The New York Herald Newspaper, January 4, 1862, Page 1

es ay fre WHOLE NO. 9246. INTERESTING FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE ASIA. The Preparations for War Con- “inued in England. £mbarkation of British Troops for Canada in the Steamship Adriatic. Offences of the United States Against England. Change in the Public Opinion of | sary for us toreca France on the War Question. Important Statement of the Organ f Prince Napoleon. America the “Natural Ally” of the Empire. The, Privateers, Pirates and Slave Traders of the Union. Hiram Faller on Democracy from the Time of Pontius Pilate. . THE MEDICAL TREATMENT OF PRINCE ALBERT Our Paris and St. Petersburg Correspondence, ke, ke. ‘The Cunard steamship Asia, Captain Lott, from Liver- ool the Zist, and Queenstown the 22d of December, 1861, ‘arrived at this port, from Halifax, at noon yesterday. Our advices by the Asia have been anticipated by her telegraphic report from Halifax, published in the Herat om the Ist of January. Our European files, which are dated to the 2lst ult., with the letters of our correspondents in Paris and St. Petersburg, contain some very interesting and important Getails of the news. ‘Tho London Post of the 20th of December says:— M. Carlos Gutierrez, Mivister Plenipotentiary of Hondu- fes,and Mr. James L. Hart, Consul for the republics of Mexico and Salvador, calied on Wednesday at Bucking- ‘ham Palace to make inquiry after the health of her Ma- Jeaty the Queen. ‘The Malta correspondent of the London Post, writing en the 13th of December, says:— The local event of the week is the fact of Chevalier Cap- tein Dini, commanding the Italian frigate Mozambano, in tus port, watching Bourbon expeditions, having broken 4:0 Bead of aM. Debono, tho editor of a low reactionist paper called tho Guerricro Cattolico (got up by foreign. ¢rs), for @ very insulting article chiefly directed agaiust bimself and Sovereign. editor richly deserved chas- Aisement; but, of course, the law cannot permit its func- tions to Be invaded, and the Captain was condemned to three months’ imprisonment. It-is to be hoped that the Governor will commate the greater part of the term into =>. ah ey received, gross eS ete lam ry to sa, police encourage the Bourbon or le. gitimist party hore. Rey Our Paris Correspondence. Panis, Deo. 20, 1661. Prince Napoleon's Opinion of an Anti-American Alliance With England—The Cotton Men Foiled in Their Schemes and Obeying Her Natural Impulses, de. The following article, which I translate for you, ap- peared in the Opinion Nationale—the organ and part property of Prince Napolecn—yesterdiy. It is signed by the principal editor, M. Gueroult, and undoubtedly ex- Presses the opinions of Prince Napoleon, as it does those of the large majority of the French people, in relation to loving ally, England; and the fact that such an Article is permitted to be published in so influential e Journal as the Opinion without bringing a “warning” upon it, doos not speak very highly for the cordiality of the alliance itself, These nobte expressions of sympathy from France will be read with interest in America just eon ANGLO-AMERICAN CONFLICT—THE MORAL SUPPORT oF ri PRANCR, ETC. {From the Opinion Nationale of Dec. 19.) . bad raised tho blockade. it was first believed that the arrest of the Southern Commissioners might produce dilficulties of a Gerious pature between England and America, the great ‘majority of the French journals seemed to understand ti should assume a graver attitude neutrality would be for France the only true position. Afew journals, however, departing from the general sentiment, and considering themscives inspired exclu- ly by the interest of our cotton manufactures, spok of an alliance between France and England, but the un- welcume rec: which they encounler:d in public opinion ‘ed tem to @ more ‘appreciation tru fnterest of sor Ht 0 sont atom oa pond lass dissembied they have arrived again by a re-entering curve ‘@t that programme of neutrality which was the frst in- rnals,and the French journals, formerly’ did receive confidences, m her neu, ral” wup- Wir that Francs, without yet d fralty, susaine itaglan! matt iter d haps be to engage us actively in the quarrel and to cause a rupture between FBrince and the United States. ‘As to the legitimacy of the gricfs of England # should be observed that, according to the principles Settled in tho Congress of Paris, ‘(he neutral flag covers the enemy's , with the exception of contraband of war.” Now the question whether two diplomatic agents to Europe tw raise up adversaries against ono of the liigerents, carrying hostile despatches and acc npanied by acolonel, are as formidable as bullets and powder, ‘and constitute what is called ‘contraband of war”’—the question is at least open to argument. Let Englant, who gecks war, waitiig merely for a pretext, solve the pro- blem, if she will, in twenty-four hours. But we, what strange precipitation, wh.t feverisbness to mix in that which does not concern us; what interest, in short, ean compel us to take a part ‘and proffer advice which no one has asked? Had Franco decided in the outset to assume this att! tude of moral hostility toward the Northern States of America. She would not have stopped there. She would not have done this without the arriere penser of recognizing the Southern confederacy as soon as England We know that the interests of onr cotton spinners is set up as @ justification of this mesure; but we have alrealy remarked that it ts not ne- eeseary to recognise the South to obtain cotton; that if ‘tho Southorn ports are pened they will be opened for all the world; and that it is perfectly useless for us to com- promise ourselves towards the North in order to ar- Tive at a result equally 1K to all the nations of the @irth. Let usadd that tho recognition of the Suuth is the recognition of slavery, and that is @ sad role for ws to play. Although the noisy philanthropy of England bat solemnly spostatized at the feet, of King Cotton, this does not much surprise or annoy us, Dut that Franco—without pretext, wi excuse, and without object—should constitute berself in this sad ceremony the train bearer of Kngland, it is this which afflicts and profoundly humiliates us. Resides, why should we throw ourselves into this civil war? Can it be answered in view of the incredible intensity which popu- Jar passion bas attaived on tho other side of the Atlantic that war will bo the result of such an intervention? ‘We sco ouradversaries bridiing up, and haughtily de- claring that France docs not fear war. As for us, wo frankly covfess that we are not so intrepid. We should dread prodigiously a vecless, inexcusable war, which would bea scandal to good sense and tho overturning of the most elementary ideas of our national policy. Let ‘us figure (o ourselves france marching gaily to the aid of England in the destruction of the only marine in the ‘world which can aet ag a counterpoise net the naval superiority of England. This would monstrous ab- Burdity, a treason against the traditional policy of France, Louis Philippe, who has been, with justice, accused of woakners, would nover have dove anything’ to be ¢-m- pared to this, Bot it is said we haye not reached that point, It is true we have not yet, but we are verging | Ministers had toward it, true, we are ylacing ourselves on the slope, Can wo not casily slide to the bottom? We must say that such a policy would not much resemble thegwise conduct ‘of the Emperor, when, after the “taking of Sebastopol, content’ with ‘having done uatico he concluded ‘a and refused to lend his aid to England, who was impationt to go to Cronstadt and burn what was left of the Russian navy. This remeinbrance should reassure us and should not permit us to believe that a sovereign 80 enlirhtened, so careful of the great intereste of France, will allow himself to be embroiled in a policy fraught ith danger, and in which the most which we coald hone 1 avoid ‘> false steps which might easil prove fatal, en " 7 Beaides, why should we dissembie our rea! thought— why hide the bottom of our heart? Franco has but one enemy in the world—that onomy is England. No; wo mistake, it is the aristocracy of England. Tho English aristocracy, for twenty-five years, subsidized Europe against us. It twice led tha coalition under the walls of Paris. It cansed the death of Napoleon at St. Helena, From 1814 to 1848 it has borne with its entire weight upon Europe and on France. It was Lord Palmerston—again Prime Minister of Engiand—who, in 1840, made Lonis Philippe bow his head to the ground, and cased the blood to rise to tho forehead of every Frenchman. It is the aristocracy of England which, jealous of our success in the Crimea, has never ceasod sirice then to raise obstacles against our policy everywhere—in Italy, in Syria, on the Danube and in Constantinople, And now it is acked that ‘we shall come to her aid to destroy the American marine, Such an act would be a proof of imberllity. Init neces- he fact that the English verses of war now steering toward America,and to which it is asked that we should unite oure, wore constrceted to act against us? Her volunteers, raisad and drilled at enor- mous expense; ber fortifications, mounted everywhere upon the coast of England—it is not at all against Ame- rica—it is against Franco that they have been prepared, Uf England is now s0 reany for war, it is thanks to her deft: ance and vindictive hatred of France. For the love of peace— for humanity's sake—wo do not desire to profit by the embarrasement of England,to assail her,but for God's sake do not let us be asked to aid her against our natural allies. AU France would rouse with indignation at such a Oought. If tendencies which are indicated to us are Panis, Dec. 18, 1861. Canvass of General Scott's Journey and Mission Home— What France Hopes From a War Between England and America—Phe Cost of the Struggle—Thurlow Weed’s Let’ ter—Coming Recognition of the Rebels by Napoleon Prince Napoleon as a Friend of the Union—The Naval Preparations of the Empire, dc. The sudden departure of General Scott has given riso to many rumors, all more or less unfounded. Tho English papers saw in his abrupt departure the ov!- dence of some mission from this government; the Patrie also took this view of the case, and asserted it had good cause to doso, The result has been a denial of any such } Mission on the part of the Tuileries Cabinet, both in the Moniteur, official, and Constituiionnel, semi-oflicial. We thus forcibly came to the conclusion that General Scott had no mission or that the French government is deceiv- ing the English Cabinet. case is, General Scott saw that England, backed up by France in advice if not material aid, was determined to strike a blow at the United States, and that the gallant veteran determined he would return to his native land and give to her the aid of his experience. It is evident, from the tone of the Paris press, that France wishes to see England engaged in a deadly con- flict with the North; for Louis Napoleon well appreciates that, once the struggle begun, England will find she bas ongaged a terrible adversary—ono that will give her full occupation, and will forever weaken and cripple her re- sources. He foresees that Ireland will take the occasion to rise against her dastardly persecutors, and that even India may smeil the battle afar off, and once more rebe) against her tyrants. Ho fully understands that while en- gaged in such a struggle her might and influence in Eu- rope will wane, and that Franee, at the head of the neu- tral navies, aud with her own powerful fleets, will be mistress of the situation here. She will rule as she pleases, cut and carve nationalities according to ner own ideas, so that when England gets breathing time, should she ever be so fortunate, she will find naught but faits accompli which she will not dare interfere witb. France wilt also profit in a commorcial point of view; in fact, in all ways, will she rejoice and profit when the two great Anglo-Saxon races are decimating oach other. There are, thank God, some Englishmen not 0 inconsistent in prejudice and hatred of the United States ag not to under- stand that Franco will surely take advantage of the com- ing struggle for hor own purposes, and there are aiso some Englishmen so high minded as to scorn the un- scemly baste, the cowardly brutality of the Palmerston Cabinet, which glories in the idea that it may force u® Americans into war, while they are elready engaged in a civil strife that the world should deplore, aud that when exhausted by the unequal contest they will make the Americans pay the costs of the war, To what greater length can despicable meanness reach? what can more readily betray the dastardly sentiments that animate the English Cabinet, or prove moro conclusively tho injustice of their cause and the unwillingness of the people to go to war? This assurance of aforced repayment of expenses is made to drown the opposition of the masses, who will refuse to pay the war rate. must ¢ail your attention to the fact that the Patrie has gone so far iu its inumical course towards the United States as to bring upon it the denials and contradictions of the English journals; they no doubt wish that some one would save them {rom such afriend. The Patrie an- nounced that all ‘pe werg of Europe, including Franco, had signified to aad their approval of her present t made any 8 i way Srproxed ‘ef yr contact. ile ‘has done rs terfy failing ie while w Conte asi bolat id ts fie vor. Decidedly it ean top to write nothing, and Mr. Weed raust batt ce Eh ig duty asan American citizen when he acknowledges that the officers of the San Jacinto were in the wrong. Tho repel Coin- talssioncre take no such, landers, “All. (hat y say and do is carefully weighed and balanced and carefully executed. Tt is usoless to attempt stemming the current of English bravado by such Weak documents as that sent tothe London Jimes by Mr. Weed. It gives thom too good chance to bluster and blow; for where poople are jetermined to act villanously even eloquence fails to of Euroye have stay their purpose, let alone commonplaces. Tam assured by those whom I have ever found woll ta- formed that Frauce will acknowledge the Davis govorn- ment if England does; but that at the samo time she will assure the Washington Cabinet that it is done with no hostile sentiment. The Emperor Napoleon is quite un- friendly to the North, and would like to see the groat re- public divided at il not act in @ hostile manner to- wards cither the South or Nor Prince Napoloon continues the firm advocate of the North, and hia influence counterbalances the inimical Minis efforts to injure your cause. it iF fumored a fow days since that the King of Bel- jam had is sery! ediator between the Evited Stal iF Dy ‘ Yikie Teason to velleyg that no such offer was éver made. . d will take good care to refuse mediation unless natet range. se knows ber’ cause fe bad, and will keep clear of interferences. 0 Southern Commissioners here are working ac- tively against the North, and with increased sucotes. only journal in Patis that is real 0 North is the Opinion Nationale, tho organ Saad Sr doubt he will use all his Influenco in Franco will send, iu case of war, a powerful eet to the American water Pants, Deo. 20, 1861. Question of an English War in the United States—The Ancient Memories of Prance—What is Thought of the Death of Prince Albert—Political Speculation on the Event—His Reported Opinion on the Trent Ajuir—M. de Pertigny on the War—Rumors of Cabinet Changea— The Holiday Display, &c. Tho imminent prospect of war betweon America aud Groat Britain creates almost as large a sousation in P as in London, Old memories crowd thick and fast on tho pndlic mind, ‘and men who are not afraid to speak what thoy think are, ever and anon, beard to say that tho first shot that Great Britain fires at the republic will be the signal for such a rcene shifting in the drama of European politics as bas not been witnessed for fifty years. It may not be to-day nor to-morrow, nor, perhaps, till next year; but there are old associations, old interests, old sympathies, which mast in the end draw France to tho side of Amorica. In the mean time the immediate effect of the storm as it impends {s most strongly felt in all descriptions of property. Rents are falling, public accurities diminish their quotation daily, trade i@ paralyzed. The @nancial crisis through which France hereoif is about to pass helps to deepen the gloom. Many public works seem already to ‘halt by the way.” There ie @ talk of suspend ng the progress of several, The late stimulus afforded to labor will probably exhibit the ordi- nary reaction in discontent among the working classes. Altogether, this little cloud ja the West casts an ominous shadow. ‘The death of Prinoe Albert i# viewed from a French point of survey, and some account of it cannot fail to be interesting. The Queen of England, it is said here, before her marriage, exhibited no qualities from which hor pre- gent great character could be augured. On the contrary, itis a matter of notoriety that sho wan fitful, capricious, haughty, oyerbearing~in a word, self-willed, Her T believe the truce state of the- a hard time of it, The p» cullar character of Lord Melbourne rendering him almost the only man in England who was competent to the task of managing the virgin Queen. Prince Albert apperrs in the scene, and all is changed, Those eccentricities of temper are toned down, or uever suffered to appear, The government of the country goes steadily forward, we hear of no prejudices, antipathies, leanings to this or that side, or to particular individuals—ail goes smoothly as tho wheels of some well Tegulated machinery. But those who are admitted be- hind the scenes know that there were always great diffl- culties to contend with in the Queen’s passionate aud overbearing&emper, of which Prince Albert 11d alone the key. When her Majesty visited Paris, in 1865, it was well known at all the different missions that it was quite as much as the English Ambassador and the ministers who were in attendance could do to keep—in sporting language—her Majesty's head straight. She would end she would not do this or that, and no man knew exactly where to have her. An appointment made for tho next day, at # fixed hour, was as uncertain as the wind, unless Prince Albert fairly took the matter in hand; and, on the whole, T have no hesitation in saying, from the very best authority, that all partios were very glad to have got her Majesty out of Paris without a breakdown. She greatly disappointed the whole Parisian populace by the lateness ofthe hour at which she entered the capital ‘at hour Deing eight o'clock P, M., instead of two o’clock ?, M., as appointed, and all because she chose to steam it from Osborne in her yacht instead of going to Dover, as sho might have done, and keeping her appointment to a minute. The Parisians waited in gathered thousands, as they had never waited or assombied before—for it was a great event indeed to witness. The crowned head of their he- reditary foo coming to share the hospitality of their own monarch—aud that monarch a Bonaparte—and they returnod to their homes grievously disappointed. The press, under {ts iron regime, was silent; the Fuglish Papers took little notice of the fact, and so the matter passed off. But now that Prince Albert is gone—now that a woman reigns over England sufficiently experiencod in life to know the sweets of power, how will it bo? The French, who, with all their gallantry, have at heart the most supreme contempt for the understandinge of the sex they so ostensibly adore, aro apt to think that Queen Victoria of forty will display all and more than the dangerous self-will of her virgin slate. They think she will have favorites—porbaps lovers—take, possibly, another prince consort, and that ney haga fair chance, under these circumstances, of drifting before the wind “‘rudderless afloat.” The great breakwater is now removed. Every wave of public opl- f ch its spray right against the head of the [l.c wise pilot is gone, and who shall say whither the vessel of State may wander? It is known that the Prince listened with something more than-a cold Iistless car to the language of Lord Palmerston on the. Mason and Slidell question. The Queen’ for Farl Russell kept him mute; but it bable, bad he lived, in the prosent nicely balanced state of partics his Royal Highness’ voice wouki have oxer- cised a powerful influence. The saine may be said of general European politics, The moderation of the coun- cils of England bas owed far nore than is generally sup- posed to the prudence of the Prince Consort. All this weil known at the Tuileries, and the Emperor is said to have departed from his usual reticence so far as to re- mark,on the first alarm created by Roy health, ‘That at the present crisis of the world he knew of nodeath in Europe that would exercise an equal in- fluence.”? At that time thore were no substantial grounds for supposing such an event. I havo heard it distmetiy, stated, on authority it » cannot for moment that. Prince impressions, on first report of the business, ‘e@ en- tirely in favor of America, That he said to Lord Clar- endon that in his mind the neutral territory and a neutral ship, and ‘Mason and Slidell, with officis intments froma bel- towrage, whig or tory, coincided with his own,he never af- torwards expressed himself oa the subject. ft was usual for him under such circumstances to oxereise great cau- tion, but in the end it wae geueraily observed that the Queen took upon herself the ondorsement of any opinion once given vent to by her royal consort. ‘The usual etiquatto in such circumstances is for the Court here only to put on mourning for fifteen daye; his Majesty has prolonged the period to twenty-one. ‘The Imperial Standard of France, at present unfurled over the Tuileries, ia lowecad to half mast. Yesterday 1 ie aye to hear the opinion of no less a personage than M. de Pcrsigny on the prospects of Ame- rica, in the probabie ovent of ber going to war with Great Britain. Jt is well known that M. de Persigny never con- ceals his ideas under the mantle of diploraaey, but at the dinner tablo will give vont to them wit! liar freedom, The substance of his remarks was as fotlows:—That such an event was greatly to be deplored, but the same time, should it happon to occur, it'was a great mis- take to suppore that, with all her intestine troubles, the cause of America was desperate. It is true, lie said, England might, as she says, sweep away hor fleet, bud the mischief Amcrica could inflict on the mother country by her privateers was incalculable. These would appear in ali parts of the globe. Other natione—repre- sented by individuals—would gladly hoist the Stars and Stripes and associate themselves with America in 0 pro- fitable « venture, England, covering the sea with her argosies, would bo at the mercy of every bold adven- turer—the commerce of the country would be thoroughly diajointed ; civil commotions at home would help the Americans, for it was not tobe supposed that Manches- ter, Liverpool, Preston and other towus would not bs severely burt by such awar. Great Britain would get into hot water about the individuals of foreign nations, whom no law could restrain from pri- vatecring in the American quarrel; the govern. ments to, misunderstandings would appealed sprung up, till at last somo other maritime nation, or per- haps nations, might take the side of America, and all Eu- rope bo brought {nto the quarrel. France will certainly maiutain, be added, as if afraid of being misunderstood, the strictest neutrality. She bas no money for tl “ rols of her neighbora, though she will always bi cient to maintain berown. But, eaid M. de Persiguy, I devoutly hope that Messrs. Mason and Slidell may b given up, and I am inclined to think they will, The Ménitur yeqerday published « formal and abso- lute contradiction [3 tg syumors that have been for some time afloat of changes in t mylar being immineny. The truth is, the uneasiness of the publig mjnd about the state of tho finances is so great that it represents itself in all sorts of wild reports, and the — Jourpal displays no ordiuary anxivty in ite desire to dissipate the com- ‘mon uneasiness. Emperor, despite the able report of M in the Sonate—the burden of which is that the Fmpire bas only borrowed, for the purposes of war, two thousand millions, the return for which has beqn the glories of Sebastopol, Magenta and Solferino, and five hundred millions for peace, while it b xccuted works the value of which is five hundred millioos—has been spending money so fast that pooplo are reminded of the proverb that a beggar, set on horseback, invariably rides to the devil; and his calling on the representatives of the Feocembenpe ef him out of the scrape he has into is not very well received, however the remi-ofilcial Journals may eulogize it. A is clearly impossibio, ‘and we shall have an issuo of fifty franc notes. The old isposition is manifesting itself vo get hold of the gold and board it. The stagnation in every sort of commerce is felt to be increasing, and it is known that the funds kept to thoir present low standard by artidc! fc 48 meantime the néws from Italy is discouraging in tho extreme. Tho King of Sardinia’s ministry is daily expected to collapse. At Naples the stato of reaction can only be putdown by a second recourse to Garibaldi, and there ia every probability that the rab eed hero, who oie nrnagg Rn abuser 8 nt tho political stage. with her hands full of the page: quarrel, must leave Italy to him whose “idea”? Sand with Hungary, Poland and Venice, Europe bids die falr to have her hands full as America. Paris shops aro making their usual display of no- voltiga, M. Tahan, at the Crner of the Rue de la Paix, is i np as eyér, but complains that purchasers have real ie jen off vince last year. The American demand is entirely dried up, and but for more than usual exporta- tions to England he would have mach of bis wares still un- disposed of. M. Giroux, on the Boulevard des Capucines, ‘who at this seasou of the yoar possesses the chief empo- rium, has a haudsome collection of beautiful novelties in bubl, marquetoric, encriers, clocks, toys, puzzles, &c., but makes a similar complaint. His original paintings, which in former years found American customorsat from one to four thousand francs each, remaine heavily on hand. Oar St. Petersbarg Correspondence. St. Parmnsuvnc, Deo. 14, 1861, ‘the Council of Ministere—Anglo-American Dificulty— Political Retrospect Russian Advice to the Americans— News from the Caucasus, dc. ‘Wo are rather surprised to seo the importance attached by foreign publicists to a recoot ukase of the Emperor ‘appointing a Council of Ministers who are to deliberate in his presonco. They discover in it the germ of a con- atitutional government, of ministerial responsibility—in short, of a radical reform’ in the administration of the em- pire. The simple truth is that this measure merely applies to and revises what hae subsisted all along un- ifforont appellation. For the last thirty years, at loaat, there has been a Committ: f Ministers (Kornita Ministroff), composed of the heads of the ministers, the Director General of Public Works, the Comptroller of the Empire, and the Secretaries of State for Poland and Finland, and of which, at tl acoession of Alexander IT., the late Prince Chermishet was President, as well as of the Imperial Council. After tho peace of Paris that nobleman was succeeded by Prince Orloff, who, when he reigned office early this year, was replaced by Count Blondoff. This committee has now received the title of Council (Sovate), and will be presided over by the Fmporor himeelf, which can searcely bo looked upon as a slop (owards constitutional government, In the present jue ope, indeed, the personal influence exerted by the Crar is likely to lave @ beneficial effect upon the den liberations of his Ministers, as he is decidedly more liberal than any of them, except, perhaps, General Cheffkoi and M. Valuyeff, the new Minister of the Interior, and his authority will restrain the reactionary tendencies of the rest, and ac- | celorate the introduction of reforms that have long been decided upon, but have hi‘ Lerto been obstructed by the dilatoriaces of our statesmen and the tenacity of our bureaucratic. As this result, however, depends entirely upon the character and activity of one man, and does not afford the slightest guarantee for the future, it is no won- dor that the measure in question has created much leas sensation here than it appears to have done abroad, ‘The interest excited by the intelligenee from America is iufinitely greoter. For some time we had looked for- ward with anxiety to a rapture between the . United States and England, and now our werst fears seem about to be sealized. It was the apprehension of such @ catastrophe that induced our govern" ment to offer its services as mediator ‘between the Northern and Southern portions of the Union, convinced that their reconciliation was the only way to avert complications with European Powers less amicably disposed towards you than Russia. Of course we could not anticipate such an indermerso an that of the Trent; but from tho traditional policy of England it was eazy to foreseo that sooner or later some incident would occur to give her a pretext or an excuse for interference. Whether it is owing to good fortune, or to the superior dexterity of her statesmen, England has almost invariably con- trived to atiack her enemies at @ disadvantage, while in her own hour of need they have forborne, eitherfrom generosity or from want of resolution, to retaliate upon her the injuries they had received. In the Crimea, war she had banded one half of Europe against Russia, while the other half observed a suspicious neutrality, The only Power that showod any eympathy for us way the United States of America, but unfortunately oni just enough to give mortal to England, without affording us any material benefit. John Bull pocketed the insult offered him by the dismissal of his ambassa- dor; but he treasured it up in his heart of hearts, knowing fall’well that the time for vengeance was not yet arrived. In fact, at that precise moment war with Americy would have been ruin; the British fleet was engaged in the Baltic, the Blace Sea and the waters of Kamschatka; their army had porishea before Sebastopol, and, not- aioe unheard of efforts, could’ only be replaced by recruits whose calibre was shown by their assault of the Redan; and ina very few weeks tho Americans might have overrun Canada and occupied the ‘Wost Indies, while their cruisers would have swept tho mercantile navy of England from the ocean. This favora- ble opportunity was lost. Russia, abandoned to her own regources, and threatened by Austria in the west and ‘Sweden in the north, was fain to conclude peace on the ‘best terms she could obtain. Soon after the Indian mu- tiny broke out, during which the existence of the British empire was hanging on a thread; but neither her ancient rival, France, nor Russia, againat whom she had just car- ried on @ most unprovoked war, ever thought of profiting by her embarrassment, and in Amorica they illuminated in honor of tho British victories. This was acting like warm hearted men and good Christians, but nt like astute politicians; and itis too much to expect that the wily und unscro; ‘aristocracy who rule Fngland will display the same Christian vi-tues. The United ‘States bas long been a thorn in ti wir side, and when they think s favorable opportunity has arrived for extracting it they will not be deterred by Bh mee yo motives or the sentimental considerations of Jaw and religion. For you to engage ina war with Bugland at the pro- sent moment, therefore, would be to play into the hands of the enemy. United you wonld bivo nothing to fear; Dut you have not yet succeeded in crushing the Southern rebellion; declaration of war would raiso the blockade of the South and transfer it to the North; your detached corps now carrying on operations at tho South would be cut off and run the risk of being made prisoners; end as | as there is @ rebel army near the Poto- mac you willbe unable to assail the enemy in his ou!y vulnerable point by undertaking an expedition to Canada, Foreign assistance you have none to expect; wo are un- fortunately up to our ears iv financial and other difficul- ties, and the ruler of France, for some inscrutable reasons of his own, is clearly rather inclined to pat Joho Bull on the back than to afford you his moral or mato- rial support. Take an example by your adver sary, then; be cocl, bide your time, aud wee! his studied passsion with studied composure. Give up Messrs Mason and Sitdeli, if absolutely necessary; tho letter of the law seeins to be against you; and, after all, their surrender will cortaiuly not be so desp a humilia tion as that you inflicted upon Eogland by turning ont poor Sir John Crampton neck and crop. By assured that if either England herself, or any of the great Yuwers of En- rope, were in a similar predicament, they woul! nt hrai- tate to grant the satisfection requ » far from lower- ing im the opinion of the world, such well-time:! con- cession would be applauded by every sartible pulitivian and by the immonse majority of th pubjic. Accounts from the Caucasus pubiishedy few days ay in the ja Pehela would lead us tO Dope that the pacification a had at last been effected. | It will be remembered that after the capture of Schamy! the Eastern Caucasus submitted to the dominion of Rus- sia; but in the West many tribes remained hostile, al- though some of them—as the Abazechs, the Ubiges, &c.— have followed the oxample of their leader, Mahomet Arvir, in acknowledging themselves the vassals of the White Tsar. On the shores of the Euxine, on the Laba and other inland rivers, hoatilitics ou a small scalo have continuet almost uninterruptedly for tho last two years, and, although the Russian arms mado steady progrces and the few tribes were gradually driven into the mountains, these paitry skirmishes cost the lives of many brave sol- diers, and preveuted the inhabitants of the frontier provinces from turning their undivided attention to the arts of We hear now that dur. ing the Emperor’s sojourn in the Caucasus the oldersof the Shapsooghs and other tribes appeared before bin and signified their readiness to submit,*if they were allowed the undisturbed possession of their fields and pastures, for which they are williug to pay a smailtribute. These offers were graciously accepted, the elders were dismiss- ed by the Emperor clothed in khalas of honor, and with the intimation that the details of the proposed arrange. ment should be settled between them and the Com. mancer-in-Chief, Count Endokimoff, and if these nog»- tiations are brought to a satisfactory conclusion the long struggle in the Caucasus will, thanks to the personal in tervention of the Emperor, bave arrived at ite final termi- nation. THE AMERICAN QUESTION. ngland as an Asylam of Exil. [From Eo London Post (government organ), Dec. 20.) ‘In the various mauifestations of- American opinion which havo reached Europe since the Trent outrage first Surprised and shocked us, nothing is more remarkable than the genoral indifference they reveal as to the possi- blo judgments, and oven probable consures, to which that outrage might be expected to give rise in the com- munities of the Old kof pa Tho federal Lpesigre ot which ti the brea opinio pear tea fie homeo ole he eh Be its own authority an important in monarchical, not tess than in recently founded senti- cient Gnd democratic Stales; and that both the nation ments which it outrages, and tho commercial interests which it injures,are able to exercise @ very important influence on the Fai icy of more than one European State. Tts forcign, jtist liké its domestic policy, has been based on a serica of miscalculations. It believed from the vor first that the commercial necessities of a requiar exton wu. ply would overrule and overpower all regard for the princi- ples of px lay, a He juropean govern) with Bite CA alone ening. b1 pet méans and o war, I} was eoqeens on the frolongation c be, especially to the manufac interests of this cotht ry 90 Shiro flicted on the natjonel PFdspority so fatal, that the active partjgipation of Ragland in the suppression of tho revolt youth bo almost commanded by the instinct of solf. preservation, The futility of this reasoning soon became rent. With tho apprehension of suffering greatly from a deficient supply in the raw mato. rial of her chief manufacture, the right feeling of tho country taught that England would suffer still more in her iasting moral aud political influence by a departure, under the pressure of immediate commercial interests, from those great principles of international law and jus tice on which the whole political edifice of modern civi- jization in a great measure rests. The noutrality of this country, s0 clearly in accordance with the first principles of public law, was not loss emphatically sanctioned by the voice of public opinion. But the Northern States seem resolved to recogn’ public law only the hand to mouth scraps of a maritime jurisprudence intended to satisfy an immediate craving of the public passions, and to acknowledge as public opinion nothing more trust. worthy than the echoes of American mob oratory. One is almost tempted lo suppote that the oe whoce influence in the American press is usly exer’ for ends hostile to this dad ey gm ste tae a the precedent: rati opinion, #0 ludicrously illus. trated in Tae aay Morgan earliest works, in which ‘an aspiring forensic orator is represented as arrangi bavorebaud the piandite to his own discourse. At eac! telling period of Mr. Crawley’s speech, tho ‘“Jen't it nate?’’ of one venal toady was instantaneously mot by the “Och, i's mighty nate!” of another, and this preconcert- od duet of admiration was afterwards described as the spontaneous tribute of popular applause. In the North. ern States public opinion would appear to be manufac. tured ina similar fashion. And itis porhaps from an intimate ng sg 9 f the utter worthiossness of the ni tive article that the public opinion of other countries is, by American politicians, so contemptuously ignored or disregarded. Men who boast of having ir eyes 80 woll pooled that they run no risk of over being 3 by foreign gamsuckers, may beliove that they havi powor, a3 certainly ag they have the will, of catawam- ponkiychawing up the poor old British Lion at @ fort- night's notice, ‘he comments of the whole European press on the facts of the Trent outrago must, however, by this time have convinced the Northern States that public opinion on this side of the Atlantic is neither dormant nor undecided in its views on the federal policy. Ry wn error as great as that prompting the first conviction, that a cotton manu facturing country could not afford to remain noutral, tho goverument at Washington has been led to interpret our strict observance of neutrality as ® national tn. difference to eyory © jntorest, even to the high. | as they have acted in a dezeno est of all—that of our country’s honor. This mis- conception hag lod it into @ second mistake re- specting the political feelings entertained regarding the American atruggle by other European States. It is true that we are tho first and tho greatest sufferers by a deficient cotton supply. But a great though not jups the rame, amount of sulfering of mereantile embarrassment, of commercial distress, ocousioned by the American contest in other countries well as in England; nor have these countries the resources by which we are enabled to In France, in Belgium, in Germany, even in Italy, trafic has been caused by the American .. The foolings of a gratified jealousy and rivairy, which were expected to spring up and strikingly rival themselves in foreign countries, at the prospect of a great depression in the commercial prosperity of England, have certainly not been revealed in anything like the proportions that might natura'ly have been looked for. ‘Tho reason is evident. One can understand the satisfaction felt by other maritime States in the sixteenth century at tho depression and decay of Venotian commerce, because of the shifting in the currents and tides of the world’s trade, by which Venice was impoverished, was the very cause by which the Siatea of Western Europe were en riched, But if at the time when the ships of Venico were covering every sea, her trade with the Levant had been suddenly arrested, and no fresh outlets discovered for the commerce of the rest of Fur the embarrass ments of Venice would have excited widely different feol- ings. Her troubles would not !.ve been confined to her- seif aloue, but would have shared by Spain and Portugal, by France, Englan:, and the Hange Towns. This is ly what has nd in the present American contest. It is true that we are dependent on America for cotton; but other countries as well as ourselves are depend. ent directly on America for the raw material, or indirectly hrough our supplying them with the manufactured artycle. Thee} pared al @ great disturtanee in the regular course 4 Las may pinch us, but its pinching is nothing com- to the torture of the boot, as felt by countries of which the population bas the samo wants with our owh, but has no prospect of meeting theso wants with our re- sources. When we stood aloof from the struggle, at how- ever great a sacrifice to our material intorests, other countries, though !'kewise sufferers, could scarcely , 6 with a good grace, express a sympathy on either site. This will not, however, prevent a very general fecling of satisfaction if, by our’ iuterference, the chances of a speedy termination of the straggle become increased. Wo have spoken as yet ouly of matcrial interests, but in the present instance there are great politica! principles at Stake. Wo are upholding, not for ourselves alone, tho common principles of international law. We are vindi- cating, not for ourselves alone, the rights of all neutral Powers. Welare defending, not for Englishmen alone, but for the oppressed and persecuted of evory people on the earth, the sanctily of the asylum sought by the exile onthe Bri- tish sotl, or on the of the British vessel which, whilst our flag floats over it, is as sacred and invinlable as any domestic hearth th the centre of the land. These facts are so evident that nothing, save the blindness caused by prejudice or pesainn, ‘could permit them for a moment to be called in joubt, The War Policy of the United States and Mr. Seward’s Forcign Diplomacy. {From the London Times, Dec. 20. ‘Tho government of the United States is under the same necessity as our own of presenting to its Legislature a sufficient mass of ite ofticial correspondence. There, as | the peace towards all mankind, and wore especially } 4» not quite 8, but we preaume it was expected the Spanish government should believe the feleral cause toe Strong to require euch prepara fone. Here is @ man who assuines to inatreet the entire bu man race as to the origin, rights and prospects of the wit in the United States, and whose confident mesurances af to the dimensions and duration of the war are belied fore the words reach the public. Yet on these assurance? does the arguinent stand. The belligerents are not $0 bé recognized becase they are a hancifu!, and their efforts Just for @day. Here we stond at the approach of another year, and the war is represented by two immense ar- mios—togeiLor half @ million—looking at one anothes ‘oss the Potomac, ant nell s impression on the other, * ner “ble make the least Arbitration Not Needed hy England. [From the London Times, Dee. 20. The indications of coming war would not be completo without a letter from Mr. Cub“en, summoning us to keep wards tho State which has made up its mind to gi us nplete opportunity of testing our or in the face of the world. 3 . * * . * the earliest and most ¢ * . . it to be said that such a case is within tho meanin, of the proteco! of the Congress of Paris, and that Eng! would be bound to offer arbitration Lefure proceeding to eueounter hostility by hostilityy Would such a pro. ceeding be consi¢tent with either digniiy or good Sense, or would it not obviously expose us Lo the contempt of all mankind, as a nation which presumed to take upon ftself a first rate part in the wilairs cf the world with- out courage enough to insure the support of its frieucs or enforce the respect of its enemies? Sup ose on tho other hand, as has frequontly hanpened before now, that a dispute about a boundary, @ right of dshiog, or a claim to soarch vessels for slaves, were to arise between England and the United States. We should all admit that Such a case might fairly be referred to arbitration, and that it was not only wise and Christian, but highly honorable, to have recourse to such expedient be ure plunging our country into war, and the countless ries which war, even in its most successful form, i to inflict upon each belligerent, What, then, is the dif. ference between those two cases, wh an appeal to arbitration in the one little shirt of a sacred duty ; in the other, @ meanness, a cowurdice and dishonr? The dierence is quite manifest. In the cne case, there is @ dispute about rights, but nothing has ‘been done derogatory to the position of either Party as a sovereign and independent Power. In the other case the matier has been treated, not as one ot Tights, to be settied by reason and discussion, but as one of power, to be determined by the strongest hand. A nation may without disgras admit that it has been io error in claiming some privilege or exercising some sup- posed right, and few of those whose fate it has been to be mixed up with many and important transactions can pos: sibly claim to be exempt from such a charge. But as soon as violence is substituted for-an appeal to reason discussion is closed, and there remains nothing but to de- fend by force what force, and not reason, has been em: ployed to attack. Now, to which of these two classes does the question at issue between us and the Northern States of America Le- long? Are wo in the domain of reason, and therefure of arbitration, or of undisguised force, and therefore of violence and compulsion? No unprejudiced porscn, we think, can doubt for a moment as to tho answer that must be given to this question. The quar. rel between us and the United States has not here, a very few months will somotimes throw a new light! upon documents that answered the purpore of tbe hour, but soon ceased to bo fresh and plausible. In the spring and summer of this yoar, whon every mail was to bring to Europe the final rout of’ the rebels and the burst- ing of the confederate bubble, the newly appointed Mi- nisters of the federal government were busily instructing the Courts of Europe in the only right aud possible way of regarding the rebellion. Mr. Secretary Seward was at the head of this . He would permit no other view, no.miegiving or doubt. The questions of rebe'lion, independence, federation and unity, regular war and bri- dave, n-e unfortunately familiar to all the courts of Eu- rope. ‘Th bly no subjects on which we have lesa need to cross the Atlanticfor illustrations and doctrine. etrine % - ence and sovereign ri Our own principal experience fag been ‘with The Americans’ themscives—North and South. The controversy has not become obsolete, nor has it flagged, for it is one of our newest topics, and in the correspondence before us we find M. Thouvenel point- ing to the circumstance that France ‘still hesitates” to recoguise the new kingdom of Italy. We have allcome to regard the subject’ with much impartiality, but with every desire to adjust our views to the real facts of the case. De jure pretensions now-a-days go little way against armaments; and if the six or eight million people that occupy a territory are evidently of one mind as to its government and lawa, and meet argumonts with hot load and cold steel, we leave the question in their hands, and no longer reply to those listen, So the Cabine ype naigh been to form thoir own opinions of tho American quar ‘act in tia instance twoothers, Hut that would ot suid the taste of Mr. “eward. JL» must preach the right faith of loyaity and s.bjeetion. Ttis from the soil of the Pilgrim Fathers tuat the orthodox doctrine of cbadience must come. ‘The old world has to be enlighten. ©! on this point. It is true that we have herogeveral pretty strong specimens of absoluteism. Russia goes some way, and Austria is pot behindhand, Even Prussia has a creed of sound political obedience. But Was! snust needs transcend them all. To Mr. Soward is it given to teach the nations that a rebel is always a rebel, and that treason 1s treason evermore. Hear it, ye peoples, great and small! Welcome » Saturnian reign of universal obe- dicnce, enforced by legitimate powder and shot. and by the approval of all the governments already established. Grecks and Romans, Hungartans ans Nes, Sicilia Venptians, listen to the law of right divine proclaimed by Mr. Seward, Secretary to Mr. Abraham Lincoln, l’resident of the United States of Amorica, in this the cighty-#ixth year of their independence from the British crown! ‘As carly as last February Mr. Buchanan's Sceretary of State was warning the representatives of his government that it was “not improbable” the confederates would try to obtain their recognition by foreign governments; and, ‘accordingly thoy wereto explain satisfactorily the reasons of their present domestic troubles and tho grounds of the hope thit entire harmony would soon be restored. These were points on which foreign goveraments, it was sup- posed, could hardly be able to form an opinion themselves. Mr. Seward tvok up this ploasant tone, and desired his repressntatives to assure the outer world that the Presi- dent entertained fuil confidence in the speedy restoration + ‘of the harmony and unity of the government, not, of course, by arms, but by a firm, yet just and liberal bear- ing, cooperating with the deliber and local action of the ~ gaa a a, Pe am rican a Fore Office must indeed have been charmed Union, especialy by such athing, it seoms, in the goography of tho States. Theo practical unity of the nation, and the abatement of the only existing causo of aliomption, had put the United Statos already beyond the dangers of division. The so- called Confederates, in the opinion of the President, wero attempting a physical impossibility, not to speak of the suicidal course of establishing a goveramont on the very principio of rebollion which, of course, never has answer- ed yet, and nover willanswer. To enable Mr. Adams to do his part at oar gourt Mr. Seward omitted no resource of instruction prompting. Kogland’s meetin Eng- land's interosta, England's social sympathies, England's vanity, were all concerned in the question. What nobler mtitton than Dhal tn the future ages of the world she should look across the Atlantic’ on a child of ler pwn, stretching across the globe from the North Pole to Cape Horn, and num- bering hn is of millions under one wniled government. ‘At firet it was to be gently hint that it would bo worth England's while, aud certainif’ would be meritori- ous, to interfere for the restoration of order and wnity. ‘As this hope failed, and time wore om, and as the confeder- ate cause assumed ‘a stronger front, the American gyvern- ment considered ils relations én Europe had reacked a crisis in which tojare id stand, Tho ro. cutee Ste 3 otied Sout 60 Gonfederacy was not to be made a subject of tochnical defuition ; but the Amorican government intimated that, as a concession of polligercnt rights was liable to be construed as a recogni- Hon, it would not pass unquestioned, and the Amer \-an ) government would resent such a concession if it 66ull do So effectually. It is painful to observo that, whilo Mr. Seward was inspiring the whole corpa of Amorican repre- sontatives at all the courts of Europs with philosophy, | rhetoric, argumonts, porsuasives, and tact suited | to their respective positions, our own Foreign Min had the naive to admit “that ho did not himac! what lie was to say.” If that phrase expresses w gular force the state of feeling and intelligence of Wholo British peop'e upon Amarican affairs, it only shows how little of a match we al! are, (rom the government downwards, for American diplomacy. It ts some com fort, however, to observe that tho statement in which Lord Russell took refuge from his uncertainty was at least . “If it was expected of him to give any pledge of an olute nature that bis government would not at any future time, no matter what the circumstances might be, recognize an existing State in Amorica,it was more (han he chuld promise.” ‘This was not. much to extract {rom the British govornment after so vast au expenditure of diplomatic ekill, Tis somewhat flattering to our national vanity to find that tho representations made to the Continental Powe s ‘were aven moro confident and more persevering, and that | the doctrinal positions wore even more unqualified than | those ma:ic to this country. Aslate as May 50M. Thou- ‘venel waa informed that the rebellion was atrife, and must soon be over; there was not a chance of Doing dissolved; Mr, Seward would not hear of ront rights." ‘The United States woula only be one, either for peace or for war, To Prussia Mr, Seward ap- pealed ‘as the lover of order, aud as xtanding herself on iting opposition to revolutionary movoments, The presence of a large German population in the States, and, it might have been adiied, in tho feteral army, was jal reason Why Prussia should wish weil to that side; and it must havo been sume relief to the govern ment at Washington to hear that Prussia would not assist the Confederate States to Mt out privateers. Belgium was reminded that ehe had a good market in the States, and that sho, with tho other nations of Europe, depended on the and undisturbed activity of the American people. To Mexico it wa hiutod that the Confederates would probably make up for the loss of the Northern States by @ raid on their Southern neighbors—a notion very fainiliar to the govern: ment of Washington. To Austria and Spain y argument appears to have been necessary, gencralitics about order, loyalty, and peace su elicit the most satisfactory assurances, The Spanish for- eign minister, indeed, bad heard, as early as April 22, that extonsive military and naval proparaiious were be. ing made in the North to enforce the federal supremacy arison from any difference of speculative views as to the respective rights of neutrals and bolligerents, nor yet it arisen from any disputed question of facts which co be cleared up by evidence and inquiry, nor yet have the United States put forward any claim which we deny. A controversy as to the rights of belligerents over neutrals, 80 long ns the question is confined to controversy, might bo settled in many ways—by negotiation, by the arbitra. tion of a friendly power, by appeals to the decision of learned and impartial men, or by the judgment of a com- petent court of Justice, supported by such roagon and au- thority as might commond it to the general good sense and equity of mankind. Theessenoe of our quarrel with America is that the dispute is not speculative, that it is not a conflict of reason and authority, that it is not restrained with- tn the Limits of but has taken the form of actuat violence. The controversey is commenced, not by a claim or demand, but by a forcible seizure of the matter in dispute, not for the purpose of putting the right to seize it in the way of judicial decision, but to supersede ald such decision by an open appeal toforee. Argument wo meet with argument, claim with ciaim, authority with authority. Violence, if persevered in, we can only encounter by violence. We cannot allow a lawsust betwen two nations to be commenced by the forcible seizure and dte- tention of the things in dispute. Such @ procoediug is not an act of controversy, but, if ordered, avowed, or adojt- ed by another Government, is an act of war, and by war alone to be encountered. War bas been described as the last reason of Kings: but, if such proceedings wore to be considered as only entitling the party despoiled to arbi tration, if would aoon become the first. It would always: be convenient to possess ourselves by violence of ine thing in dispute, if by so doing we incurred no worse pe- nalty than by peaceably preferring @ claim for it. It ts imposéible not to see that the course advocated by Mr. Cobden would by no means tend to the preservation of peace either in the present instance or in the future; noi ine the present instance, because the Americans would find the tenaptation to protract negotiations to anendiess exfent irre- sistible so long as negotiation would insure their po.sessicm Of the captured envoys. The only result would be that- ater much time wasted, we should have to make tho peremptory demand which we make now, and all our for raucoe would pot avoid this inevitable issue. As for the future, it is quite clear that seck a precedent woul! tend to arm strong States against the weak, and to sub stitute a violent seizure in every case fora pacific de- mand. Weare not,as Mr, Cobden says, two interested ‘Wes differing on asubtie point of International Law. ‘0 are two Nations, one of whim has offered to the other an unprovoked act of violevce—an act which may be thought desirable. We insist upon knowing clearly whether we are in the region of war or in peace. If ths seizure of the prisoners wos the act of the American. government originally, or if it be adopted by them nows it is an act of war, and'as such to be encountered by war, If they disown it, they must prove their sincerity by re- pairin It is impossible to negotiate in the former case. The latter hag not yet arison. There is, therefore, uo room for arbitration. The War Arguments and Sec: Pro- phecies of the London Tim (From the London News, Dec. 20.) ‘The London Times is decidedly making progress. ? stimulating the demoniac passion of war by every device of tiie- rary art, after carefully barvicading every gate by which the ius of peace might enter, it is now, just as thore ia a foar that the differences of tho two countries may be settled without bloodshed , reparing ite readers for the proposition of an intervention in Uf of the South in the name of hu- manity. Yee, shado of Wilberforce, of humanity and the civilization of mankind. It is oppressed with the thought that the “war in America is brvtalizing at least one of the combatants.” As if thore was ever a war since the days of the first conqueror which did not bratailzo both the combatants. As if war wero not in its essential ture brutal and to be hold in horror, aud only to be undertaken under compulsion of the clearest necessity. It might have been supposed that the sensi- bilities of our contemporary had been wornded by of the poisoners of weils, the unlerminers of or tho assassinators of sontries, deo 's % ted by the men of the South, have revealed the ferceity of character which the institution ot slavery engenders ina community. But no; the Times, witha mo- desty which would be charming if it were not so convo- nient, puts off the attribute of omniscience, and has no opportunity of marking the conduct of the Confoderates. So far aa its knowledge goce, ‘it is the North which is growing force and bloodthirsty,” and “threatening to murder in cold blood.’’ Those who have folowed the course of our contemporary for the last six months will not be surprised to find that these atrocious sccusations: are mae without @ pretence of evidence. Their valuo, indeed, is indepentent of evidence; they are prized for their own eake. Far be it from us tocontradict them ‘Thero must be a groat many persons who Ike this sort of thing—persons to whom abuse of a people too much like ourselves not to be cordially hated is bread and salt andi wine. os ote contemporary, truculeng as he bocomes when there isan alarm ue peace, cay bg Sentimental. The Norttort government holis thaay prisoners taken on board Southern privateers it hag not accorded bel! Tent Fights to its adversaries, the legal position of these Tuflians who have embraced the trade ef blood for the sake of spoil, is that of pirates. Accordingly, they are Kept in close confivement, and live on prison Care.“ Hay- ing given the name of ‘torture’ to the ordinary treat- ment of criminal prisonors, the Times forebodes the death of one of them, and lets ne know beforehand that the natural liketibood of that event—sineo they are many, and no less mortal in prison than at large—will not pro vont his calling attention to euch a death asa + murder in cold Blood.” Such is the superior wisdom of the ing lish press; such the moderation which entitles us ourselves airs over the Americane. Bat the Times has discovered a tonne touche, “We aro toll,’ say’ our contomporary hit fleets have gone forth from New London and Now Bedford, inden not with poldiors end arms, but with stones, and that those fleots, with their stony burthe: s, scuttled broadside, have ob- literated for years to come the chaanels of evtry by son to thoge cursed cities, Charleston and Savannah,’ Gur contemporary does not say that he believes this, but he nevertheless fornda upon it an indictment of tho United States government as gulity of an act of hoatility against the whole human race. Tue sole authority for the state- ment isan oxtract from a virulent and boastful anony- mous lotter, such as tho taste of the New York tnob de- mands, Yet uj this trashy evidence our cootem- ‘ary goes on to exclaim that people capable of an act Tike this would plack the sun out of ven, and to not ashamed wonder that there are any among a to Adeuti’y themaolves with them and tuoir delves, ‘Touching ‘shame,’ if the indulgenge and provocation the most flendish passions is net cause of shame, wo may, one of these days, have a quiet word to say to the nea. At nt, however, we will investigate the A little inquiry would ‘have enabled our contem- facts. a rary to satisfy himsolf that no such vengeance as the Bytiteration of tI 1s of Charleston and Savannah has t been taken, Has it been attempted, or js it intened? Those aro questions on which, by the nature of the caso, direct evidence is not forthcoming, and we mort take tho best wecan got. If tho Times Bad a plodged authority of its “Special Correspondent” fer tie statement that would have been excellent evidence; but it prefers to rely on the revings of an unknown writer M4 aciass which has done than any other to deatroy the reputation of the American press. ‘As to the facts them- go ven we do not profess to be in possession of full and con~ clusiveevidance; but wo have before ua the letter of « most respectable merchant of hiladelphia, ia which bed caso of Charieston ja thus referred to" The formation ¢ tho port of Charleston makes the maintenance of the inthe South, Troplied,” saya Mr, Preston, that I felt assured his information was erroweour.’’ The error wo Diockade by the ships of our squadron a matter of great