The New York Herald Newspaper, April 1, 1862, Page 1

atcabewitetnntente weeks. HE NEW YORK HERALD. WHOLE NO. 9335. ADDITIONAL FROM EUROPE. THE AMERICAN WAR QUESTION ABROAD. Important Debates in the French Legislature. The Red Republicans Condemn Slavery and Attack the Blockade. ‘The Minister of the Hmperor Ac- knowledges Its Bfliciency. Progress of the Iron-Clad Navy of England. aes Reo, ae By the City of New York at this port we received Euro- pean files dated in Paris and London on the 18th and 19th of March. We publish to-day some very interesting @otatis of the news, given in the Hzmatp on Monday morning, taken from these jeurnals, with important communications from our correspondents in Paris, Ber- Jin and &t. Petersburg. A Brussels letter of March 16,in the Cologne Gasetie, ways:— a he od berited Le sgrytpreaiony fe Bony "ec "4 1 am assured that bis illness is serious. This is the uae ie the Duke of Brabant's return from South- The Archbishop of Paris has exhibited im bis hotel the ‘magnificent reliquary that is to be sent tothe Lendoa Exbibition. This reliquary, which is a cAefd’auvre of Parisian goldsmith work, is to contain the mails and ‘the pieces of the true crosa brought from Palestine io 1254 by St. Louis. ‘The Madrid journals of "the 13thof Mareb state, that General Prim, who commands in Mexioo, strictly con- fineo himself to the instructions be has received from his government, combined with those from the plenipoten- ‘Caries of the three allied Powers at Vera Cres. Several of the Paris journals state that General Douay, Imspector-Genera) of the Schools of Musketry, hes been appointed second in eommand of the Mexican expedition, te join whieh be is om the point of departing, ‘The Contemporanco, of Madrid, March 11, having pud- Wahed alarming remors about the state ef the Spanish possession at Santo Domingo, the Epeca; om authority, declares them to be unfounded. A Dil} Ras been introduced inte the Cortes of Portugal euppressing all religious societies and brotherbeods edu- ‘ating children or nursing the elek. ‘The civil marriage of Mile. Adele de Rothechild with Baren Salomen de Rothschild took place on Wednesday, Mareb 12, at Frankfort. The religious ceremony was perfoumed on the following day, at the synagogue, by ‘the great rabbi of the eonsistory of Paris. All the mem- ‘Bers of the Rothschild family from Paris, London and ‘Vienaa wire present. ‘ Letters from Alexandria te the 4th of March siaie that ‘the works for the cutting of the IstRmus of Suez are car- Wied on with greas activity. At Eiguech several thou- eand workuren are employed, M. de Lessepa bivouacking ‘among them. Favorable crops are anticipated; ihe Young corn is in splendid condition, and the cotton gan- tations look most promising. ‘The reactionist clique at Rome is very active. A procia- mation has been circulated im Naples exBorting the Neapolitans to recall their ming and drive out the “foreign Barbarians.” This appeal to civil war is printed in the Pepe's own printing office, as an oMcial stamp upon it proves The brigand chief Chiavone, now restored to the q00d graces of Francie 1!., who nad quarreied with nim, ts outiecting bis forces at Terracina for a fresb raid, THE AMERICAN QUESTION ABROAD. INTERNATIONAL MARITIME LAW. Whe Fnglish Radicaison ‘Wourned debate on Mr Horstall’s motion on the subject of iaternational maritime law w time of war, was re- sumed — Mr. Linpsay, on Ddebalfof the bonorabie mem! Rochidale (Mr ‘Cobden, ia whose name the debate stood raed ,) regretied to eay that bis honorable friend bad formed him that ho was suffering from an extreme cold, which made honorable friend (Mr Horefali) takon the ouly course which was open to be considered the preseut state of inte: udg that opioion asco of those who ‘she declaration of Paris, must come under tbe that sooner or later this subject la the year 1857, be said, consideration of the bouse. thatthe House would inevvtabiy be called upos to adopt mer lee in war should be at sea as on shore. tbe jy, that - m respected we le lord at the ae dey . rypry neutrals, w: dofived aud unsatisfactory. Wi Permission of the House be would show that the present siate of things ‘was satisfactory aeither to themacives nor to their ene- mies. First, it was said thetour ships extended over every sea and required the pr: wee of our navy. Becondiy, the ndble lord ead that if we took any Peon d a os of Soden ghoul! strike a fatal biow the naval power land, aad comms an act of po- Mitical suicide, Thirdly, it was said that ome great soures of our power waa our ability to destroy the commerce of @ur enemies. He with these argumenis. Muppose they were at war with France or America, we should ot iatuice he pretation of ihe fac at ol, for ne sane man ould ship valuable cargoes excapt in neutral vessels, and the whole of our vast mercantile flee would te | r on board neutral veaseis, where they pom rpg able (0 pejzure, Gee, Bear.) The aobie lord im the speech vwhich he made at Liverpool, and which had already been andarmiesalone. Such war the of the Jord four er five . wad he how. He be! jeved thereco be evaonns of that the destruction of gricai roperty, instead termination of mars, AERFavated aud Did any one suppose that burming of Nashville masdle the proprieiors of more anziwus for peace, and that (hey would not all their enerytes against the ment thes gave Mcense to the caplain of the Nashiitie te dothat wantom and wicked deed? (Hear, henr.) The right houorable gen. tleman, the Secretary for War, auid that though they en tered nto tho convention of Paris it was not to be eup- H z £34 ye E ik Fi = i i Provisions ef that conven. ppored would be observed in re. all these Powers who were not belli. in any futuro war, The Atéorney Goneral other night that ‘although the declarations of the Paris Convention were favorable to noetral carriors, that Great Britain, boing the most powerful naval y in the world, would have an advantage over other nts, because her navy being #0 large ehe could Give greater protection to her merchant shipping than ther countries could give to theirs. Did the hompravle and jearnod geutiemen really think that the fleet of Eng. Jand, powerful as it was, could eMciontly protect their sommerce itt Overy quarter of the world? Did he con NEW YORK, TUESDAY, APRIL 1, 1862.-TRIPLE SHEET. PRICE TWO CENTS. THE CITY OF MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE. Map of the City and Suburbs, with all the Public Buildings, Railroads, Streets, Elevations, &c. ‘We present eur readers with the above very clear and comprehensive map of the city of Memphie, with the sbores of the Mississippi river on either side,&c. The map is engraved on a large scale, for the purpose of Jocating every point of interest as perfectly as possible, The railroad from Columbus enters Main street from the north, and another leaves for the South at the other end of the street. As a military necessity it was ordered that these two lines should be connected, and this order e@aused some trouble among the members of the City Council of Memphis, who debated for some time whether they sbould not prevent such a violation of their city rights, bat ultimately decided to let matters take their own course. On the left hand of the map is the noted Navy Yard, with which the name of the astronomical Lieutenant Maury is so intimately connected. Memphis, previous to the rebellion, was a flourishing city and port 01 entry of Shelby county, Tenn., and is beautifully situ- Ci) Serve sas SKETCH ated on the Mississippi river, just below the mouth of the Wolf rivor. 1t js located on what is known as the fourth Chickasaw Bluff, which is about forty fect bigh neares* the shore, Jt je distant from St. Lovis about four hun- dred and twenty miles by water, and from Nashville about two hundred and nino miles, in a west southwester- ly direction. 3% was at one time considered the most populous and important town onthe river between St. Louis and New Orleans, and occupies the only eligible site for a commercial depot from the mouth of the Ohio to Vicksburg—a distance of at least six hundred and Ofty miles. The blu on which the city stands, and be- fore alluded to, ia elevated about thirty feet above the highest floods, and its base is washed by the river for a distance of three miles; a bed of sandstone pro Jecte into the stream and forms a complete, con venient and natural steamboat Janding. The ap pearance of Memphis from the river is exceed. or MEMPHIS AND VICINITY. ingly fine, An enplanade, several hundred feet wide, extends along the bluff im front of the town, avd 1s bordered with biceks of large warehouees. veliers who had, just previous to the rebsilion, visited Memphis, expreaned great astonishment at the signs of improvement and commercial activity which were then exhibited, Martial law, an intolerant soldiory and rebel: lion have nipped its growing beauties in the bud. The population, siuce 1854, has doubled itself, and was sti! rapidly increasing when the troubles commencod. It con- tains several churches, an academy, ® medical college, two banks anda twisgraph office, A naval depot was es- tablished there by the United States government, but proved a failure. The river ts, however, deep enough to float a very large ship-of war, and the rebels have tak Advantage of the money expended by the United States goverumont to use the Navy Yard (or the purpose of build ing vessels to oppose their navy. The means of commu- Dieation to and from the elty are good, and the trade of the place hus been excellent. 1n 1840, the population wan 3,300; in 1950 it had increased to 8,841, and in 1853 it was estimated at 12,000. What it now is cannot be de- finvtely stated, FIPLANATIONS OF MAP. 1—Gayoro Hotel, 2—Court House and Exchange, 3—Odd Feilows’ Hall, 4—Overton Hotel, 6—Worsham Hovso, 6—Trinity Episcopal ChureBs T—Cathotie Cathedral, &—Cannon foundry. 9—Presbyterian Church, 10—Commercial Hojel, 11—Theatro sider the vast change which bad taken place since 1814 ip our maritime circumstances? Jn 1814 the total of our imports xnd exports was £60,000,000; in 1860-61 they were £300,000,000. In 1814 our shipping was about 1,000,000 tone was now 6,000,000 tons. But of this 6,000 000 tons there were 600,000 tons of steam shipping which was totally unknown for the purpose of commerce tn 1814, and was equivatent to 2,000,000 tons of sailing jeage! Neither the gigantic feet they now possessed, nor double that feet would be able to give efficient pro. tection to tha: enormous amount of mercan pping. (Hear.) The course of eommerce also was entirely changed sioce 1814. We had now vast relations with other countries, and ® large amoust of British property was afloat in the vessels of ether nations, and they bad lines of steamers traversing the ocexe in every direction with ® rapidity which scarcely ow, hip im ber Majesty's navy could keep pace with. (Hear.) Again, they were Sheet cron foreign coun. tries for such ‘important articles as corm, cotton and sugar We imported annually of these three articies to to the value ef £75,000,000, which was more than the whole amount of eur exports and imports in 1814. total quantity of the entries of Brit end foreiga enins lo wards and oul wards and of tbe coasting vessels reached the vast amount of 65,000,000 tons anoually, so that tbe state of things at the presevt time was totally dif- ferent from what it was io 1814 It wasenid that this was @ shipowsrner's, a merchant's, and a trader's ques- tion. That ergumeut was used, and there might be some value in \( if it could be shown that the whole com. munity would be benefited by avy loss befalliug them. (Hear.) Was st possibie for these three clavres to Without injuring the whole community? He wepied it was. The nrtisans and mechanics, and the generally, must suffer if these three classes « ventured ‘to say that the community would bav. chase articles of consumption price if the swerchante had to shi if goods in neutral vessels. He hoped thatthe more bumane view of thi question would prevail. Let it be borne in mind that Dderning, plunder, and destrucion was a game that two could play at, and that if we had a larger fleet than other countries, we haa far more property to be dered, and destroyed § (Hear, hear.) Hi these considerations before’the House, if the view he took did not prev: House would think the subjest r deration of her Majesty's gov present stood it was in an (Hear, sy} The Loan Apvocae would address himself rather to the prectical grounds upon which the resoiation had been maritine jaw, an affecting (he ricbts -defined and unsatisfactor: hot state in what respect the law was ill-defi 0d, oF in what respect it was unsatisfactory iVe any indication of in what way a better & more gatisfactory state of the law might about. He was bound to admit, on the other bai the same objection could mot be urced against advanced 10 t of the ution. Those vir drought might be summed up as foliowe:—That it was contrary alike te the rules of legitimate warfare and to the inte rorts cou t private ‘ty belong: the citivens of country. - “s to © belligerent country at war oo be liable to hethor 6° even further, and was only to the capture of © apply, not Preperty carried under the belligerent fag, but to the oe Certain it was that the principles the ae would neces. sary lead tothe abcliien of queshion waa one of great argued ap adopa the pried was bases. Bur. vowever uid be bY question oi whe im fmatiers invoived jo the discus Would even take leave to suggest matiers raited were somewhat two im rue fo be d sou OF at least decided, wich ony enolit t@ the w wutry in that Hor there Wore gone questions which might Be too mueh dedtted, amneeolt whon they auected our rolations with other cumin? when their eoiution did noo Ot e: 6 rely ur hans abd whan thew discussion conid bays vo prectical eihoeg ab present, He was far from saying that we ought to go back upon the humane course which civilized nations had been following for many years tn actual warfare, nor did he mean to contend that it was erther right or ne sary to do everything that was lawful aceording to the rules of legitimate war; but he greatly doubted whether upon the question before the House, which affected the relati ns of belligerents, it was desirab.o, under existing circumstances, ttempt to lay down exact rules. (Hear, bear.) For secretaries of state, judges of prize counts, and writers upon international law, it might be right and proper, a necessary, to deal with abstract principies; Dut it was impossible for that House to dis- cuss such questions without realizing to itaeif in some degree the circumstances under which the rules of war- fare might be expected to come into practical opera tion. (Hear, hear.) We know from experience how the revolutivos of ti and chance fhied to fal sify atl auticijations of that kind, and hew nations ant men were often compelled to retract under the pressure and the pain of an actual s/ruggle the ‘menis which they had made in peace. (Hear, hear.) fore he stould suggest that the reel way to mitiga' horrors of war was not to lay down al ir whieh, as be had said, time might falsiiy; but when war did happen it was for the executive government of the conmtry; tho country itself—ihe Logisiature of the countfy—if they would—to jook to the actual state of t fact, and be guided thereby. Let lnm sake an inatanc There could be no doubt as to the right of a belligerent Power to bombard a city, though it might ecntain many inpocent imhatitan though the military force there was comy.a- During the Russiad war we did not bom. We might have done ro according to the rules of war, Some sthooght we shouid have done so, but wealk.wed the dictates of hi nity to prevall; but by a resolution of with which they had to d possible to way that the tsof this country Jay to the dj ection of this resolution. Our intervats lay tn the contrary direction. He believed it would compromise in the deepet mann-r, and strike what might be @ fulal blow if that resolution were sanctioned. It was ‘the principle on which this resolution was ive avy strength from the declaration of though he had ao bt it arose out of That resolution came from a congress larger States of Europe to settie di first disputed queation reiated to th belligerents, Now, t rehad been disput 7 dee ing as interpational law. A ncuiral ship) ing his goods om Loard of an enemy's vessel was not iiaile (o have them captured by ihe enemy; on the contrary, if the weasel were captured, the gvods had to be re- stored. Um the other hand, enemy's goods wnder a neutrat Jag were Walle to capture. ' France, aad he believed other ‘continental petions, said free ships mate free goods, aud ade goods n cape. Accordingly , the cong: ess took tions, The armed eutraity of 1780 adoy pr ple of free ships free gouds, without adopting st goods, But, as an ills " the Hes to that 1780 who, when they came to be belligerents, 4: ot entirely turn round and aiopt precisely the opposite course. (Hew bear) Now, it was very desirabie Ww gvtcte thesu ma ters, He saw plainiy the effect whien neeeasariiy mut face was me lo briny avout a tad understanding niha really fasth- fut ally than the doctrime of akiny © gods ow of new jt gee having that lors die remove, then, compltiey apa t D. Privaterring war object of the wbt, of the ol! Duceaneering time. He ait pee proety OF impropriety, bo tthe n Seu sued envely apar fren ile ‘ wh BHOPOL F thie Ih was quie tw wity shout Laut aul prwatoers aa pir toe Roe um that would Civow Obie nate Ute priue ph slain Pe Uy eek eae chat pray ney ¥ to be free from capture, aud an observation of his n ible friend at Liverpool had been referred to ax authority on this subject, but what bis noble friend said was, wars very seidom terminated by merely the viciation of m0 ry done to private interests. Jt was by the coll siod of great armies and great fleets; but what was the collision fof great armies and great fleets, if the right of destroying commerce dia uot remain behind? Tre principle of all war ws a denial of the rights of private property to a belligerent enemy. That was one of its essential ingredients. If we could only ar range that private property should be safe we should scon arrive at the time when, a8 some thougtt, we might put down our fleets, dismiss our armies aud disband our volunteers. But no foreign foe covld put his foot on our shores without an invasion of private property, ‘there. fore we might as weil go back to single combut, ino. aer to veitie our differences, an to say that we kept up our fleets to fight with tleete, and our armies to nent with od tbat after'they had destroyed each other 4 the subjects of each before. The fact was timate obect of war was a just peace, and Stification was self-defence. and, thersiore, ateriully coniueive to self-defence, or tv at peace, WAS generally periniesi- ceptions well founded in the | w which all the world subse: flying on the field of batt not overcome th fevce, and the fact that protect the enemy from ( bat ensued. On the other band, when we found our foe lying woundea on the battle fel defence yleided to hu and Dei ; cherished bi dsavored to eure his wounds. ‘The priucipl that wh vantage to be gained was unr disproportionate (o the injury inflicted, it was not sanc- tioned by a ju If defence wd the injury, therefore ought not 16 be inflicted. to engage in cold speculative argumet sl interests of bumani ty after all. War was a sen end awful ‘hing at any time, and tf it was to be waged at ail, i ought to ve but then, in order to make it short, it must be sharp. (Hear, hear.) It was said chat private property was sw cred in land warfare. could be more cou with constant and jnvet wie was that ere en titled in war to take an enemy's property w! wo found it. Before a war commenced we began with pulting an embargo on the property within our territory belonging not oan actual Lut even to an expected enemy. Then we had roprisais, which signified noth.ng but (bis—thal in retu:n for an injury done to some perton belonging toour country we would doa similar wyury to come perton belonging to our enemy's country. 4 we perbeps septan invading army against our adversary the very first step it too: on his soil was an immediaie wiolation of private property, the extent to which that violation was aftericay da carried de: pending on the,erigences of was chateawa vecupied grow ing , toevme out on hw tory played on the ‘As much pri day as might Wt the invad atile and provisions 16 could thus Ne to purnue with vigor eaking Out of war, That was tru wid powerful y in favor of b: meat, The sensor why privaie debis belonging io allen enemy ware Hot conuscated was thot the ales bad, apou the w 2X ONF lawa, placed bis property in our handy in time of jexse, and it would be perddious rous im us to confecate it on the of wa. Thereforo ume was given bm tw withdraw bie vesses from our harbors and collect _ from bis debtors belore the heatyities But al commerce wiih the eneiny ceaged Ww vac, ant an allem enemy corte not appear 00s ar big seb whale tho war continued, tike ty supose that mar ca. tured at Whe purpee ade Alin oF bite mere incutent to and consequence of the capture, The rules of wer entitied us to destroy our enemy's com merce, provided we could thereby weskeo him and pre vent his success in the sirnggie. ‘Ive was the origin of our right to capture his merchant vessels. Were we to give up that right? And sf we gave it up, could we then maintain the right of blockade? He thought not, be carise a blockate was an infinitely stronger interierence with private interesis and private property than the right of capture by sea. (Hear.) Were we, then, to throw awiy our naw preponderance, and in future to wage war on the same fooling as if we had no nary at all? For whay | reason were we to abandon our immense power? Was ic for the sake of humanity? He believed that the interests of humanity wouid greatly suifer from such a course. If we were not to conduct our wars by sea we should have to doubie our standing army and be retuced to the gecessity ‘of baring mercenaries to ightour bottles for us. In the long Pup that would impoveriah (he country more than over tbe maintonsence of her Bevis coul while, on the othe, hand, she would fall into a chronic state of war, and having her #irongest arm tied bebind her back woul4 nv longer be able to upbold ber rights against ai! the world. (Hear.) - Honorable gentlemen spoke as though Eng Jand was always a delligerent, and other nations alwaye Reuiral, and that therefore had made the law to suit Ourselves. But im tht of France and America being at war, and Fugland remasuing neutral, was it clear tbat the advantago enjoyed by America ip the one case would enjoyed by England in the other? The right of cap- turing or of intel iigg the eommnree of an enemy was age to the strongest. ques. to this country was not at all affec: ted by Ure fact that our commercial marino was larger hat of any other nation. t wus very poasibie t! rger number of our merchant sbips might be cap- tured than were taken from the cnemy, but the rea! effect to the nation must be the amount vf force we could wring force. Wewas Cear to bis miud tt necessarily be im our favor as h ned a predominance upou the sexs. regreited that the ccntrary principle should Buggested im that House, amt he should i more sorry if it were affirmed, for prin- med in that House did not pars ior nothing in woatvon to be approached — with great eaction. (Hear, hear.) jrable (o imprees upon the public mind of Europe a beitef that whatever the gor might do, the people of this country bad a: at con that the capture of property at soa was n ful, and such a doctrine might be adop' hen it would be moe! incoavenien! r.) He did not doubt that the niotives of ht forward this question we @ could be insensiblo to the « at musi be sustained by our y in the ovent of war; but he ay to make sar 80 as to eon- itas lite 8 to make be slow He it short and sharp. tq epter upon war, but when ed tpen, The combata then ur own interests but whew we bad the jite. rests of others also to guard it would be treaebery. (Hear, bear.) Rwious—Sir, probably th tbetore this Hous in it whieb wa has boen a qu be time that tion of honorabie well knows that from war until the bostilities @ yeriod of sbout forty J ebaages, not only in this bis discussion. That pro- time occupied by the Russiaa y what the Declaration of Paris two | years afierward® did for international jaw in | aod for a) fuure wars, should such 1h was found by the governinent that the bie any iver. Unless you could in Ruseia it was quite clear that | Amorican mere ships wowd earty on trade wich | that cowntry as before the wer and if (ey hod Russian | cargoes on (hose ships (he Anwer cane would not have per uiitted—i speak advisedly— ‘hey would not have permit tad without romonsirance, @. probably without resist ye exercise Of a right of #earch as regarded those | the tak ng from them the property of Kuss, # then tie enemy of Kogland 1 the goverument | had vot takes the course whieh they did by the procla- | | better, he mation ef 1854, in six months or less we should have been involved in a serious d.scussion with the United Sta‘es, which might have ended in » ding to the ealami ty of the then existing war with Russia the calamity of awar withthe United States, fo that | say this, that the able lord at the head of (he governméni was right. He was not then Prime Minister but be was a member of the -overnment of Lord Aberdeen, and Lhave no doubt that bis opiuion had great Weight with the Cabivet. Ipay that the nobie lord and his co 'eagues acted wisely om that occasion, They di¢ what was absolutely necessary, and therefore I am pre pared to give my entire assent to what they did. (Hear hear.) Thev in 1856 we had the meeting of the Congress of Paris, at which Lord Clarendon represented this coun. try. ‘The parties to that Congress knew what had bees done during the Russian war. They know what bad made the proclamation of '$4 neceseary, and they were awar¢ that should any wararike in future the same difieulty would meet them. Accordingly they agroed to the decla- ration or convention which some bouorable member have found fault with to-vight, 1 hold ths after eon siderivg the matter—that the courre taken by the Robie Jord, for he was Prime Sliuisver iu "66, when the cay met at Paris—was one which he could not havea and that, as it had become imeyitabie, it is irrevocable now. (Hear, hear.) What was it that the Congress did? Tam not for a moment about to say that it did pet do something, and of all that importance a.tributed to it by the honorable member for Salford. 4t declared thet henceforward ne war abould be made on the trade of a belligerent with the exception of the act of Diockuce; that. its exports and imports should be free as in time of peace, only cm one condition—namely, thas those exports and impofis shoulu be carried inne .tra} ships. Every one has brought England and France for- ward to illustrate the case of belligerents. Probably it ig presimed that there may be a future war between them, only because they were at war in times past; but, Ai allcvents, supposing England and France were at war, these beligerents might trade in pecce not only with each other, but with neutvals, if the trace was only carried on in neutral at is. if the enemy only bis ships at hom undertake that no harm is ed to his goods at sea, The case of England and Frauce affords & most apposite i usiration of the present stato of the France has not a great mercantile navy, but & very large war navy. Under the Declaration of Paris there would te no digi ulty in the way of the foreign taie of France beaug carricd on by meutral Shipt=tys ships of the United Slate:—assuming, of course, that the French ports Wee not Dlogleaded, and that France might keop auch of her ships in hacbor as had nos been transferred (o the ister of the Unied states. At the saine, time, if rance has a great war nayy—wnd hono able gentleme 1am afraid sometimes fue) disposed o magaty the ay resources of that country—she would necessary insist on the same ‘bing with i egard to Englaud,and the United States, the Baitic Powe:s, Holand, Greece, and other nations would furnish ships to carry on our foreign trade, sothat the great buik of our skips would be kept ipharbor. That beivg 8, the Morcantile shipping of France and England would ‘be shut ap, while tbe vessels of neutral States would drive @ trade more flourishing thanever. Now, if this country and the United States were to be at war, exnctly the game regult would take place. The French shijs would come into requisition, and would, as weli as those of the Dutch, the Greeks and other retcoe corr en the trade between the States apd . at being 80, we should have the wouldve uroughton many of oskipowoeam. "#-* © * wi on many ners. If there be a member of this House who believes that the Declaration of Paris was @ necessary and is @wise ‘Sad epson | to say whether the government while engaged in the transactions of what the intereste & i i i sit Ferii¢ what had been also, he was hoped the time would come when these ‘be carried further—indeed, as far honoruble ef rit thing to give utterance pesed never to be subject am afried be has been a little bulliod on this master. « laugh.) Law afraid the language used by Lord Derby another place some time ago, wien he spoke of mities which might ensue to th: country from the Desia- ration of Paris, may have bad its (rom the nobie lord to a cominittee of this House, was presided over. by my rigit honorable friend, the President of the Board of Trade—than whom no map is more competont to furm a judgment on a question of this kina—] must say I presume from tho fact that there was no division on the subject of » their inquiries, that they were in favor of such # ay thatof the honorable member from Liverpool. But be that as it may, Lord Russelland Lord Derby, bow- ever much they might dissent from the wisdom of the policy of the nobielord atthe head of the govercment in 1666, now both acknowleige that the step then taken caunvt be recalled; and, if ‘bere be a cicser connection between (be Deciaration of Paria an! the proposal of the honorable momber for Liverpool—if one fvilows ‘4 from the otber, then I have aright toquote Ear and Lord Derby as authorities in favor of the compietion of the principle of 1866, which is all that is asked for by the resolution under discussion. There are, however, other authorities Bn thy. subject. Looking at an article which appeared in an influential journal in 1856, s00n sfter the Deciaration of Paris, 1 find its writer ,comment- tg upon the propos.tion of Mr. Marcy on the part of tbe United States, and havinz adverted especially to the fact Uhat on Jand @ diferent and more humane course of con- duct was adopted by belligeronts than at sea, says that, unheppily, this miider code bas not’ been ex: tended to maritime warfare, though it was evi- dent that, moral y, no difference existed between plunder committe! in the one case and in the other, adding, that there could be po doubta country hike England, whose commerce was. extensive, would be glad to except pri property at sea, J have recollection that these observations were accepted with satisfaction in the staca of industry inthe north of 5 and | belicve they went far with many men to convince them of the justice of the course which our representa- tive had taken at Parie, and of the wisdom of carrying tbat proceeding etill further, But what do we find in e public instructor only last week? It states ‘There is no founnation for ihe argument Lips and merchandise at sea wo do what tf i f Hg oP tf upou the naval act of political suicide.” Zhe writer calls the resolution bofore us, ‘this most dan; of the many dangerces eiggestions which have made from the same juarter.’’ Iwas not aware that the honorable member © Liverpool was a person who submitted very dangerous cagpeatiensi totbe House. (A lavgh.) The article con- power of this country, and would clades with these words, which 1 put in Von wot the conciusion of the other,—The humanitar: have Pd to speak.” I donot know to whom this applies, but if it means those who wish the nations of the earth te become more humane, as I believe men and citizens are becoming ire bamane, then I am anxious to be clussed under that title, (Hear, hear.) ‘The bumanitarians bave yet to speak, but we shall be much surprised if the people of Englend will inciiue to throw away for a falsoand maudlin sentiment the power and safeguard of their House to country.” (Cheers.) 1 do not ask the believe the of 1866 or the aracie of 1862. I should say that probably, like many other professed oracier, it does not give the guidance which it would be worth the while of the House of Commons to follow. (Hear, hear.) The Secretary of War made a speceh the other night which I heard with great surprise and regret. The right honorable geotieman js net only a statesman eminent in oftice, he is also a di writer. I donot believe Je will ever put in any one of his deliberate and thought{11 works the argumeuts which ne used in his speech week. (Hear, bear.) He wished to persuade us that there is no Giaoreove bobrees, the mode of conducting werfare upon land und the mode of conducting warfare upon sea. All T havo to say im an- ewer is, that the honorable member for Liverpool only asks the government to agree to establish apon sea the principles which are universally ro cognized in warfare upon land. Further than that he does not propose to go. (Hear, bear.) The se- crotary for War was su ‘ar wrong even in bis bistory— and | dm alwost afraid to correct so distinguished an au- thority—as to taik of the conduct pursuad by the Dake of Wellington fa Spain. Everybody knows that the Duke of Wellington, when carrying on operations in Spain, burned the rafters, not’ of his enemies, but of his frieods. (Cucers.) Phat case, therefore, does fot apply. (Hear, bear.) But if the ba honorable gentieman insists apon his argument. | shail ask the chief of the Cabinet to an- ewer him, because when the noble viscount made hie memorable speech at Liverpool he uttered those words:— Tecannot help thinking that these relaxations of former oct ines, which were estaliished im the beginuing of the war, Which Were practived during the war, ond whieh have since Deen ratiied by formal engage #illl further extended; that y. .) Unless 1am to suppose that the noble (Fear, near) Orn to Liverpool's talk oft Rises of vin wn to Liver] twaddle to the peopl that of which they were ix: which he «tid not believe, thi 0.10 0 fow men for whom ar, hear)—taid down, theother hatT would ea't immoral doo- trina on the subject of treaties, (A lauyi.) The bie rember for Stauviord has quoted upon tl ncellor Lent, who is accepted ay @ gren and couctusive passage. The Secres , thority; he is acasinet minister; he holds h office: be ‘speaks for a reat governs great writer, and, wiot i@ more and je @ great th nker. Wf there f* any man jo the World upon whom we have wright to call, with ro sect Lo questions of thie kia, for sueh ex:ositions am