take their | ®that bes suilictent reason for the em J taken, seo placeY Skips are not things which eax bo created on a | how it has operated with regardto the yoryy ‘ower for sudden; it takes time to create a mercantile marine. I | which the yacritico was made, As the House %8 been I forget how many milliéns of tons we have inour mor- | reminded, we might be a3 war with the Unitiag States, chant shipping, but supposing the whole ef them | and the United States might atthe same time; ity Vir'ue were all av once confined to our harbora, where will you | of the new principle that the flag covers the carge.. Arty find neutral skips to take their place and to-carry_on the | on tite whole of their trade in aeutral yeasols, whl, they commerce whieh they now carry on? We are,1 hope, | poured forth thousands of privateers to preyupes Our the most powerful naval State, and wa have, J hope, | merclunt shipping, (Hear, Bear.) In giving us bit @ fleet which, im the event of war, would be ior to any | cariinad point. therefore, f , to certain degree; vim adversary willvwhim we might te engagd. (Hear, hear.) | ary approhension, which could not be put to a prastia ‘Tho ships of that adversary would either in a'shors time | test. wehave, without having ofiected our object, plcim be contined totheir ports or they would came ong and | ourse’v-s’ abs-iutel's at the mercy of" the Uni cd Slates, i@, suffer defeat; and when we had established our maritime, | which God forbid! » war should ewer take piace betweaw supremacy at sea, them the danger to our mevchant'ser- | thg'twovountries, ‘That being tho Mon of ailairs, wer vice would in suc proportion be- diminished. ‘in's | have now Sefore us » motion which hay been described ae | really is only another imstance of an attempt teset up | the naturabconsequance of our relinquiatwment of this car- | the assumed interest of one class of pérdOns agaiwst tho!| dinal princ'ple of our maritime policyin the Declaration general interests of the country. have had — ot Paris, noble Jord denies that it 8a naturalcomte- =. mauy examples of thas in years past, an in all ( | quence ; but he torgot oat he was.the at anthority? cages the persons whoobjected to @ particular arrange- | to anpguuce that it was su. (ear, hear.) Why, whew: ment on the ground that they imagined tl:at it waa inw | the Dec’aration of Paris was signed and peace proclaimed, rtous to their interests fownd afterwards in the end that | the noble lord travelled two hundred milés to a consider- they were mistaken, and they nave actually shared'in | able city, and was th first person who celled the atten the general good which resulted trom that arrangement. | tion of the country to the inevitable conzexion between When f.0¢ trade incorn was established, the agriculturad | this renunciation of our o#1 principle of mevritime policy; interest contended that they would be ruined, and great | and the'policy recommondet by the honorable member eMfurts were made to prevert the adoption of that mea- | for Liverpool. noble lord now says, ‘Sieve changed sure; but the agricultural interest has since found that it | my opinion, Icapnot deny that when pesee was pro- ‘prospered with the prosperity which that change pro- | claimed I went down to Lawer;x ol to recoive te congratu- ‘duced. Our manufacturing iaterests also contended that | lationsof my friends and stimulate the spirit of my ‘by admitting foreign manufactures our manufacturers | party,not by a burried, but by a wellconzidered and would be ruined, but instead of that our manufactures } Mature manifesto, and thet I said that the principles have increased in the very proportion that we have ad- | which wore adopted at the Paris Conference might per- mitte¢ foreign manufactures... ‘Ibis very interest—the | haps be still further extended, and that in thowourse of - shipping interest—is also an instance. They con- | time those principles of was which were applied to hos- tended most elaborately and eloquently that the | tilitica by land might be cxtended to hostilities by sea. change in the Navigatian laws would be their ruin, | 0 that private property might no longer be’ the object of but tho contrary has been the fact, and our shipping has | uggression on either side.” New, | want to ‘know what increased over since by‘ reason of that change. The | more the honorable membes for Liverpool haa said? shipping interest now ask: for the establishment of the (Cheers ) ‘These opinions, indeed, exceed anything whieh principle contwined in the resolution of the honorable | the honorable gentleman hs recommended, Tho houor- meinber for. Liverpool, because they imagine that it | able Vy ngeetoag not dared to put in @ resolatica that would refieve thom of tho pressure of war; but in the | which the Prime Minister’of Eng'an! announcod in »- same way it can'be shows that the remedy which they | speech. *But,” says the noBle ord, “I have change my seck will, in fact, be detrimental to the general interests | opinion.” Woil, a man has a perfect right to change his of the country, and that they would share in the in- | opinion. We'do not grunge the nobie lord his jury which the country: would sustain if that were | of opmion on these vital subjects, but then the ‘granted to them which a short sighted viow of their own | noble Jord’s opinion upen any subject can hardly be interests induces them to think of importance. An | sxch @ leading authority e@ it was before. | (“Hear,” island like this, with an army whic ienot large enough | and laughter.) Here is the -noble lord, twemy to be sent to adistance across the sea for any great | years Secretary at War, fifteom years Foreign Secretary, operations of war, must mainly rest for redress upon its | and at the time when he made this deciaration Prime naval power being exerted in destroying the commerce | Minister. For forty years he mast have been medite and commercial ships of ite antagonists, and in taking | ting and manipulating kindred ‘subjects tothis. (Hear, their crews prison Gentiemon have argued this Bass), Whether the flag should cover the cargo, every question as if it were simp! matter of ships and | question affecting privateering, eyery form which a- goods; but they forget that w! you, take an enemy’s | ‘diplomatic declaration ‘can: assume must have tantly. merchant ship you tale not only the vegwel and cargo, the mind and) meditation of the noble lord. but also the sailors. on board (hear, hear),-who, if Yet, upon the. most Jmaporiani, ef, these are allowed to return sately to thoir own porta,are au | noble lord, holding a most ri ‘ible situation. additional source of'strength to your onemy. Su} making “a well consi bpeoeh, which, 4 what { hupe may be far int—«that we were.at war | manner and the ‘time of ite delivery, was with France. That country sends gnnually som 15,000 | portant even than a debate in this House, because it wi or 20;000 satlors to the dffferent fisheries ag nurseries | & declaration to a nation—the noble lord the for her-war navy, Suppose we were pe ar Brest, | 81me conclusion as the honorable member, and p! y reson ae uak war between the com | ackran ‘an ite ™ i , doubt that to ecime extant that would be the case, and mo P principles hitherto of cardinal and | 40 evap anon, wracting pares fundamental importance in the law of nations. If there | Goubé it would be an evil 4o far as tt goes; Dut tn these (Hear, hear.) Dut the case before us is not one of treaty | be any principle of the r ; cases wo must 5 iple of the law of natic re cardinal than ~ maiy, Gecause, as I understand it, what was done at Paris A im pect to accomplish the objects of war without suffering ati an nts ts tee concent another, it is that in war governments are identified with | from rerioua e. an ordinary treaty, but | their pedpl “ip “ vils, and Tam far from sure, for the ea wag a general concurrence of the civiiizod uations of the papa ater rng ala Fy To ore | Lene RIAL awe edvenend thas. only be for the earth, for the purpose of establishing a new principle, und up with # a ayes meg true interests of peace or civilizauion if wo could. But enacting anew law, which should be aitunitted and Meor | ee ea carrer oa feat cateatn ie Fazrae soak tenp.ane: sonny cane dapaiione seasam would Covted in alt future time. Hf you were to adoptthe pro- | subject have laid down that prineiple—they have said | such ab-olute run t ib macre éoubitAl. aad nes to oxpeok posi mas “4 one ye er « Liverpool, and agree | that the property of the individual, as part of the pro- Pera eaten pont a ah oping: int eto these gon. br aesasedl air tevin Scat uti America, you would | perty of the nation, is responsible for the liabilities of | trade of bollicerente Pree a lace, if vail the % hen ely : Sane 'y term @ treaty, but simply | the nation—as against the foreign belligerent; the nation into the se oo ene) nas a great tondenoy te rush for Wer ae . bytes un eyo to say, if the Secretary | and the individuals that compose it are one and the same the ircighta of mee is, it is quite manifest that crcia com dows enon an eau attempted to break ii, | and no distinction is made between the aggregateand the | and that would sereee ships would greatly rise, oe oe SO im and them the condemnation of individuals. Our whole system of war, all our doctrine of poet ocr dp ie sree, cy some Measure at least, to (Grenrs ) oe . Revs’ a pntery, comnity on te globe. | re; prisals is built on that principle—it is on that that the right | rate of insurance. med acoenie conanqpant on the r Sir iocghs be eee setertaene ten nnn Stare maritime capture rests; on that resta the disability of | Soe that becatise of the introduction of steam aarigation wade arent Wiaaavan! Sigh Side of the question | subjects of the two belligerents to carry on trade with | Convoy should wot be as effectual as it wan ia igation Under sroat disadvantages, and I could not help coming | each other, or to maintain actions, and to join in com- | times Om ihe contrary, if privateering rg Ang 4 Rotot tne honored hy so pdone 9 the pro- | tracts—a principle as to which Mr. Justice Story, a great | should say that that abelition woul raga ty abolished, T Ceres stock eore samioce tate | Auer ether, te id then paves cee eat ae ae eens Ghaive, thd woh mure Unanswerabie iin the che nica Rrinciple.” says Mr. Tustice Story, “of national or mu- | ships. We are told by the honorable mentee for Saa- witch tio delivered tho other night. (Hear, hoar.)” One | sung, made suring wor are teter tak Thebes kes | derland that, wince the peace of 1816, there hae boon & point more and have done. [ said at the outset that a rown hoary under the reverend respect of centuries, and enormous increase of our trade, our shipping and Groat change had taken place in our circumstances and | cannot now be shaken without uprooting the very founda- our commerce; and this ia au argument quite independéat in the period which elapsed between 1515 and | “ons of national law. x the Declaration of Paris. The effect of . (856. The of the United Kingdom, in and out, in | This is not an arbitrary principle. Iventure to say thi® | Honorable friend said was, that you could not’ posslbly 1814, was 3,500,000 tons. Daring, theilast seven or eight | Principle involves in itsolt the very highest and most fend that increased trade if you went to war with auy ‘yearé it has beon upwardsof 12,000,000tons. Our ex- | Momentous considerations—the interests of patriotism | Sat Power. That, at all events, wonld be a conse; ports, which then amounted to £40,000,000—our imports | and the interests of peace. (Hear, hear.) Sir,I dread | @uence, not of the Declaration of Paris, but of our own ‘being about the same—bave now arisen to'£120,000,000. | to think what might be the effect of admitting the prin- | Prosperity and groatnoss; and I, for one, do not believe What was the effect upon the mercantile navy of ‘this | ple of a political war and | commercial peace—(hear, | that because we havo become greater and richer in re- country of the short war of 1812-14 with the UniteaStates | hear)—governments at war and their subjects at peace, | Sources, therefore wo should hereafter be found leas of America? Thave looked at a book in the library, pub- | and carrying on their trade with each other, (Hear, | Sb1¢ 10 defend ourselves than heretofore. | Sir, these lished by an American, whose name I forget, which pur- | hear.) If anything could sap the patriotism of wmation | Prophecies of evil bave many times beea brought ports to be a history of American privatesring during | 1 think it would be such astate of things. As far ag I | forward against this country. Nor is it @ new that war. I have also seen other statements which | know, the earliest writer who ably advocated the princi. | ‘bing to hear all that we havo heard in this discus- bring mo to the same conclusion, viz:—that during that | ple of’ the honorable member of Liverpool was the Abbe | #i00 as to the evils of this system of maritime warfare short war, not extending over more than two years, | Mablay, about the middle of last century, said:— | Operating against us. The Abbe Mably—to whom I have the American privateers captured no fewer than 2,500 | ‘The main difficulty to be anticipated would be | 2lready relerred—argues, as we have had. it ar- Roglish ships. Thave heard it stated on American autbo- | that the unrestrained communications of mer. | §¥4 here, that England of all countries in the world has rity that the ships so captured were sold for the enor. | chants would, no doubt, offer facilities to the enemy; but | “He greatest interest in getting rid of the system of mari mout sum of $107,000,000, or more than £21,000,000. If | it'would be easy to provide against that. The police | ‘ime warfare against merchant ships. Ho alludes to the such was the loss to the shipowners, the merchants and | WOuld manage all that. Merchants are the least patriotic | “@" of 1798, and states that we lost thousands of mer- the underwriters of this country during that short war, | of all the world, and will only regard their own inte. | Chant vessels and millions of pounds’ worth of property, when your tonnage was only 3,500,000, what would be | rests.” Now, sir, 1 hold that the merchants of England | While France could uot have lost half as much, she not your loss. supposing the old system were to prevail, if | @7@ not the least patriotic in the world. I quite agree | Preseuting so great a front to such operations of warfare. you had awar now with your tonnage 12.000,000 or | with the honorable momber from Pirmingham on that | /@ also says that when England took Spanish ships in the 13,000,000, and with the American mercantile marine in- | point. The merchants of Kugiand have on many occa- | War Of the Spanish succession sho was destroying tl creased even more largely than your ewe? (Hear, hear.) | sious shown their patriotism. But under what system | Property of her own merchants, who were interested ‘The devastation which would be caused would be some- | Was the patriotism of Fngitsh merchants fostered and | the trade with Spain; and that there was uot a case of a thing enormous, and you gould scarcely conceive a ques- | maintained? Was it, under the system of political wars | “Fench ship being taken in which the loss did not recoil tion on which it would be worth while to incur such a | md commercial peace—(cheers)—or under a system | 8 the London insuraace offices. Weil, but we have sur- loss. I ask the noble lord; if this change which way made | that in-war bound them up together with their gonera- | Vi¥on all that; the patriotism of our merchants and our in 1856 cannot now be recalled, does he believe that for | ment, which made them follow sufferers in its reverses— | Peove bore us through it; our prosperity remained, aa I any long time it will be possible to resist the proposition | partners in the common stake, snd looking to its success | DPC it will remain still. My homorable friend, of the honorabie member for Liverpool? I hope | as the source or return of their own prosperity. (Cheers.) | {a moinber from Stamford, asked upon. what it may be possible for one hundred years to | I venture to say that the patriotism of the mercantile | W° rely. I reiy, sir, on the patriotism of come; because as long as there is neither | class would be placed in danger if in time of war their | ‘De vation, on the resources of the coumtry, and on that ‘war nor rumors of war, of course the calamities | 1utercsts were rated from the general interests—it | ¢/asticity which England has always shown in times of which be points out will not happen to the ship. | they were indemni ‘agninat the consequences of war— | Prosperity and adversity. (Hear, hear.) 1 don’t believe owners of this country. But if strong rumor fof war | if they were deprived of their general interest in | ‘at the spirit of our people would desert them—I don’t arises, or war itself st take place, the consequences | the maintenance of peace. What must be the effect | Velieve that our means of defence would be found want- ‘which he describes will come about, and the noble lord | on the interests of peace of this great principle of aub- ing. If we began naval superiority, I belleve that ‘or his successor will find the greatest — pressure | jects and governments being identified in timo of war? | We should maintain it, and I should trust to that superi- Drought upon him to that which was done at | | yield to no one in my love of peace. Techo the words | rity being as Likely to prove sufficient to defend our Paris in 1856—which I believe cannot be recalied—o; } that fel] from the honorabie member for Birmingham on | ™¢! hant ships as it was in former days. (Hear, hear.) Eee be th whigh the ‘able member from Liver: | this subject, that, under any circumstances, be would | 48 to the declaration of Paria, I may say that we are not an pstivdents: got think many ncounter evils. We cannot possibly ex should be done now. I do | rather be the meanest lover of peace than thé most | !ikély to go back from it. It can hardly have been sup- mombers take into sccount | honored advocate of war. Except when necessity and | Posed that my right honorable friend the Seoretary for (eho total revolution, both in war and commerce, which | self-defence impose on a nation tne duty of war, lagree | W#r meant fora moment that we should think of recoding ibas taken place throughout the world during the jast | with the honorable gentleman that it is of all things the | ‘Tom it. My right honorable friend referred to quite a dif- “@fiy years. Your industry is so great, your commerce | last to be advocated. But in the interests of peace, it is | ferent thing. He said, what is undouptedly true, that the @o wide, and the force of interests i certainly necessary to be cautious how we . | effect of war as a general rule and ordinarily is to dissolve . Toulon, Cherbourg, or L’Orient, if the iple of the | now that be bas entirely changed his:opinion. Yes; the ‘so omaip tt ‘a utverly’ imapessibis the aueieht teresta of the people at large from the policy of te Se treaties between belligerent nations; and that evea in tne | at irst sight is plausible, and I admit that itis pladaible | honorable member {or Liverpool were adopted, we | noble Ted ay choy, i iat dot pag, {eit hime @beories and of war cam be any longer main. | verpment in the matter of war. What is the greatest | °7% 0f treaties made in the contemplation of war, which, | 00 the surface, is a most dangerous docttine, and I hope | should have to allow the fleet of 20,000 sailors to pass that when ho rises agaih,and whén ques lb high ‘tained. Now and then I find @ member apparently fur. | check we have against unjust and unnecessary he said, they were in honor bound toobserve—and I trust | tbat the honorable member will be kind enough to givé-4 with impunity throogh our Blockadidg squadron to mun | importancé-are brought under ‘the consideration of that war is not the one grand object or purpose | 1 it not the burtbens they im: ‘And if you endeavor | that we shail always observe that which binds us in ho- | Weight to my thoughts and falso como round to those | the enemy’s ships ling in the port us. (Hear, | House of Commons, and ‘he wares the Heuse "1 second , which are proverbally the best. (Cheors and laughter.) With regard. to the similation of war by sea to the practice of wi by land, 1 think that, as far as it was in the powor of the governemont by arrangement wi her Powers, we have accomplished it. For what is the main difference between the practice of war by sea and by land? It iggaid that the practice of war by land is to respect private property. Every ono who holds that doctrine must forget everything which has passed with- in his memory, and everything which he has read. It is ‘well known that when armies are in an onemy’s count ‘petting sof man, and that preparation for war is not the one grand | ‘0 introduce @ system which will enablo you tocarry | LOr—still, when wars, the ultima ratio of States, take design with which Parliaments are elected. (Hoar, hear.) | 00 war without those burthens, which will leave trade | piace, there is no further sanction which can compel the | undisturbed and make armies. march through a | ‘hem to respect these decla:ations and-treaties. And he Rise of the Dutch Republic, speaking of one of his cha- | country, in the language of the honorable member | Was,! think. quite justified in the iuferonce which he — | for Salford, ag a peaceful cavalcade—when enemies.| few from that argument—not that we should violate ‘Charios the Bold—says he was aman in whose eyes no- | may come to id, and from | By 0! the declarations we have made, or depart from ‘We | Englagi? to France, pursuing their ordinary occupations | #2Y treaty to.which wo have’ been parties, but that any to de the Parliament of an tened age—the | during war in mutual credit, loading cargoes and selling | ¢Dgxgcments of that sort were of the most treacherous of a Christian country- I think that we | them, and in fact carrying on all the common operationg | Kind; that we, adbering to them in honor and good faith, .) If @- man. | of lifes if nothing bad Lappened—can you suppose that | Would have nosecurity that, when temptation came upon lvoksonly to the chances of war, fills his eyes and mind | their interest jd be the same us now in preventing | °'radversaties, actin; Perhaps in combination against war or in bringing'about a restoration of peace?. (Hear, | \'9. and thinking that they would’be better able to meet hear.) ' ‘Therefore it is not simply the injury done to the | are asked to adopt ‘‘a sui ’’ he will not exer- enemy by the capture of his property and vesseia which | oiso that influence apon wublie cree s poasces- you have to consider; itis the injury you ean dobim by | ed before the hasty expressions tat he has dow recalled. thus crippling his war navy, and depriving him of a | What? ‘‘A suicic policy !’’ Is that the policy recom- certain number of men who would otherwise man | mended by, boseeast He meen bone LiverPagt Why, that navy, and enable it to come out and give you | it is the pol! ich the noble ‘him-elr com; battle. (Hear, hear.) My opinion, therefore, distinctly ‘and partially perpeti : and is, that poe ive up that power which you possess, and | tor). 1 deeply regret this, because "know that there all maritime States possess and have erercised—of | have been and may a be occasions perigee! cia taking the ships, the property and the erews of the nation | ‘culty when the warning voice OF an experienced states- Popularity and'authority of the noble with whom you way hay to be at war—you would be | man, of the talents, cri the right arm of our strength. You would be-in- | lord would sink deep. into thespublic mind, and. would Europe and hear.) Kven in this*country—althongh I trust that with | "3, they would not, upon some one or other of those | they take thing which they want, and very often | dicting a blow upon our naval power, and you would be | exercise a great and salutary influence upon public opi- gard to all the ‘ds it has on its princi tory foro geome thousands of excuses which the circumstances of war al. | destroy what tl ey do not want, for the pornos de guilty of an act of political suicide. (Hear, .) I¢ | nion. But, alas! that is all Nore gla eee ter.) r) ways present, turn round and gay, “Because you ha ‘straction. Not‘only do they destroy what they donot ceasary Wars would, under any circumétances)recei serious” chéck—even in this'country,1 can conceive how | done this, or because you have done that, we hold ou much the interest of all clagses of the people, in the | sélves no longer bound by tbat declaration or engage- maintenance and preservatinn of peace, would be di- | ment, and we shall revert to the original, recognized \you allow: the cargo to co free, you must allow the men’ |’ However ruinous the however ” ju- also to froe. Suppose you were at war with Krance, | tionary the -schemes, however vast the danger you ‘notstop a merchant ship and tale the men out re may assail the. State;, rt wait and take what they do want, but they go further ot her while you lot the-veesel.and ‘You could may be deeply impressed Sith San these or rou let el . >and resp and: ¢hiok, and levy heavy contributions upon the which they occupy. 1 will relate two instances atdifferent ‘ward to minished, if this system were introduced. I should be | rules of international law.’’ (Hear, hear.) Sir, strap, Periods of time. which shows the continuity ot the | not say,,<*We will réapect the cargo and respect the ves- | perils, he may feel | deeply place in sorry to gay say thing disrespectful of the shipowners; | things than that have beep done before Thy 1 reir practice. In 1807, when the French army besieged | gel, but you have sailors, and ag the mercantile marine | deopty, aud there may be ne. risk.of his chang- ‘morcial condition of all coantries—when and I agree with the honorable member for Birmi my hand one of the few treaties of this kind that haveever | Dantsic, then a Prussian town, France being at war | is that which feeds the war navy, sailore are part of the | ing his opinions, the world will remember that ho wen! interests of those countries will assert the su; that in this House, at all events, uothing has bee Deemmado—the ireaty of commerce and navigation be. | With:Prussia, after a long siexe Dantsic surrendered. | euemy’s power, and, therefore, gentiomen, we cannot | down to Liverpool to recommend a ‘‘guicidal policy,” ‘which they have a right disrespectful of them. But if the shipowners should | tween bis Britannic Majesty and the French:King signed | The French destroyed in the first place allthe suburbs. | let you go into port—we must take possession of | and they will cry “Wolf, wolf, wolfl” when otherwise war which in times past, enffor—and I should regret if they did—by the present | &t Versailles on the 26th of September, 1786. What is the | Icy took @ great many things which they wanted for | you, and allow! the ship and cargo to get home | his words might have saved the Capitol, (Cheers and act too strongly on the minds of states: state of the law, they certainly would not have an in- | second article of that treaty? 1t 1s this:— their own purposes, requisites of clothing, and so forth, | ag they best can.’ (Laughter.) Therefore, accord. | laughter.) Bows wpas ere wo to do imour present posi- In my eyes already the v: creased interest in the maintenance of peace, if the sys- | For thefuture security of friendship and commerce be. | 804 then they levied on the town @ contribution of | ing to the principle of the jorable geatieman, | tion? The noble lord says wo have two alternatives. I ‘The great mon of our age are wot your tem of political war and commercial peace wore intro. | tween the subjects of their said Majesties,and to the end | 30000,000f. Was that respecting private property? Who | you would be compelled te let any number of sallors pass | will take first the proposal made.by the Ronorable mem- moteven your statesmen, but duced. “They would have the double advantage of | that this good correspondence may be preserved from all | Were to those 30,000,W00f., except the inhabitants, | into a harbor, to man a flect there, that might come out | bor which the noble lord at Liver, advocated with so country are your engineers, those high war rates, as they bad during the Crimean war, and | interruption and disturbance, it is concluded and agreed | 904 bow Were they to pay it, except out of their private | toencounter yours, and offer it battle. (Hear, hear.) | much eloquence. (Laughter.) sppears to me @ industry of the people (hear, hear; at the same time the ordinary {ruite and advantages of | that if at any time there should arise any misunderstand. | Property? That is one example of many showing that it | With this principle you would really almost reduce war | visionary proposition. (Hoar-) I oasmet myself disso dustry, before long, you may depend peace. I don't believe the shipowners are an unpatriotic | ing, breach of friendship or rupture between the crowns | '8 NOt the practice in war by land to respect private pro- | toan exchange of diplomatic notes. (Hear, hear.) if ciate the interests of nations aad of governments. It over much that was thought great class, but I certainly would not throw such temptations | of their Majestics, which God forbid, t perty. Take another instance at a much more recent | you admit the principle that privato property must bere- | scems to me dangerous to dose . Iumay make rich #0- times. I think we are now in their the inducements they now | of the two parties resiting in the domi period—in the year 1850 or 1851. There was a contost | spected at sea, you cannot maintain a blockade, You en- | cieties, but will aurely make wealsStates. (Fase. bear.) into thodawn, and that the have to ri side of the maintenance | shall have the privilege of remainining and. continuing | then in the Electorate of Hosse Cassell between dilferent | foroe a blockade by confiscating the ships that break I cannot believe that armies and navies can flour ble member for Liverpool’ offers of peace. ate of things in our own | their trade therein without any manner of digturbance, | German Powers. What was the state to which they re- | how can you do that if you assert that private property | when they are no longer bound: > with the interests wall recommend itself widely t country, what would be the system im other countries | s0 long aa they behave peaceably and commit uo offence | ‘uced that unhappy country? I will, if the House per- | at sea is tobe respected? You may say that ships shall | and passions of the community. if msooiety founded every manufacturer, to every where the government arbitrary and disposed to } against the laws and ordinances; ‘incase their con. | mit me, read extracts (rom letters addressed tomo at | only be taken incase they break the blockade. But what | on such principles were long persisted in's see the owner in this country. I do not ‘ambition’ What is now | dict should render them suspected, and the respective | that time by a diplomatic officer, who went to look at | is ity That is not a question so clear that aninfinitenum- | possibility of immense corrupsion, and I cam hardy Imight offer an opinion for the benefit of the opject stem? It is the suffering | governments should be obliged to order thom to remove, | the country at the period and after that coutest—a con- | ber of questious may not arise upon it. ft may be alleged | doubt that the end would be in some part whieh he has in view, 1 would ask him not to invite the | that must thereby be entailed on their peopte, and the | tho term of twelve months shall he allowed them for the | test which did not last long, and between German ar- | that a ship has not broken the blockade; is may bea | of the world some man of force—some conqueror, uestion is com| ely new to it, to | fear that they will not endure them; bat if you make | }:rpose, in order that they may remove with their ef- | Mies, not animated by hereditary aniny-ity or difference | question how far she was from the port,.and in what with some new system of tactics: o mow kind of artil- decision. (| , hear.) The motion | that burden light and easy to the people, do you not | fects and property, whether intrusted to individuals or to of race, but acting simply in the 0. »porations of | degree her approach to it proved an inténtion of lery—would take advantage of such & but war upon tho theatrd of hostilitie,. is is what he etated on the 17th oi November, 1850:— It ia deplorable to consider the inevitable consequences of this immense coucentra:ion of foreign troops in Hesse, of Which your lordship no doubt te already informed, but the sufferings of the poor inhabitants is likely to exceed ng which can be imagined. Their provisions for the winter already setting In, have been consumed by the troope quartered on them.’ Sickness and disease are in, appear, and I believe, although the report is : to be put down, that the cholera bas appeared places. ‘That was the condition in November. In the following March he says:— ‘The country (that is Hesse) continues in » deplorable con- ditton. There is ne commerce of any kind, and consequent. ly no money. red that in that of it occupied in the beginning of the winter by the Federal and Prussian troops, everything is destroyed, and that there are some thousands of persons in a complete state of destitution. Not only were their cattle and stores all consumed, but their horses even teken, so that the ground cunnot be tilled, and in the interior of the houses and cottages the furmiture of all sor's was used for firewood. This account was given to me by: person who is well inclined towards the Elector and his Government, and who added that it would require at least ten years to re- store that partof the electorate to ite former condition. (Hear, hear.) ‘That is justa single specimen of the breaking tho blockade Many points of this sort | dead community, which would then vanish witha rapi- would Perla, excoedingly dittcult to estadliss; and | dity which it is difficult now te.congsve, and give place you would get into insuperable difficulties it you | to a society established on very different fda went the a Py of saying that private property is these which have now tha ascendancy im the excol- forward in —— to embarrass or | think you would be giving very great facilities to the | the State. to Parliament a | schemes of ambition and desire of aggrandizement en- That treaty was broken on the very first opportunity. for freo discussion. (Hoar, hear.) | tertained by those Powers’ The people would become | That article was broken in the very points specially pro- has taken place, the subject has been | lees vigi! and even the simews of war on which | videdfor. Not only were our gulyects not allowed to re various ability on both sides of the House, | princes must depend would be more easity supplied by | main and trade in Frauce, but they were mot allowed (> candor and fairness. Notwithstanding | the continuance of trade. these considerations } have the twelve montus’ notice to remove with (huir the noble lord at the head of the go. | materiaily bear on the subj And then we must | property which bad been stipulated for, An? ths was he mmber that it is in the power of any governmemt, on | itself one of the grievances against France for which we \pt in the expression of his opi- -asions admitting it to be done was tenuy with the | exacteu compensation when the peace was made in 1815. nion—(hear, hear)—and I should not beat all surprised | public welfare, to relax the sever: rictness | That is not am example that we should imitate, buta ‘we have an unanimous Cabinet, will- | of the rules of war—just as wae done in the instance re- | warning to us not to trust too much iu such engagements jug, if other governments are willing—and I have the | ferred to in the Russian w teering | which it may be convenient for other countries, when best means of knowing that they are willing—(Oh, | is abolished, entively un ntrol of the govern. | we are more powertul than they are at sea, to ob- ob!")—tocarry this matter still further. Some bonor- | ment, avy excesses «f war more easily restrained. | tain from us, but which it may not be convenient for able members seem to entertain apprehensions on that | But then it is said that all now asked is to reduce mari. | them to observe, if hereafter they should think that score. There is no doubt of the willmgness of the United | time war to the same position into which the progress of | their power predomivat ver ours. And the House States; | believe there is no doubt of the willingness of | civilization has brought military war. Thrs is @ Lota! }| must remember that wha ir may be the weight of the Russia; 1 believe there is no doubt of the willingness of | mis What is now asked is that this eowntry and otier | moral sentiwent and public opinion of nations—and cer- France. Whenever the people of this country shall have made | countries sould enter into posilive engagements (0 renounce | tainly | am not the man to undervalue either—yet plansi- up the'r minds om this subject, and Parliament shall be dis- | the power of exercising belligerent rights against merchant | bie excuses ure never wanting when sach acts are to be posed to enablethe government in act, [believe they will find no | ships atsea. Does anything lilve chat erist in warfale upon | done. (Hear.) Sir, the armod neutrality is another illus- difhentiy om the partof any foreign ‘Power. Imay be point. | land? The observations of my right houorable friend, | tration. ‘The Powers who were parties in that armed ‘at—I have beona thousand times—as a friendof peace. | the Secretary for War, and the Lord Advocate, have been | neutrality broke all the eugagements of it ma very few { would rather bea friend of peace, in the bumbiest | misunderstood. They did not say, ax I understood, that | years afler it was mate What is the concinsion that [ eank and position in life, than # friend of war in the | the humane practice of modern times had not in a great | draw from these considerations? That the government to highest (hear, hear), and 1 say that, if this House shal! | degree mitigated the severities of war; but they saidthat | whom is intrnsted the care of the most momentous inte- ow oral any future time accept fairly and frankly the | the law of nations recognizes those rights, gives those | rests of the greatest empire ever yet known on earth from to be respectod at sea, and only to be taken in the case | lent town of Liverpool. (Cheere and laughter.) But, of breaking a blockade. I renee, if you adopt the prin- | viewing the matter in the mostiprectical oe ciple of the Hon. geatleman you will cripple the main | see how you can maintain your system of i arm of your strength for all purposes of war. (Hear, | -you concede ‘the principle which the honoradie momber hear.) We are all agreed that war is a thing to be avoid- recommends, and which the-neble-lord a fow yoors back ed. { nope that this country will never be engaged in | so warmly supported. (Laughter.), If you cannot main- any unjust wi But as as human nature is haman Fencod youk system of il seerne inevitable that your nature ; a3 as mankind are ambitious, tyrannical, | naval power must cease to be an: sa sag anh and oppressive, cspecially if they believe they inay be so | only eristfor defensive oljects. jear:) , What is the with impunity or without suffering for it, so Jong will a | position of a country like the exent ofa war nation like this, whose subjects are scattered over the | witha great continental power jing. greet arma- face of the giobe, living in and 4 incommerce | wzents if her fleets can only: act: om the defousive’ Why with every community in the world, and relying 6u the | we shouid sink into utter insignificamee. (Cheers.) We fath of treaties with sheir Govornments,90 long will | should have no power to assert: aug authority. (Hear) this coantry be liable to causes of just quarrel from time | Although we might be carrying on a thriving trade, we to time with foreign mations. And. the more remote the | might all this time be wo: only for others ; and wi nation the more likely it is such causes of quarrel | we were sacrificing everything to the accumulation of will arise. In such cases the navy is the only arm by | treasure we must ultimately be the victims of some strong which you can extort redress. You cannot send out | Power influenced by different primciples from those which military expeditions to conquer the country that | governed our system. (Hoar. Ecannot,therefore, sup- has dome you wrong. You can only obtain redress by | port the views of the honorable: member and those here means of your navy. It may be said youmay bombard | tofore advocated by thenoble lord. These views are, as acity oratown. But that is not # practice that any one | I thiak, most dangerous. I do-mpt want to goo the com- esommend you to adopt. ‘Ihat 1s worse than taking | munity entirely severed in sartimon from those who proposition of the honorable member for Liverpool, it wers, does not debar from the use of them beyond the | must, in a case in which those interests are imperilied, | result of war by land, und then gentlemen ran awuy will confer on the great advantages and on incelt Deocenity of war; yet, on the otber band, even acts from | act with the greatest possible caution and not be afraid | with the fotion’ that in war by land pri: proper- | private property onthe sea, for you destrcy, the property wera it. Patriotism $ = as gana on ge an endiess renown. ( )-) which humanity recoils may, withont infraction of inter | of incurring thosé calaméties which are inevitable in | ty is respected. Why, it is perfectly well known | of people who have had nothing whatever to do with the | fering as on (ae = by Ae } u hes ‘werd “Pr The Souicrtor Grxerat—t entirely with the pro- | national law, be done if the necessities of war'seem to re. | time of war, which we bave ofien endured before, and | that it is taken whenever it is wanted, that } cause ‘of quarrel besween the twa countries. You have fortunes and all feelings by ry he hang eorieriar ty Position of the Hon. gentloman who has justsat down, | quirethem. * se ie * . * which the patriotisn of our people has enabled us to en- | it is destroyed frequently out of wantonness, | no resource in dases of this sort but tho power of | created. (Hear, hear.) Alt re Oe ing - ‘that this debate has been conducted with great fairness | For all these — = it a oe the | dure—thot they should not shrink from encountering | that it is always poe oma in the pecessary operations any Le yen ha! ee Monge rt A 2 bps o a per dee ety wiper en he Toe nheer foe a: ; $ maritime netion wor! crippled and im oy necessary war, or for ct - | ol , im those cases i 0 in e most interest in : certeialy bo exception fo tbe toner the geersl devate, | paired a. re, tng them expose cs cox fen oe erpresmens | wy-siees ereraa core uid private ies | tduing redress for an injury ? The shipping and com. | the cardinal principle of ouxrfaritime code at Paris, yet certainly no exception to the tone of the general debate. } paired in a most serious degree if she were deprived of | ing them expose this country to the loss of its greatness (Hear, hear.) {thas not only been conducted with fair- | the means of dealing upon the seas with the mercantile | and power. (Cheers.) Before | sit down! will mention ness, but with ability ; and none, I think, can disguise | marine of other nations. (Hear.) Now | come to the | another circumstance from which I derive encouragement from themselves the vory great importance of thesub | pvint of blockade, which was sq tenderly touched upon | inthis matter. Very lately we were threatened with ject under discussion, or the fact that in any point of | by my honorable friend the méMber ior Stamford. Tho | the danger of war—of a war with a Power not bound by View it is attended with very serious difficuities. My | honorable member for Liverpool said that be would not | the Declaration of Paris,and which would, therefore, Hon. friend the member from Stamford made a very able | interfere with the blockade, and the honorable member | bave been at liberty to exert ite undiminished rights speoch, strongly in favor, as I thought, of the proposition | for Salford and another honorable member bebind me | against our commerce, while with respect toall the nations of the Hon. member for Liverpool, but at the same time | s#id thesame. lt would, however, be very difficult, do | of Europe which were parties to that declaration we he showed his sense of the difcuities attendant on the | not say that it would be impoesible, but it woula be very | should have been strictly bound by its engagements. Was sub ect when he stated that notwithstandingalithe argo. | uitficult, on the principles upon which the proposition is | there, then, among the merchants of tuis country any mouis whieh he offered to the House, he not only was pot | based, to draw a clear and satisia-tory line so as to suve | flinching {rom that emergency? Did the people of Eng bie co bring bis mind to vote in favor of the proposition, | the right of biockade. I mean the general right of | land look that danger in the face as if they were afraid. but that he did uot accept the proposition himself ull | bloekade—the right to blockade commercial ports. Be- | of ruin? No. netther from Liverpool, nor Manchester, nor be had mastered the difficulties and foreseen the conse- | cause what is it you do by blockading commercial ports ¢ | any other partof the kingdom did any such timid accents listening carefully | You ere obstructing trade. you are interfering wiih pri | proceed. We were most desirous of proce, but not because we by those who destroy it. By sea it te soid private pro- perty is taken, but it ia taken ina different manner and with more order avd regularity. Private property by sea is not made price until it is adjedicated by a compe- tent tribunal asa legal rnd proper capture. By land it is taken at the moment it is wantedand as it may be wanted. I was about tosay that we have assimilated, ‘or endeavored at least to assimilate. the practice of war by sea to the practice of war by ‘and. What was the main difference of the two? Not thas private property was not taken by land as it was by.eea, but that by sea it was taken by a different set of paople from those who were authorized to take it by: jaad. By land no judividual was allowed to make wav unless he belonged to a regulariy organized army, and was in the service of a State. If people made war on. cial interests, who .have the most numerous tran: T rest my confidence on thi ‘jotiem of my countrymen notions with foreig countries, and who are more likely | aad the good fortune of a courrtry that I believe to bo des- than any others to be the objects of injury and wrong; | timed to remain great. (Boer, .). Although, there- they are the classes for whom this country. is most likely | fore, 1 do not attempt teoletain ‘the first alternative to be called on to demand and obtain redress. (bivar, | that retiof from the ci@loniiy which the treaty has on- hear.) Under these ciroumstances, 1 should, lawpe the hou- | tailed upon us, yet Tcannot’ agree with the noble lord in orabie gentleman will be satisfied with the debate that | treating with the. derisiom he has done the suggestion hag arisen on his motion, and with, the very conilicting | that the treaty of Paris hn one that is ne to be and contradictory support it has receiveditrom the Livuse. | changed. Bin?) ‘Thmolmervation of the Secretary of (Laughter.) Itaink the honorable gtatieman himself | State for War a3 £0 the: oonsequence of war upon the i aust be at # lose to know what is the sense his resolu- | treaty appears to mp, to To perfectly just, although it tion is understoed to bear. (Laughter,) 1 should hope | has the recommendatioma® having been long accepted. he will be content with the mystecious vagueness in | No one doubts that war terminates a treaty between ‘which it has been enveloped and the? dowdtiu! result of | delligerents, aXthough thi is a treaty that contemplates . the opinions elivited in the debate that has arisen on it. | the action of war ;bataeen be ligerente, But thore is Sen innanesit toe ‘ab the righ honorable gontleman entirol le of this debate, it rs to me that the | vate interests, you are destroying the business of great | ‘ners ofraid of war. We rejoiced that peace was pre- | their own wnt on land they. were taken and shot | (Hear.) 1 hops he will be satisied with the discussion; | one point wh: 4 jorable gantlemal iy orpunent have been founded. ‘almost entirely on the numbers of persons who trade with those ports, and of | served, but it was because we were bowdnes those ita ‘as banditti. Nothing was more commen im Spain than,| ue bas made @ very sensible speech, barring somo of its | omitted. It is true that war terminates a treaty be- yinions and seguments—(laughter)—-x apeech to which | tween belligerents, but only belligerents. (Hear, heat Tiistened with very qoent piaaare. Lhope the Lunora. | If we went te war vith Russia, both Powers being parties ble gentleman will be content with the-discusaion he has | tothe decla vation , the treaty of Paris is not terminated, be- raised on the question, and. withdraws’ his resolution. | canse there are other partics to this arrangement besides «Cheers. ) Ruseia an¢ land. refore the war would not relieve Mr, Disranai said whatever. varieyx of opimion exists | us from tse deciaraugn of the treaty of Paris, because : with regard to the motion, there cannet/be two opinions | the rightsof all tha-other sigaataries to the treaty would i 4s to tho insportance of t' subject. (lear. hear.) In | continue to exist. Whey may assert their claims on us, i, my mind it is the most importaet subject that | and make those claus the foundation of a declaration, i can engage our attention. In impurtance I put it | of war. ir, bear.) The right honorable gentleman fur beyond the question of Marliamentary Re- | was toc.quick in assuming that there was a cl of form, een when tket question was a reality. | getting rid of th's precious in, (Alan io has (Hear, bear,’ and laughter.) That question referred | no lor ger to supply the fomds for a war, and we remem- to the dieposition of pelitical power im Engiand; the pre- | ber haw ho supglied us with funds during the Russian sent question affects our national. power throughout Ea- | war. (A laugh). Of cowrse the government migitt, as rope anc the world. (ear, bear.) Now, how has this | part the prograame of the year, declaro wer, in question arisen’ No doubt it is raised by the Declara- | ordesto relieveus from the rreaty. But there are wiser tion of Paris im 186¢, The Solicitor Genaral says that | and milder means by which the cawntry may obtain re- ‘ when om apprehension of wararose, he cid not seo that | lief apd the adipowner redress from the mistakas and ' any fear was oxpresced by tha merchants of this count jm grovidence of the statesmen who have been intrusted of the consequences of the changes that have been jo | wth this affvir. I know that the noble lord will treat any in ouy maritime law; that they were ready, with inhe- | suggestion withdorision that procaeds from these beacber . rent and hereditary courage, t2 meet tho emergency | Put I have xn authority whica onght to woigh with i ble and follow, for no one was. befese them. 1 cennot agreo with the honoral poate p-- Bis for the French to take the peasaats and shoot them with-, out the slightest hesitation if thay were not embodied a5. military, It is a weil known fectstimat to carry on war by. land the people must be in the service of am established authority; not so by sea. Private war om the ccean was a permitted and scknowledged practice. We agreed at last to Lhe proposal that prvateering by sea should no. longer be a legitimate mode ofcarrying om war, and thas. future wars should be carried om only by regularly or ganized forces, acting under the authority and command Of Araspousiblsgovernment, ‘That part of the arrange. mient nas so far been carriad out that “ryprernanery A ame re= ards those p'sties who acceded to declarat:an—bas buen, and will be, discontinued. But these desiaratious do not apply.to the Staves which did not accede to them. The United States of America have net accosd- ed to the agolition of privateering, and, undoubtedly, if we had the mig@ortiune, aswas not unlikely ashort time ago, to be engages in awar with the United States, we should not be it to abstain from privateering unless the Cnited States shea also «nber into a@ slmilan and corves- Golan tees. (Hear,hear.) Much criticism has passed a comer of my right houorable {riend the SecreteryTor War, that war puts an ead to treaties. Declaration of Paris. Two arguments are drawa from inhabitants of those porte, es fer as concerns their | whom we should have hal to £° to war by ties which that declaration. In the first place, it is said that there course with foreign nations. Is not that tbe very | were precious to vs, and which we should have been ‘aro no reasons im favor of the propositions there laid | thing which you do on the seas when you make war | most unwilling to sever. Bat we did not perceive, nor fiown which do not equally apply infavor of the present | against @ mercantile marine? /s not, in truth, the one | dol think this House perceived, from one end of the proposition of the honorable member for Liverpeo!. The | op-ration—that is, maritime wer carried on against a m-r- | kingdom to the other, the least sign of any craven ap- Sthor argumemt is, that the eflect of the Deciaration of | cantile marine, a larger sort of operation of the same kind | prevenston that the moment we entered into the contrat, with Paris will be to transfer a largo portion of the carrying | cs blockad-? In the case of biockade you deal locally | she derlaration of Paris round our necks, our power wowidl trnde to neutrals, and to inflict serious injury on our | with the trade of theenemy, and you seek to distress | be gone ond our mercantile marine des'royed. 1 believe shipping trade and ‘on our mercantile interests genorsliy. | and cripple him by thove moans. Un the seas at lar the merchants of Ubis country who knew best what was I will endeavor to present the considerations whieh oceur | you deal generally with the trade of the eneniy, and y the prospect before them looked it in the tace with no to me, bearing in mind those tave polnts, which embody | seek to cripple him and reduce him there by destroying | lees bravery than that which distinguished their fore- the sem and substance of almost all that has been | his mercantile power. But besides that, | foresee that rs im all former times; and J er from that fact said, ‘he first of those arguments it is not difficult | as soun as ever you bave estublished this principle, if it onragement for the conviction that I am not wrong in to dispose of. It is ensy to show that there were | should be established, there will spring op an a cing faith now as much as beretofore, and with the reasons, clear aud solid, for that portion of the Decla. inst blockades of this kin¢—what ran be the use risdeclaration tn force as much as before it waa in fation of Paris as giving ap the right to take enemy's | blockades when your enemy's ships bave nothing to | force, in the patriotiem, the resources, aud the elastwity outct neutral 6! which will not imany degree | do bat to go to apy neutral port, and when, if they | of the country. (Cheers.) whatever apply in fay the proposition to allow ene- nto the Scheldt or Elbe, some port of Lord Patweneron—It is generally admitted that nothing mies’ goods on board enemies’ ships, or enemies’ ships | 1” the railroads will carry (he across venient than the proposal to, or themselves, to go free. Neutra: in & position which, countries much easier than could ebutof the mutual | convey them? It would be and I think (he resolution of the bon to great cousidera- | to blockade the porte of Fra the debate which hes followed amply illustrate the truth ton, The anovyance ‘and disturbance of neutrals by | out trade from them, if !'rench ships could go to the | of that positi n. The honorable member has proposed ‘visiting and searching their ships, by interierence with | ports of friendly neutral hations apd rry on their trade | resolution excessively vegne in words, which points to n Se ainenl by taking v from their shi n with England from these ports. lvery | specific object, the meaning of which can only be collected | Undoubtedly war dors pnt an end to treaties, avd even | learned gentleman, oxeept in giving eredit to the mer- “ ~ -_~ pied 7 had liy and justifiably admitted 4 oa id be abenrd, and (he conse {wo the speeches of cee whe have supported it im the | to deciavatidns of shis sort (hear, hear), aad ig theevent | chants and shipowners for, their courage. I think it is Tag CATR OO Se fet All these were gree injuri hat the right of block f the debate. If such of war you would have to rest upon the hong sad good | in, consequence of the ayprehensien of war with a ily whe Pdr 3 4 * ous to who had the strongest claim on the con- id be . ithe government of the day w feeling of the parties who had agreed to thermin time of | powerful State, thet itis im consequence of that panic, present yo Ad Las a | sideration of vations in amity with them, though at upon it, they could guess a peace, Wo have hada recent instance to show shat that | 1Dis discussion has arisen, By the Declaration of Paris | Foreign Aduirs. Spe Lave tent Ldsa4 4 enmity with each other, and at the samo time tended would bave to pursue, and that uj principio ia admitted and acted upon, ond thet such de | we have given up the cardinal princi le of our ma- er when be gives 22 ye bower tA ieugh.) in ® very high degree to involve nations in | gentleman writing in the kdinvurg Hew s already of the gentlemen who h par claratious ara net alioays likely to be omeroad dy govern. Hitine power. (divans Lean a oe nee ee nee GR we fimo og Mesraesa hinee: noutrals and to draw neutrals, however un. | sivocated this result; and | think ! seein a pamphiet ‘Th colt macter, but 1 | ments: because the President pied. " - | lor n successt rate) pe As a v not a member of bia Horse, t would puzade the most | taining, as be did, that the capture of those two gentle- | that this is.a, discussion got up moroly about their indi- | in regard to the Declaration of Paris: T cannot! willing, into the contest. (Hear, hear.) This there | written by a friend of mit were various reasons why, if it were possible to doso | in which the views of th without sacrificing interests of too great impor'ance, | pool are supported with extreme ability vidual interests, I aur sure that this is.ao¢ the case, | think,” he sald, “‘that impoint of principle, the ‘ec’ There qoral impression that the great change made | tions of the treaty of Poxis onght to be altered. (Cheors.) sete, mariime code, may be, perhapw, must be, tbe | The whole matter is mast unsatisfactory, and has a most men on board the Trent was at varisace with the unya- riable and acknowledged pridciples of the United States, and allowing that it was, his duty to give honorable member (or Liver great can what course to pur- because one-helf ef those who hear )—! — (hear, ‘eoncera! to be made to newirals, many of the | dor end sairness, unequi | signs Of & disposition ported the resolution, amd the honorable gentie- ” ft most porn ghd} of Europe, a8 well aa the United | evenurally to draw blockades after these other maritime noved Mt, Lave for their object ta exempt pri- | them up, ret declared that 7 ahoa heen for the interat | cave of sexious rosulas to the maritime power of this | grave bearing on Bad Et ee Rusenil w % tase States of America, having, in fact, long previously made | rights. think, also, that the tone of the honorabl fh pe Lae rs nth ay the other half con- | of hés wn edatana dation @ :. aan wey Goran comouns the yhcls marae 5 Begdiaed ho = tio tsa to many years bearing 1 pat i Hi) hes member for Stamford tit e in se t | corring have another object—to reverse the Declaration | and from jmatied ine ‘wited Stata— ing interest ovly; . e 20 Ww cl treaties Bearing oh thess questions. But it will ve seen | member for stamford would Justily, me jn say iow Ihab | curtine ae eenear,) Those Are two objects totally | he should have YUL at hes duty rwt te. goee them wp. | ftrengih of this coustry, iit is true that we have ac. | in her councils, and haa led this once with so, imuch that these reasone do not in any way operate in favor of | he, at all events, feels ableand ought to influence ? Id be Dighly concessions to, belligerents as to neu otgument are very important n metcicaliy Opposite, ant between | (Langhter.) My right honorable friend is quite right im | knowledged the principle that the flag ef a neutral | ability, it wou “ ta“ (ilear.) The other branch of the argument is tions. I do not, of course, pretend | which the government, if called m to act as they | saying tht you wave pot that seourity from belligerents | covers the cargo. This must divers the commerce of | an assembly ge ecient ibn optuien Cua rouch more important, and involves considerations of | to be @ judge, a# thoes nd me are, of all | wont be sy the concinding pass ‘Of tho resolution, | that ix timo of war they Will observe the conditions laid | the country in time of war into swutral bottoms; and | the Lhe fA pl ape Sectetary of Sinte for hatich greater difficulty--T mean the tendency that it is | the political bearings of this subject, still lesa of all its | would tvs atterly at a lose as to which of the two courses | down in peace which you have fram neutrals. When you 1 believe will have dealt a serious blow to our | of the Crown. Naty trusted with the maaagement aeeeinel there waovtt-bo in tine of war t transfer a | militery and naval bearings, but thie t or any other man | tho Hcase of Commons wished tiem to adopt. 1 think | make an engagement with aneatral, if it is not keptby | maritime strength. Que maritime strength will follow | Forel ee wen any’ wegotintions {hat Might. tale reat part of the carr Je 10 the ships of neutrals, | can understand, that a more momentous question, or one | that ‘¢ of itself a safficient reason why this resolution | him you have the resource of war, but when yoa are at | the carrying trade. If the carrying trado leaves the | of this Veneers yr do not know what the presont occ Ly the great detriment of 0 wh merchants. In mat qtoagrenier extent the juterests of the future | shorat not be #Mrmed vy this House. If the House has | war you have shot your bolt, and you can donothing | shores of this country, the maritime population wil lace. ( Khe Cabinet may be, or whothor they are so torsof this kind it inust never be forgotten that govern. is country, Was discussed, never was proposed | decided upon the line of policy which it wishes | more, It must rest ou the henor of the belligerent,and } go with it; and if wo hace mot a preponderance TO eae anaes of the House” oF Cotnone; But It iments and nations have to deal with a balance of evils car)—and that, whatever s-pleations | ty impose nipon the covernment, it ought to embody | with his respect for public opinion, thoughyou have | of the maritime population we cannot have | multifurions a Cie A tne es wom Ca Intigh)—-7 and inconvéhied (Hear, hoar.) You must cotisider civitization ahd an almost universal | hat line of policy in @ resolution, evith clear, pre. | always this remedy—that you may say you will not con- | the propond © of nawal power. (Hear, hear.) | they are not more employe snen Moters for thrit’ woxt rot only one, t " of the quest pence any of us may have entertained in onr hearts, or | ¢je, pointed, definite resul, and leaving the | olnde a peace with him unless you have ample redress | The noble enys we have got the shpls. | woul nore oting tbe consideration of the menns, to and if you see th 1 mportant and detri- | expressed in moments when our hearts came toour lips, ¢ government under no embarrasement a3 to the | and restoration for the iajury dono in thé war incontra. | and as ships are not built in a day how can any other subject Sarvage @ the Recretary of Beata, how the de. mental eonkequencet tnay follow ffom the change t would ill become the governinent to shrink from tells, | course which the House wishes them to 1 I" on | vention of the prineip previously lished. It issaid | nation obtain the trade? But these ships, if not | use the Ta “ be ‘Treaty of Paris tay’ We altered ie necesary to submit even to vory | (ue the House, ifs they think, that when ‘vey agreed ‘ay | the government would have to choose whether it thought | that the prin laid, down at Paris would be fatal | user by ua, will not betocked up in docks and harbors, } clarations y i ‘ nd serious e her than to fmperfl the | the Pelaration of Paris they did not covtergviate th eae | fit to adopt the resolution or vot; and then, if the gover to ovr comme and to the shiping interests; but | No doubt, whore the peofits are good und the risk nil, the | (Cheers ) eraue mado few observations in raviv. and revs aud janont ioteresia of tuo nation, (Hear. | vo , and that unless thoy are bo\or ngs! sled | ment thought it was agaings the interests & the country, | bua vory argumonts waed Ry bonovabie gentloruen ¥ ships will’find new masters. Tbaye not heard apy argu Mr. Honsrant y aviv. 4