The New York Herald Newspaper, January 1, 1862, Page 2

* i 7 2 NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 1, 1862. { eewes 7 1 hb d the is that in which he touches the redations of his may feel am interest in it,” t mo, | call to rally round a constitution, to punish treason and It isa common ©) e., sad obo doomed easnto trem war en otherwian to | She tone of the Ragin, Jeareaie snd Whe srmements of | SSt wit heclgs countries, | Tha at enames, Ie to add 1 the good fedling of our re for the Felnsate a mighty Powor; besac’ aol shige lval Capadion saneonens thae-aeeee oe ae meee 60 to their ports of destination. shee gevemmenys. Mo ' Party | showing, to be, that ail foreign countries have hitherto | Nurhew ‘That government having already | of humanity and a sublimer doctrine. ‘Not Urion, but | likoller to en in our of Portland, than in th, ‘The Bobomiaa arrived off Londonderry on the evening | in England—represented by that unprincipled and ill-oon- | preserved astrict neutrality; that they have resisted fur more om its hands than it can manage, seoms madly | Freedom,” fis his cry. This is the fated weapon for | capture of Montreal by the federal armies. Inapy ‘of the 17th. ditioned priat, the London Times—who would like nothing | ®pptications from the South to make common cause with | bout upon irritating ail theworld, and driving it, whether | the decision of the contest. s ° ° hd aro rectifications of our Canadian frontier whi Detter than a rupture with America, which would afiord them a pretext for keepmg up an enormous military es- tablisbment, and divert the public attention from quea- tions of interval reform; but itcan hardly be imagined Our Paris Correspondence. Pans, Deo. 18, 1861. War News from England—Palmersin’s Hose for Str Designed as @ Diversion of the Poypwar Mind from Re i a that the people will assent to be made tho form Napoleon's Policy Towards Great Briain m4 | tool of these reckless intriguers. One would America— Prince Napoleon the Lafayette of the Day—The | winx too, that Lord Palmerston himself will London Press and the Irish in America—General Scott's Departure and the Conjectures of the People—The /tnan- cial Plans of England for the Struggle—Should the Trent be Seized as a Prize if the Commissioners are Liberatec? &e- » Webear of nothing but immense warlike preparations fm England, pushed forward with a vigor and eagerness unsurpassed im the history of that nation, If a dorce, Dloody, determined war were raging, the administration of Groat Brit.in could not display more activity. What does this man? Why should such unseem’'y haste be shown? Tho answer is simply as follows:—Enylan: eager to seize upon avy pretext to begin a war that may divert the Eng!ish people from their schemes of secial re: form and the consequent downfall of the Palmerston Cabinet. ‘Tis that Poor and his associates, and not the hesitate to engage in hostilities with the United ‘States, which will render it necessary to disperse the English deet all over the world to protect their commerce from the aitacks of Yankee privateers, while his ast neighbor acruss the Channel as fying in’ wait, watching cpportunity an’ ready to take advantage of 30 moment for carrying out those plans which he the repose of von Bell over since the terminaiion of the Russian war. Tho French press have evidently received their cue from the Tuileries; y are hounding on Eng. land against the United States, and dattering her with vague promises of French co-operation; but, unless he is \ is | in his dotage, a veteran diplomatist like Paimerston will scarcely bo the dupe of so trapsparent an artilice. If his “great and magnanimous aliy” wishes him to go to war, it is assuredly uot from any affection for England or anxiety to vindicate her wounded honor, but oniy to in volye her in difficulties by which France will be the frst to profit. English people, that wish to drive the two natious into | “qhe Borlin ational Zeitung inserts @ letter from a open hostilities Prussian statesman on the Trent affair, in which the writer expresses Lis opinion, in conformity with that of other cmivent jurists, thet, by the prinsiples of international law, Capt. Wilkes was quite justitied in stopping a neutrad vessel if he suspected her of rying contraband of war, and that despatches and emissaries of the enemy are ‘unquestionably included under that denomination, Dut that it was undoubtedly irregular io take them out by foree, and that the proper course would have been to seize the chip and send her © an American port to be tried bya prize court, It is clear, however, that in point of fact Captain Wilkes has done Jesé than he was entitled to do, and that his intention was to put the neutral to as little inconvenience as possible; and if, in tHis endeavor, he failed against the strict form of law, such proceeding on his part certainly does not aflord grounds for a casus b Ui, tm cases of this kind the antmug must be con- sidered,and if no design of offending can bo proved nothing rumains but a venial error, tor which an apology sndered by one government and recuived by the out derogating from tho dignity of either, aud being accompanied by tho surrender of the I will here state that I do not believe there wil! be war, Jot the decision of the United States adwinistratia be what it may, ‘he peoplo of England will not allow the anserupulous politicians at the bead of their affairs to perpetrate so foolish a piece of work. France wishes they would, of course; for she has all to gain and nothing to lose. Some of the French journals advocate the joirt action of France with England in a war against the United Stetes; but this will not be done, Fante @argent, for want of funds. France may, and will most likely, ackuowledge the Southern confederacy in case Engluod does; in fact I ain assured she is pledged to such 6 course; but as for joining in bombarding our sea- ports that she will not do. We have hore a prompt ally, @ rea! friond, a deter. mined one, too; aud in caso of war, where we had before a Lafayetts, we will now, I dare assert, have a Prince Na- poleon to make common cause with us. He is untiring in his efforts to overcome ibis hostility of Persigny and Somo other ministers, who, in their inapt admiration of Engiand, would plunge France into the war should it oc- cur; and, (hanks to his better information and better gense, ho keeps down tho venom of those ill-advised counsellors of Napoleon II. Your Englics Mies will give you al! necessary informa: tion about the armaments of England. I um sorry to say that France is about to send ten veseels-of-war to the American waiors. Whet for I cannot ascertain, uniess it 4s to be on hand at the breaking of tho blockade and im- modiate reco, nition of the lays government. I will not here dwel! upon the articies that the London papers have prisoners. ‘the returns of the Prussian elections are complete, though a number of supplemental elections wiil have to follow for such members as have been chosen in severa! districts at ovee. Thus in Bertin no less than four vacancies have to be tied up—two for Waldrek aud two for Prussiau Virchow; in Kouigsberg two, one for Pender and one for Schultze-Delitch, who profess to eit for Berlin, It is very signiticaut that, after the King’s travelling about lecturing on the right divine of monarchs, M. Schultze, who, in 1843, de and bankrupt idea, should have been gelected to repre sent both the capitais of the kingdom—Berlin and Ko- nigsberg. Still more significant is the total rout of the federal party, of whom not above fiftcen have been re- turned, and whose chiefs, “Gerlach, Wagner and Biankenburg, have all been rejected by their former constituents, The moderates have lost M. Simson, the eloquent but timid }resident of the last Cham- lashed about th essuge of that t. tice | ber; the libe:al conservatives one of their most erg ‘of the es ing Le aden, jour “= saree influential leaders, M. Mathis. Of the Ministers Beth 2, Beranth and General Roun have been defeated, and Count Brustorf! has failed to be elected. According to an ap- proximate ca‘culation, the new Chamber will consist of about eighty democrats, one hundred decided itverals, sixty moderates, forty liberal conservatives, and some Afty ultramontanists, Junkers and Poles. ‘the majority, hecefore, depends upon how far the liberals will go with crats; ond if, 4s is reported, the latter intend to ron M. Walirek for President of the Chamber, this ques- tion will be decided as soon as the Legis'gture meets. ‘An uviucky star appears to reign over the infant Prussian navy. Not loug since the schooner Franelot was lost with all hands, in the Chinese waters, and now the fine corvette Amazon is believed to have foundered on the Dutch coast. The Amazon, Lieut. Hermann commander, sailed October 30 from Dantzic on an experimental cruise to Portugal; on the 24 of November she arrived at Elsinore, and weighed anchor again next day, with a fair wind, for the Channel. Since then no direct or indirect intelligence has been received of her; but during the whole month of No vember severe gales prevailed in the German Ocean, by which many ships were forced to take refugo in English ports, and serious apprehensions are entertained concern- ing her fate, which are corroborated by a email flag, with the name of Amazon Sy it, being picked up on the const folland, as notified by the Prussian Consul at Harbingen. Wesides the commander, three licutenants and twenty-three navui cadets are mengioned as being on board; totdl number of crew not stat®. The Prussian Gazette suggests that she may have passed the Channe! without stopping, and that first accounts of her may be received frem Lisbon ; but considering how longa time bas elapsed since she left Kisinore, there seems very little chance of this hope being realized. Tho commercial treaty with France is still in nullibue, ‘The negotiations are suspended until Prussia has come to an understanding with the other members of the Zollve. rein; and, as that body is as famous for the s.ivwness of ity motions as the Frankfort Diet, many months are sure to pass before any further steps are taken in the premises | THE AMERICAN QUESTION. THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE IN ENGLAND. particularly, are begi They now deyrecate where by They are commencing to uhderstand that Iveland is for us and against thom, as the ina.gamtion meetings in Dub- lin and eisowhere go to prove, «id their rage 13 glichtly calmed. As an instance of the unblashing lies told by the London journals..J append the { llowing extract from the London Herald, apropos of the “‘avti-Loglish meeting in nig to write articles less spicy. © they fi med and fretted. in the world Irciand has least reasou to Jove or reverence Americe. lier children are boudsmen there, noi far from the coudition of the negro slaves, but less beloved and more despised. We speak of the mags of of emigrants. All the servile drudgery of the Northern Etatos is undergone by Irishinon and women, and they @re the outcasts and the pariahs of the population. Lost to the religious principles they cherished in their own country, without the bond of brotheriood or country, they sink into hobits of vice and degradation nut kpown even to the poor Irish of our own great towns and cities, Your true Yankee abhors them. Hoe uses them, or rather sbuses them, and tho. ougi:ly contemns them. These aro the men for whom The U'lonoghue and is miserable followers are shouting, the mayvates of the groat Northern republic. No douvvthere is much of the real savagery of Old Ireland in ail parts of America, and nowhero 80 rampant as in New York. if the na tionalists of the Rotunda are looking to the aid of (bese ‘we would advise them to set about replonishing their coffers immeiiately; for a bungriersei of brigands and rascals do not exist in the world than the offscourings of the Irish in America. They are ready for anything and everything; but they will have to be fed and clothed and paid, and wo have a kind of idea tha: most of the nation- aliate are in the same condition. As for President Lin- eolnand Mr. Sewacd, or any genuine American worth a dollar, (hey would not accept the support of O'Donoghue and his jing if even it were proffered to them without its poverty and with the prospect of a rich acquisition in power. ‘and influence. And why should they? [hey ha- itually scorn the Irish.in thea own States—all but thore who have fought or worked their way to distinction. Is there any reason why they should counect their cause, hopeless as it is, with a fow discontented malefactors and ‘their ragamiuffin followers in Irclana’ ‘The Irish know who it was that aided them when in the day of famine and want the Engl! government Fe mn es chee. ras, bie a America, pong fuge from the tyranny and oppression of English- men, sent them 044, a offered them a home, where, honored and respected, they might claim the noblest Prerogative of man—liberty. I hope that every Irish- man in the United States may read the above extract from the tory organ, and that, should the opportunity ‘ocour, they may prove to Eugiand they are not the off- scouring, but the true frieads of America. We havo, riends in England, Bright and Cobden, while an occasi-nal speech made’ by vther Englishmen ges to prove that prejudice and ignorance are not uni- - versal. Yesterday General Scott took his departure from Paris or New York. Various rumors are aiioat as to this sud- den decision of the General's, and it is rumored he was - with despacches f-om this government to ours. ‘The General bad a long interview with Prince Napoleon before his departure, but I am assured he did not see the Emperor. The latter has,i am aware, all along advo- ated the recognition of the Davis goverument; but he waited for the joint action of Englund Some of the English journals, und I believe the London Post among the number, make a strange mistake. They assert that in case the North refuses to give up the rebel Commissioners the English government will at once re cognise the Davis government, break the blockade, and then tho United States may ,if it chooses, declare war. The first effort mace by England to break the blockade would ‘be a declaration of war against the United States and an act of war, and the North would be saved the trouble of making any declaration. History will,1do not doubt, have some severe refiections to make about the dastardly threat of taking advantage of another's trouble to wrong him. Nations no more than individuals cau commit such acts of moan cowardice without being rightly judged. We are assured by telegraphic despatches that the Lon- don Post asserts England wili fight the United States, and then claim an indemnity. ‘They must be hard up to want to rob the United States by force of arms, or else they think but little of the good sense of the English people, if they imagive that any such a plea will make them ad here to the war. De idedly the Palmerston Cabinet is as ‘dase as it is cowardly. They will, however, have a hard time of it to hatamer into the heads of the people that war is absolutely necessary. The aristocracy think #0, no doubt, but the peuple don’t. fam happy to say that the London Mews, which at The Opinion of the London Times. from the Lendon Times, Dec. i) : The style of the American President has fallen with the fortunes of the republic. Instead of the jolly, rollicking periods of former days, each of which seemeu to suggest at its close a stave of “Hail Columbia,” we have now got a discursive and colloquial essay, ill arranged and worse express Nor does the matter redeem the style. It is really wonderful, when we consider the pre- fent stdte of the American republic, how any one placed in the position of Mr. Lincoln could have taken the trouble to produce so strange a medley, 80 inc mposite a rhapsody. There are several subjects’ on which we earnestly desire information, and on no one is it afforded. Alove all things, we want to know what view the American Catinet takes of the affair of the Trent, what advice it has received from its legal counsellors, and with what feelings it approaches the coming ee ta On this point there is not a word. Then we should Tike bear a little of the financial measures by which the equili- brinm between receniie and expenditure is to be ‘the face of so vast an oullay. We should like to know what measures the Fresident proposes to adopt with re- gard to the slave py ulaticn of the Southern States; whether, with one-half of his Cabinet, he is fur emancipation, or , with the other half of his Cabinet, for a maintenance of the rights the ‘slareowner. On ail these points. our oracle is silent. But, if he tells us very little that wo want to know, he atapiy indemnifies us by telling usa great mavy things in which we have no interest. He has @ plan for readjusting the circuits of the judges and for the codification of the statute law. fe is very minute on the receipts and disbursements of the Post Office and the Patent Office. He is anxious to extend the District of Lolumnbia into Virginja. He bas something to say on the exhibiticn of 1862. He has, in common with most of his predecessors, a plan for getting rid of free negroes by a system of colonization, and has roc for an argument to show, not,as he wishes, that labor is independent of captial, but how little —— the most ordinary doc: times of political economy have made in the higher circles of American politicians. It is not easy to see why Mr. Lincoln should have omit- ted from his speech all notice of the case of the Trent. If he means to give up the persons illegally seized, one would have thought it no unwise precaution to prepare the “ ‘ ha decision. “If he means to heep them first rathor gave way tothe popular feeling as regards | Public mind for suc ‘ the Trent acair, now taki Tore sensible view of the we cannot Se ae meetin ee it grasp at all the pcpu- dangers ahead.’ It advocates mediation, and no doubt | [arity that is to be had in = “gg resent war and t of France when it does so. 1 really hope that | /v™#re ruin, imstead of allowing it to be picked up by ‘the United States government, in case of mediation, will | 28cure members of Congress embarking in a contest whether tho transcendent merits of Commodore Wilkes would be best rewarded by thanke or by a gold medal. Possibly the simple solution may be that 1 the President has as yet arrived at no conclusion nine ihe rebel Commissioners are given up, will not | a: all, and that, perplexed by tho divisions of hie Cabinet, of Fngland the surrender of the Trent, as having know. | Be bes been content to let the matter alone till events fngly “broken the Queen’s procl.mation? ‘The Cuited | Shall determine for him that which be is unable or un- States cruisers should seize hor again, put a prize crew | Willing to determine fcr himself. He will not have lon in her and send ber to some American port 10 becon. | ‘© Wait. Fach successive mail brings us the report downed. some fresh instance in which the American nation is The London News states officially that the reason why by step committing itself to a war policy with England, till, the British gover: ment exhibits so much ardor 1a send. | When challenged for its final decision, it wil probably find ing t and mvnitions of war to Canada is owin: to om that il has gone too far to have any power of retraction. The the charactor of the despatches received from the [ir ti h | £overntnent has received the prisoners, the admiralty has Lagation at Waxhington for months past. thanked Commodore Wilkes, aiid Congress has now given the sent of its approbation to a proceeding 80 deeply offen- Our Berlin Corresponde: . Brxmx , Doc. 11, 1961. sive to Groat Britain, It is hardly possible to imagine sunk so far below its duties and respunai- to allow all thie to on and Take no sign War or no Ware-Hope of a Compromise—Cotton ant Con. | either of assent or dissent. The President is bound to lend his aid in guiding the legisiature to a true decision tole—Policy of France—Opinion of a Prussian States | n'a mattor #0 nearly touching the duties and the charac. man—Result of the Elections—Low of the Amason— | ter of the Exocutive. He ought to set before it the prin- Treaty with France, dec. ciples involved in the question, and to give it every oJ r thes * tunity in his power of arriving at a conclusion conform- ‘Will there bo war between England and America? “And | abie to the real interesta of the country. But he hasdone if there is, witmt part will France take in it? These are | nothing pA he oh aaaeaton beage ad the State to dri fore the 4 clamor. the questions which occupy the public mind and keop the | ay vient hae given us, instend of” the information mercantile world, especially, In a state of feverish anxie’ | we gevire, his opinion on the real cause of the present ty and excitement, At first the warlike tone of the English press caused a complete panic; it seemed as if the British government had determined to pick # quarre with the great transatlantic republic, whose growing prosperity they have long contemplated with alarm and Joslousy , and the most disastr: s results were prognosti war. The North, he says, are fighting for the integrit; of tho Union—that is as Lord Russell said, for empire, cated from the nature of mich @ collision upon the Interests of Europe; tut for the inst day compel the South, by furce of arms, to live under a govern- competihe South, Oy TY son ‘on the other hand, are or two more hopeful views have begun to pre- dominate, which are confirmed by the sccounts from fighting against the rights the people—that is, on ge a the North to goverm them against their coment. This descrip- tion ought to put an end to the statement, #0 often repented, thatslavery is the main matter in dispute. But the South have done still worse, and, not content with questioning the right of the North to govern them, they have even gone to the extent of questioning the wis- Sn institutions. Ln] [ are cotton 0 actually found to wish for a restriction of the suffrage; to pm market in Liverpool and the Stock Fxchange ta | Scnveny “ites of the evidence aflurced by the North ot London. 1\ is argued that if war were cons\ered immi- | the purity of election, and the high moral and intellectual ‘nont, and there were a cortain prospect of ti Southern | qualities secured by such a procevs, that it is better elec ports being openoa to English commerce, there would | tod should be confined to legislators and not extended to have been # tremendous fall in the price of cotton, which ‘thas all along boon kept up rather by the fears of future scarcity than by any actual watt of that article, seeing ‘that the stock on hand amounts to over 600,000 bales— quite as much or even more than this timo last year; bu although there has certainly been a decline, it is by no moans equal to what might be expected from auch con- tingency, and #0 far from being maintained, the last reports announce a considerable rise, which has almost brought prices up to thelr former level, Consdle, ‘ask also the good offices of Russia, that Power not being prejudged in the matter, and dircctly interested, as France is, ch experience noteonclusive, and the existing consti- ition of the United States @ little ghort of porfection. 'e have nothing to say for slavery; but if Mr. " description of the South is indeed true—if sho is fig! to emanc)y herself from the blind tyranny of « gry feom ‘se tive Judges and elective Governors— je has gived tayoniste a better title to European sympeby than they have hitherto poesossed and thrown upon bis government tho stigma of fighting to impose upon others institutions which have already brought it to the verge of rain, But the most remarkable part of Mr. Lincoln's speech magistrates; and some have even been heard to pro- nounce the horrible name of ‘‘monarchy.’’ No wouder that Mr. Lincoln, luxuriating in the paradise to which the will of an unbridled democracy has introduced to, which wore much dopressed, appear to be going up again, and the signs of fair woather exhibited by this unerring barometer of the political atmosphere have him, and looking forward to a desperate struggle with England, brought about apparently by the same cause, gremtly Vended to roliove the apprehonsions oxcited by should feel a pious horror of those who venture to think bn ey na it inst the North nd at Bip Bese eee a sade which grievously injures 1 commerce and ‘These facts would have calied forth from Ay other goverpmeut in the world, republican or monarchical,a gracious end courteous acknowledgment of the respect and forbearance with which a nation, not remarkable for carrying either of these qualities to ex- cess, bas been treated by all other nations fa tts hour of trial, Nothing can be more ungracious, more conyary | to the usual conditions of international courtesy, than the language with which President Lincoln repays the consideration extended to him. ‘These nations,” he says, “ appear as yet not te have seen their way to their obccts'’—that is, the restoration of commerce—é more direetiy or clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the Union.”” This ts a broad insinua- tion that foreign uations are actuated by the mean- est and most selfish motives, and Mr. Lineoln is content, os be cannot deny that we have hitherto done right to express a suspicion that we did so for reasons we cannot avow without ehame. It is not wonderful that A notice of foreign relations begun in this spiri: should end with the exbortetion with which we are already familiar in the circular of Mr, Seward, to fortify the sea- coast, the great lakes and rivers. After all, says Mr. Lincoln, ‘tho safety und stability of the republic depend, not on foreign nations, bat upon ourselves.” That is perfeetly true at this moment, becausefercign nations earnestly desire peace and to avoid ail oceasion of quar- rel; but it will cease to be true the moment that Ame- rica has forced us into a war; for one of the many evils of @ war is thata nation is deprived by it of the control of its own desitinies, and forced to shape its course, not by its own will, but by the decision of war itself. Opinion of the London Post, the Govern- ment 0 {From the London ‘The Meesage of the Preaident of the Uni States has now reached us in exfenso; and those paragraphs which concern the foreign relations of his governinent cortainly imply a disposition to anticipate the presentation of de- mands inconsistent with what ig assumed to be the dig- nity and authority of the federal constitution. The affair of the Trent, which must at this moment be provoking extraorninary excitement at Washington and New York, passed by with the inferential allusion that “foreign dangers necessarily ttend domestic difficulties;” and that, therefore, the seacoast and northern mititary frontier of the republic should be put into a conaition of adequate de- Jince. Tt is bard to doubt that anticipated demands from this country, on account of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, have dictated this precautionary mcasure; for a wide difference may be traced between the present advice of the President to his Congress and the comparatively vague suggestions of Mr, Seward to the Governors of the frontier rtaies before the stoppage of the West India mail hac become known, A direct reference, however, to a question which had not yet Lecome motter of controversy with any other government was scarcely within the ordinary scope of a President’s Message, any more than the burning of the Harvey Birch by the Nash- ville, which Mr. Lincoln passes over in silence, though the circumstance had been known at New York on the 30th of November. Indeed, he is probably but following u: when he restricts his observations to these matters which bave been already the subject of negotiation, such as the detention of the Brtich ship Perthshire by the United States ship Massachusetts, or some other occurrences, the correspondence arising upon which is premised to be laid before the Congress; and the case of the Perthshire was so plain acd flagrant that tho Cabinet of Washington instinctively yielded a com- pensation which it would have been neither in decency hor in its policy to withhold, We wish we could think that ata time at which the Jederal government is saddied with an overwhelming ex- penditure, and is so heavily burdenedavith debt, it wou'd be likely to adopt, in quarters not threatened by Confederate armies, a general system of fortification and cefence on the ineve abstract contingency of encountering hostility from other quarters. This preparation is obviously directed in the main against ourselves, for, independently of the de- fences ordered along the coasts, where France alone could be her other antagonist, the fortifications are to be constructed along the Canadian and New Brunswick frontier; and it is upon these latter proposed defences that the stress of the President is chiefly laid. lie recommends that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the pane cefences upon every side;” and he then spscifies the great lakes and rivers which demark Canada from the United States. On the banks of these he desires Congress to establish for- tiflcations, with depots for arms and other muni- tions of war, anfl also to create ‘harbour and navigation improvements at well selected points,’’ ag of “great importance to the national defence apd preservation.’’ It would seem as though these words portended an intention to create flotilias between the astern extremity of Lake Superior and the Falls of Niagaro. |t apj ears that the Secretary of War has also issued a lengthy report, entering into detail upon, these plans. We do not desite hustity to prejndice the intansicps of the government of the United States, but we must ob- serve that the defensive preparations which our own government has been making during the last sonst and which the Canadian government is also making, according to our correspondent’s letter in another column, have not been commenced a day too soon, if we are to present any sort of defensive counterbalance, on the Canadian side of the frontier, to the power of attack which will soon exist on the southern side. ‘The Senate, or Upper House of Congress, appears alone to have not yet committed itself either by words or im- plication; and the House of Representatives has gone far ance of the Executive, since it has unanimously passed a vote of thanks to Captain Wilkes for his seizure of the Southern Envoys ; and it bes actually goue the length, with oquai unanimity, of requesting the govern- ment to confine these gentlemen in tho cells of convicted felons. the rancour of this legislative body towards tho arrested Envoys is to be taken as any measure of its feelings the power which has now demanded their honor- able release to the protection of its flag, we may imayine the storm that our demand, dated seventeen days ago, is now ere Say the Congress of Washington. “It is pos. sible that the House of Representatives may conform to the character given by Dryden to the !nteh of his day, “Cruel at home and crouching when abroad.” We sincerely desire that the parallel may hold, but the juxtapo- sition of these savage votes of the House of Representa- tives with the measures of fortification recommended by the President is certainly ominous. It is something, how- ever, that the Senate bas not yet spoken; it is posaivne that it may exercise a moderating influence both on the Executive and Lower Assembly; although, at the same time, we cannot forget that it had not been convened for forty eight hours down to the dateof our last information. There is a marked ingratitude in President Lin- coln’s manner of dealing with the attitude of the maritime powors of Evrope in the civil war with the South. Any appreciation of our long and self- denying forbearance is the very last sentiment that he has to express. He commences by attacking the Southern States for soliciting foreign intervention though it is quite certain that the So:.thern confederation has, in terms at least, refrained from doing so. He de- plores that “foreign uations are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ongeverous am- dition; and after thas insinuating onr disposition to offer an interference from which we have, in fuet, carefully refrained, he then turns ronnd upon the Southern States, and tells them that they ‘‘have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably expected.” Why, surely this disappointment of tho South ought to be madé the subject of a grateful acknowledgment to our- selves. But we obtain no such meed; we are told that, even upon commercial grounds, an intervention or recog; nition of the South would be contrary to our interests and that if we have not acted in a directly unfriendly way to the Government of tho Mnited States, it is sim- ply becaure we are not such fools as to knock our hands against a brick wall. ‘Foreign nations,” says Mr. Lin- coin, “can reach their aim more readily and easily aiding to crush this rebollion than by giving encourage- ment to it.’’ That is, of covrse, on the suppesiticn of Mr. Lincoln’s wild theory of Federal Governmen yet rulin- laticn of too hundred and ficty millions being susceptible of wrification. The truth is that every sensible man in Europe looks upon the subjugation of ihe South as a tried and proved impossibility; and if he cannot keep thirty millions together now, what hope is thore for the young. est ef the axisting generation living, as he says, to wit- ness @ united federation of two hundred and fifty mil- lions? ln some ten or twelve days, in all probability, we shall know the issue of ow demand. That demand {s simple, and in itielf final. There is no ultimatum, as some of our cotemporaries have alieged, to succeed it, The origi- paldemand will be an ultimatum in itself. Neither is there any possible opening for mediation or arbitration. All that Lord Lyons will wait for will be the usual inter- val allowed for reply to @ diplomatic communication, namely, a fow days. Indeed, it is possible that the in: telligence we shail look for soon after Christmas may be conveyed to these shores either by Messrs. Mason Slidell themselves on the one hand, or by Lord Lyons himeelf on the other. Opinion of the Aristocrats rehiste. (From the London Herald (Derby organ), Dec. 18. ‘At the commencement of the Message tho President re- fers to foreign countries generally in terms which we cannot regard as dignified, and which cusable. It is first intimated that the “disloyal” citizens of the fos a laauut omen forei frock ch oppo tion. term“ PY le to any of the members of a of Satan It begs the whole constitutional quastion at Issue between North and South. We have next @@ oracular statement of the pro- bable motives and conduct of foreign nations that might be thus invoked. ‘Nations thus tempted to interfere are act cleage able to ree the enmane of ‘seeming expedi- ene; am! measures adopted Gnder noch. Influences seldom fall to. be unforta- nate and injurious ro them adoptiag them.” Mr. Lincoln now makes a jump from the su ition that such assist- ance may have been asked, to statement that it has been ._ “The disloyal citizens of the United Staten, who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have in abroad, have received less patronage end encourage ment than they probably expected.”’ And why not? No feeling of jus- tice or sense of international obligations, it seems, can possibly influence the docision these foroign courts. AN that they think of is their own immediate interest. To serve that they may be expected to throw overbeard all moral and social obligations, What cise can possibly be implied in thet following sentence, in which it is lamely sought to transfor to the South the odjum of the slur that is cast-upon the honor of the great European Powers:—‘If it wore just to assume that fo- reign vations, in this case, bectonene J all moral, social ahd treaty obligations, would act solely and selishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including ea. pecially the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have soon their way to their object more di- reetly or clearly through the destruction than through the preservation ric rt ‘ ay This sneering, if not insulting, language can oni understood ty apply to Pance and Brotand. they may divide the compliment between them, and we ere not, therefore, surprised at the indig- nent remarks which havo been elicited from the prees in Paris by the passages which we have quoted from Mr. Lincoln's message. The intention disclosed ty the government. organ in New York (0 put a heavy duty upon imports from France, “that the providers of American id Oli it will or no, to espouse the Southern side in the quarrel. ‘These statements are incorrect, and these inferopoes do not believe that the South bas petitioned for the aid *of any foreign na- thion, Mr, Davis bas stated the contrary, and bo knows that unless the North should’ deter- mine ou going to war with England or France any trust in either would be hopeless. For ourselves, we early de- ciared our peutral position, and if in any respect we have departed from our progtamme i has been in favor o! the North. We have recognized an ineffective block- ate, which has crippled Souther commerce—a rocegni- tion at vasiance with the law of nations. Immense quan- tities of rifles and munitions of war have been shipped from England to the North, while similar supplies to the Seutn have been scized upon hy federal cruisers, We have not mized the government of the Southern States, although as a de facto tit has hada fair claim to our acknowledgment. ‘The Southerner might argue ‘that we have departed from our neutrality in cases where it was diffieu't to maintain it. Generally our government hoe acted up to its Hetarand been as impartial as it can. If the James Adger has been allowed to refit in our ports, allegiance of several million slaves, and make them woaknoss instead of f strength to their masters, that word s00n be spoken. 6 the mercantile classes on the federa) side are deeply com- | meng oy Oy continuance of slavery, v ris im the South, ‘The men who find’ the money, and find it now with daily increasi difficulty, have debts* and stocks, aud invesi:ents in the South, and rezard ab- Olition as they would wnother deluge, What is to become of thom when there is no more cotton, ov sugar, or tobac- co? It is, indeed, hard to say,excopt that conmorcial revolutions are not always So ruinous or go entire as they threaten to be. But ivemont, coming from Culifornia and the West, and Suniner, from Massazhuscis, may not think 80 mach of mortgages » and balonces as the merchants of New York or ‘the manufacturers @& Lowell. Vere, however, are the two tides at open war—the gentiment and the cominerciat ; on the one side the fighting mu, on tho other those who find the money. How will the progress of tho war affect them? Should the war proceed as it has hitherto dono, without decided results, with great finan- cial pressure and general distress, opinion is likely to 60 in its tirn has the Nashville. If the Confedorate cap- | beat interest, and passion carry the day when credit is tai» had seized upon General Scott while a er in | gone. At all evenis, this is a dangerous division in the the Dover packet, of course we should have demanded his | camp, when the sides are so equal, 38 positions 80 parallel, incnediate restitution, No other course was op:n to us | and tho collision daily expected. Should the Cab not of when we hoard that four Southern gentlemen had been forcibly abducted from the mail steamer Trent. News- paper articles, votes of Congress, and reports of the Navy Department notwithstanding, Mr. Lincoln will have to choose between & prompt surrender of his captives and tue alternative of a war which will annihilate America on the sea and do her some mischief on the land, and at the ae time settle forever the question of the great seces- sion. OPINION OF THE REPORT OF SECRETARY WELLES. The Blockade a Failure and the “Stone Rina. a Crime Against the Human ma {From tho London Times, Dec. 17.] * * * We turn, then, to the report of Mr. Gideon Welles, the Secretary to the federal navy, for explanation of those hollow or enigmatical phrases in which Mr. Linco!n boasts that the American navy created since the present diffenlties began has performed deeds which have in- creased the naval renown of the United States. No na: tion has less reason than we have to wuderrate the renown of the American navy. Sce'ng that it rests almost entirely pon the capture of three or four English frigates under cicenmstancos of extraordinary disparity, and sseing 80 that its victories were gained entirely by English sailors who had Leen seduced from our service by a dispurity in the rate of wages, which, if our Admiralty ts not absolutely insane, will never again occur, we have the test possible reasons for res ig that renown. Our difficulty is to “discover how that renown has been incrcased by the evonts of the civil war. That Mr. Gideon Welles has used a certain industry in the de- partment under his control we are quite propared to ad- mit. He tells us thaton the 4th of March last the effoc- tive American Navy consisted of only forty-two vessels of all claaote carrying 655 guns ani about 7,600 mea—a very small navy for a Power which proposes to defy alt the navies of the world, and to take liberties with the commercial ships of all nations. Hesays that at tho cute of bis report he had increased thissmall naval force to two hundred and sixty-four vessels and 24,000 seamen. ‘This is credilabie taMr. Welles as an olfieial man, but the result i not exceedingly terrible, especially wien he proceeds to tell us how this has been accom- plished, by hiring all sorts of commercial vessels and gatheripg together every floating thing that would caty @ gun. Theso figures represent a naval force which would be very terrible to Prussia, which might alarm the fleet of Italy, ond which would call forth an effort from Spain, but which France could easily destroy, and Fnglend cannot but hold exceedingly cheap. This is not the novy of a first class Power. it is enough for a geo- ple whodesire to be at peace, but it is ridiculous for a people who insist upon being quarre'some. A little man who ho ds his own against a big man who is trying to bolly him has every bystander's sympathies in his favor, but nothing is more contemptible than a little man who tt neisy and offensive only in reliance upon the impunity which he expects cm account of his mon weakness and. the generosily of those whem he insults. To sustain tho pretensions of federal statcsmen to ingult all neutral nations, Mr. ous incress2d navy is still but a coutomptible Hotilla, Very different , however, is its force as proportioned to the eneniy with'which it is immediately matched. ‘The Gonfederate States have no navy at all, Against them the navy of Mr. Weiles ig a8 a giant against a dwarf. W ever there was an opportunity of gathering cheap laure’s, it has been within the last few months, when the federal government had 264 ships and 24,000 men, and thoir en mics only two or three wretched privateers, and some craft fitted for inland navigaticn. Yet we believe that the Bumter is stil! plundering the federal commerce, and we know that the Harvey Birch was burnt close to our own shores; wesee a ‘sensation heading” in the last New York papers that “the rabels are blocka:ling the channel ef Tybee Island, and Fort Pulaski;” and we have Mr. Welles’ own testimony that, although his navy “comiinu- ed to capture every rebel vessel which showed {iself on the Potomac,’ it ct to do so ‘when the rebels erected batteries on sundry points of the Virginia shores, and thereby rendered passage on the river dan- gerous!? We confess that we are compelled to look be- yond these facts to discover the reasons for the tone of congratulation which runs through Mr. Welles’ raport, and to deserve the increase of renown claimed for the Negeri mavy fhe La Mr. Welles himself seems to think some further lanation pec y. lieurs therefore, the oheiock duties. Of octane a coast of three thousand miles in length, of the active pursuit of privateors, and of the organization of naval expeditior This is all very well, but it is necessary to show t these duties have been accomplished. The naval expe ditions have, indeed, reached* their destination, but, as they had no enemy worth the name of an enemy to meet, the renown of the federal navy cannot be much raised by what was little more than transport ser- vice. The privateers have, as we said before, Washington proceed with thoir usual recklessness, the federal cause will Gnd itself not only terribly confronted, divided, and half rotton to the core, but outdanke and taken in the rear, We can scarccly imagine a worse situation,and it 1s one that nothing but the confi- dence in a sacred cause should lead @ goveramont into. Yet, we do not see tlc sacred issue that can Justify such fearful risks against overwhelming cd) Ms. Bright and the Reformers and the New York Herald., From the London Herald (Derby organ) , Dec. 13.] zeal of Mr. Bright’s organs is worthy of a bet! cause, aud if it were combined with knowledgo might bedangorous, They have stupidly adopted the cause of the North, and justified all ita bloodthirstiness, although, if they had any intimate acquaintance with tho principles upon which they profess to base their political creed, they must admit that tho South is, according to them, fuily justified in secession, Uterly careless of imter- national law, they have adojted one after the other the falsified precedents of Messrs. Sumner, Kvere!t and the New Yorx Hxratp, declaring each to be a conclusive justilica- tion of Captain Wilkes, and perhaps in their recklessness believing what they suy. Driven at last trom that con- tention, they now, in language as vile as their law, illus- trate thoir profession of the Christian virtues of charity and moderation by imputing interested motives to the rest of the press and v.tuperating the whole nation as animated by a savage passion for war. * * 8 Had wo wished for war with America wo have long ago had reasons enough fur it, But, anxious to avoid it, we have borne gross insnits, allowed uncxampled violations of international law, and schooled ourselves to bear as well dS we can famine in Lancashire and Yorkshire, and difficulty and distress everywhere. We are anxious to ezcape war now, because we have nowish to aly owr- selves with the South, or have the recognition of its tidepen- dence appear due to eur in ion. We do not want war, and it is @ foul untruth for any man, whether a journalist or minister of the Goape!—an untreth fo: which there is no pretence—an untruth, which no min who takcs the emallest trouble tolook around him can put forth in geod faith—to protend that we co. We do not wish for wer, but we are preparing for it. An insuit hasbeen offered to our flag, for which we must obtain ample reparation, 0. submit to bo insulted aud plundered by the whole world, We hays asked firmly but temperately for that reparation, and there is not an Englishman, savo, porhaps, the vory crea- tures who live by prating about peace, who does nut oar- nostly pray that the American government may concole it, and by doing eo in a frank and cordial maimer, con trive to win good will out of an incident which threatens to dostroy it. But we know the temper of the class which exercises am ig prey iufiuence over tho American government. We know the reckicasness, the celf- ishness of the men who, unnappily for the world at this mo- mentous junclure, compose that government. Wo know the tone towards this country which has prevailed umong those governing classes for the past few years, and, knowing these things, we dare not hope that Mr. Lineota will comply with the demands which Lord Lyons is in. structed to make upon him, Sir F. Baring on British Neutral Réghts. frromine London ‘Times, Dec 13. te The anniversary of the Portsmouth and Portsea He- brew Benevolent Institution was celebrated on mhnraday evening, Dec. 11. Tho toast of ‘The Borough Members"’ having been given and duly honored, Sir F. Barwa, after acknowledging the compliment which bad been paid aim and his colleague, said:—there was one question now agitating the public mind which had nothing whatever to do with party or local potitics— he alluded to the great American questicn, (Cheore.) He approached that question with great pain, and al- though his words might not haye great welght, he knew they would listen to bim while ho gave his opinion on that matter. They knew that it was not his hgbit al ways to think England in the right. (Cheers.) He had most narrowly watched the conduct of this country to- wards America, avd he was satisfied that neither party—the North or the South—had the slightest cause of complaint prior to the act of Captain Wilkes. (Cheers.) If this country had been called upon to express an opinicn at the unfortunate disruption, it would have becn unhesi- tatingly one of sympathy and sincore rogret at the cala mity which had fallen upon them, (Hear.) He might go a little further, and gay that, although they were neu- tral in the matter, the fecling waz a little inl@favor of the North, as they were believed to be favorab‘e to freedom, and that there was not sufficient cause for the secession. (Cheers.) Those were the opinions which were generally entertained by the people of this country. If they were changed now, it was not the fault of kngland. (Hear, hear.) It was not necessary that he should rake up #he causes which bad irritated the public mind. (Cheers.) It was perfectly right—nay, it was their duty—that thoy should consider the two parties Inthe state of aifuirs bolligerents. ‘This act of Captain Wilkes could taken. The blockade has been so notoriouty a failure that have justified any search except that given as nothing but the extraordinary serupulousness of the Evropean | # belligerent. (Cheers.) The act naturally roveed a Powers has Gllowed it to continue. Ships have passed inand | streug feeling, as it touched upon two points which ‘out at all times just as they ,and, 20 far as the har- | were probably more sacred with Englishmen than bors are concerned, there has never been any difficulty in | any other—he referred to the honor of the British flag, aud to tho right of protection to strangers. (oud cheers.) No doubt thoy, living inthe first naval port ia the kingdom, felt very warmly on the subject, but they must not think thcy -were more earnest for the honor of the }iritish flag than those resicing in tho most remote inland district. The same feeling reigned all throughout Fngiand. (Che With regard to the second question, there was no matter of which we worr more proud—and which we had the right to be—than ouo determination to protect the stranger. (Hear.) The Protestant refugee under Louis XIV. found a home here the Catholic prieat in the French Revolution wes received and protected—(choers)—the Spanish patriot, the Italian exile, the Hungarion, therench of all classes and opin- ions, all were received: and, without wishing to know so much as their o inions, they at least found a rasting place. (Loud cheers.) 'Mad, indeed, must be the man who would arouse the country on such poinis. (Hear.) it was no wonder that the feelings of the people should have been aroused, but it was uot by their feelings that they must be actuated. (Hear, hear.) They must deal with the question in a strictly legal manner; not what they would wish, but what they had the right to enforce. (Hear, hear.) Tu that view the question required ali the caltnness which it was possible to command. Ho was no lawyer—(a laugh)—yet he beHeved that which had been demanded by our government was right and proper, (Cheers.) It is not a question whether they were contraband or not. The law of nations gives the right of search for contraband of war, but not to take possession of it—not to set up an officer’s opinion as conclusive of the law of nations—but to convey the vessel into a neigh- boring port, and to take the opinion of a competent tri- bunal. (Cheers.) Until that was done the action was illegitimate. (icar, hear.) He would not go into the question of what was contraband—that was quite aside, If that ship bad contained arms and ammucition for the Southern States Captain Wilkes would have had no right to have touched a single gun or a particle ofthe powder until he had obtained the sanction of a competent court. (Loud cheers.) The honorable baronct proceeded at some length to show that the act was an illegal one, and that this country must bave restitution of the prisovere at the hands of the Americans. In couclusion, he said that war was inconvenient, but they must be propared at cortain times to mako @ great inany ‘taconveniences Ho ex. pressed his fervent hope that they should have peace, but said this country could not go beyond a certain point. They could not be (cheers )—and he hoped America would, by her Tony save hergelf from tho con- sequences of the foolish act ot taking the prisoners from the Trent. (Loud applause.) getling,intothem or in getting out of them. The federal government has itself aes isan’ anenien the failure of their naval blockade by an act Of barbarity which is unparalteled in the history of national war: Tey have actually endeavored to undo what Columbus had done— to shut up from all mankind forever the ports which the great discoverer opened tothe human race, and to de- stroy by artificial impediments the gates by which men of all naticns enter and pass out of some millions ef square miles of fertile and productive lands. This is a crime against all humankind. If it does not call down universal opposition, it is cnly because the enterprise is believed to be as impossible as its design is exccrable. Wo have nearly exhausted the deeds of the American Navy during this eventful year, One act, however, yet remains unnoticed, dnd it is just possible that it may form the staple of Mr. Lincoln's general and very guarded allusion to the great addition of renown so recputly ac- quired. This is the act which has made the Mayor of Posion and the Governor of Massachusetts eloquent with exuiltation, and which has excited even the House of Re- progentatives to gratitude. ‘This act is thus cealt with by Mr. Gideon Welles:—Captain Charles Wilkes, in com- mand of the San Jacinto, while searching in the West Indies for the Sumter, received information that James M. Mason and John Slidell, disloyal citizens, and leading conspirators, were, with their ‘suite, to embark from Havana in the English steamer Trent, on their way to Europe, to promote the cause uf the in- surgents, Cruising in the Bahama Channel he intercepted the Trent, on the But of November, and took from her these dangerous men, whom he brought to the Unfted States. His vessel having been orflered to refs for sor. vice at Charlestown, the Prisoners were retained on board, and conveyed to Fort Warren, where they were com- mitted to the custody of Colonel’ Dimmick, in command of that fortre: prompt and decisive action of Captain Wilkes on this occasion merited and received the emphatic approval of the department; and, if a too generous forbearance was exhibited by bim in. not cap- turing the vessel which had these rebel enemies cn board, it may, in view of the special circumstances, and of its patriotic motives, be excused; but it must by no means be permitted to constitute a precedent hereafter for the treatment of any case of similar infraction of neutral obligations by #reign vessels engaged in com- merce or the carrying trade." There is no disputing the boldness of this act, nor, in- deed, the boldness of this threat; but whether it is likely ‘to increase the renown of the federal navy fuiure events yet must show. Mr. Welles will want more than 24,000 ‘men to make ‘these foolish words. Thathe can get more, and will get morc, we are well awa for we do not undervalue the power or energy of our ie kins- men if they put their heart ina matter; but he will get little “renown,” for his department in such a cause as that he so unnecessarily proclaims, or against the an- ist _he so rashly defies. Jf cither the discretion of Lean oe ee a pomca preate 0 epuured their State papers, they are not enemies greatly reared her in national or in civil warfare. The Financial Aspect. (From the London Post (City Article), Dec. 14. ‘Tho English funds have been quiet to-day (13th), and the market hes been free from the numerous rumors 50 prevalent during the week, and which it is unnecessary to particularly advert, as they dic as soon as thepare born. The sudden departure of General Scott from Paris for America, to which some importance was at first at- tached, is now said not to be connected with any Usa of movement, the veteran General's ob,ect being on! turn to his couatry from a sense of duty. reported mediation cf King Leopold in the American difficulty also effect, Xs being retiy vol under- THE MASON-SLIDELL AFFAIR. Difficulties of the Wa: igton Cabinet, | stood that nothing ly the government and the nation ITS COMMERCIAL AND ABOLITIONIST ENEMIES. at tut the surrender of Messrs. Slidell and Mason— From the London Times, Dec. 14. though other matters might be taken ints consideration here- after. livered by members their constituents concur ernment in this mat Fincoin is anxiously awa } ‘The condition of the federal cause in America {s that of the man who has just suffered the amputation of a limb, only to reveal the terrible fact that the disease lay far higher than where the knife and the saw tried to intercept it, Against greater odds, and with less vitality, the work has to be done again, and the gangrene followed uj to its mysterious source. The Southorn States, with all their institutions, and, as it appears, without much break parties to upholding the policy of the 9 message of President an it may, perhaps, tend to enlighten sho public on thé“all-absorbing subject which at present excites attention. Indeed, such is the anxiety for information that the Stock Exchange is to be =e to- until itieh in their history and social character, have separated | morrow -past two. In the one tl thetneelves from the Northern, and the Potomac now di. | government ning with all possible despatch the vides two countries as diztinct, almost as different, and | reinforcements for Canada, far more antagonistic, than those divided by the Straits of Dover. We all see this here, and the commonest achool Atiag would hardly fail to distinguish by different hues the Northern and Southern federations. But it is now evident the mischief stops not here. While statesmen, merchants and bankers are laboring to carry on a sui- cldal war ina conservative spirit, and to spare the in- terests and prejudices of the foe,a more numerous cinss from the Atiantic to the Mississippi have no such seruple, and go to the root of the evil. Slavery, theyare poo pnd Dyed vad arn gr a martyr inthe cause—is the orijinal sin of the Union, tho cause of every subsequent dissension, the occasion of this war, and, what is more, the strength of the wrong cavse and the weakness of the right. Mr. Sumner refors to slavery every misery, every mishap, every difficult; cause; and tolls fistening thousands that all no sacrifices thay make, their taxation, their 1 interoste—overything they uffer, do or hope, is all flung into that maelstrom, never to reappear. The whole American nation, with ali is v-alth and al its glory, is flung as a holocawt the shrine of this hideous idol.” Tho temedy he proclaima givo up thewoak acruple which partilyzes a righte. ous arm, Mr, Sumner sees in this war, not merely, England Contome tes @ War in Any vent. {London (Dec. 18) correspotiice of Manchester Guar- ‘The conviction forces itself upon many that the is net data when the Suthers njeeraton ma recognized; eae may ean bring about a fresh ge which we must be prepared to maintain our policy. It is wilh this view, and as a demon- stration of our intention to hold our own'way, that the go- vernment are sehding out 10,000 mon to Canada without any reference to tho rep! of the American Cabinet. If Mossra. Magon and Slidell landed at Li i to-morrow not a soldier the less would be sent out. ‘we arelo have @ war with the North, in connection with this United States schism, there cnuld be no more favorable time than tht pre- sent. It would be ® short and decisive war, and woutd have @ vital induence on the preservation of peace and tho uninterrupted freed s.cial and mercantile con’ rale, entail, Our miliary double time. The elsthing ost at full work all last, night and the preceding one, which wat great part of i thirty miles or can. the United Slates. Halifax with troops. rumor that the likely to lead to «i numerous quarrels, and indeiinitely postpone the disarm., ing which the Comstiluiionnel latel timo with the tax on pianos an contemporary raises @ song in favor of the Anglo-Fren alliance:—It is peace and tion of civilization, the pivot of tho world, as we think,' it exclaims; ‘wo wish with our whole soul that this union| of tho two great, intellectual, powerful and liberal nations) l ‘Fronch goverrment to take the chivalrous part of second nthis quarrel,’ w hat can it ask if not neutra!ity or medi ation? It is useless to remind the Constitu'i nnel of the py taken by /’rance in the emancipation of the United ates, States have ceased to exist in the eyes of thal journal ; it looks for thom in vain on the maj they have been swallowed up In the ocean, and the South alone appears above water—the poor, mich abased South whose cause is stigmatized as being ‘identified with slavery.’ covered that siavery has nothing to do with the quarre botween the North and tho South, but that the matters; in dispute are in/lividual liberty, the liberty of the press liberty of speech, and freo trads, which it is curious t@ see the Constitutimnel defond against the Amoricans.”” “fusing her sympathies to the Suuthern States,’ and to leave any doubte ag to its opinion, that journal adds, conclusion, ‘that it greatiy wishes to see the moment at) which the important market of America shall be reopened‘ to French manufactures and commerce, both of which aré languishing in consequence of a crisis which may be pro lovged to the detriment of the whole world.’” speak clearly, what the Constiuti the recognition of the Southern States, What we un- derstand less great ascendancy AL willalwaye have the strength to resist every attempt of passions hostile to England, becawe it will have a solid point of 3 Z the country day. 90 ng ae 2 reats or ari proceedings, have -furn fi of complaint ‘oe herself. The Aincrican cemocra- cy, energetic calculates, does to appreciate tho dangers of the situation, and the fresh perils to which it would be exposed if Fngiand should declare war. The South, whic! down, would inevitably escape from it, and by having the sea reopened would be able to export her cotten and therefrom derive resourees fo! assuming ® more aggressive aititude. prived of her communications with the North, which are carried on exclusively by sea, would with difficulty resist) republic. pose fresh taxes, with manufs nished. of the North, lend itseif to ah arrangement with Engiand, provided the British Cabinet does not lay down conditions that cannot be accepted by men of honor, animate: by # legitimate ride. visible motives which would render war more difficult to be avoided iu the present conjuncture and Fngland, than if, instead of America, it had been any great State in Europe engaged in tho affair, it will always have the strength to resist ev of passions hostile to kngiand, becavae it wil solid point of support in the, the country itself, 8» long as bi of the situation, and the fresh commerce, already restricted by its South, would be comm clnsively vy sca, would with Gonatilecting tisctf tuto an 1 republic. that out it would be necessary au arrangement with jom of fommerce fo: many years to me, without our having {o pass through the ordeal of Ri Ag a gonernl partments are working lishment at Pimlico wag ‘scarcely fail to follow upon war, Tho States front 3 séttied by cho Ashburton Treaty, hugs the tage road—or Canadian highway coar’ length. ‘Tho United’ States have two for' fled ports ‘close uj that road, which would have to taken at the outbreak of a war, a3 well as Capo Rouse (which they have been lately strengthouing), withiry 80 of Moutrea!. ‘The London Gbserver of tye 22d of December (minister: organ) says that England wishes for peace, but that will gain wer, aw it will enayic her fo rectify her Ameri cen the ports of the South aa give a Letom Latest Report of the Hostite Intentio of Great Britain. In this connection we have the following import despatch:— Hautrax, Dec. 31, 1861. Tho steamships Adriatic and Persia have arrived Passengers by the Asia report u ‘ing up of Charleston harbor with stone ‘ifficulty with European Powers. It isfurthor rumored that England’s warlike prepara’ Gons will continue in view thereof, and that the surrender of Messrs. Mason and Slidell is not the whole of England’: demands, Tho steamers Cleopatra and Parana aro likoly to be hero to-day. Opinions of the French Press. . [From Le Siecle, of the 11th December.] | “This is a style of reasoning which might involve us ia announced at the sam lucifor matches, Our ‘general security, the founda, y be eternal!’ We cherish the same wisi; and since 19 Comstitutionnel thinks it would bo ‘matness for the| as ever since Sunday Inst United The Con:titutionnel bas now, forsooth, tia After somo observations of a similar tendeacy the Sted terminates in these words:— ’ England does not require our aid to break the blockade 9, ‘he Southern ports, and qren them tothe commerce of Me world. Our intervention may prevent bloodshed, ane give a pacific character to (he result, about which there can be no doubt. diation aro so evident that we cannot help wonderit why our contemporary, who was decidediy of our opi jon, has so suddenly changed its tono. chauget':! winds are common in the lativude of the Cc atitulvomr anew breeze drive it from the South to the North, The advantages of neutrality and me Happily th: and wo are not without hopes of soon seei i. From the Journal des*Pebats, of Doo, 11] { ‘Tho € ») aituticnnel oponty takes the'part of the Souther States uzainst the Northern, and supports the grievan set fori in the Message of Prosident Davis. It quo! and appropriates the ianguage employed by that gent; man in order to show the projuaice w! interests of the Atlant rthor, sinoet! thoss persons who, to justily the neutrality of France iy the coming coufict, venture to mention the glorious. shar’ which she had taken in the heroic struggle of independ ence, and in the foundation of the great Amori lic, i replies sharply that for sixty habe responded by the Blackest ingratitude vetedness; and that France owes nothingto those ich the commerei fauee sustain by the war going on Boyor The Constituicnnel goos the Un to that generous de, le ats tien her services. But who said that, we should like t: now? Who spoke of services rendcred by France to uf And heve we are forced to ask the United States’ tutionnel of Toosday if it bas read tho Conateutionng’ of Sunday? Be that as it may, the fact is that tho eam), Jowrual which on Sunday last Tea-ous that both the political traditions and interes! of trance made it a duty for her to maintain’ neutralit; in the conflict which appears inevitable, now affirms: “it does not perceive the shadow ef a good reason for r i intained with very gor ionnel wsks and wishes for is is the the My eer of the warm protests which <n titutionnel thinks itself obliged to make im favor of the English alliance, which, in tts opinion, ought not to be sacrificed is the present conflict. ong and sympathies are known, how the recognition of tho Southern States can be conci- liated, if not legally at least movally, with the neutrality A oe in accord with tho Consitutionnel, wo advise On that important point our opini- But if we do not see ce to maintain in the coutlict between England and the Amerivan Union, we do not seo in what respect the ; at affair of the English alliance cau Le compromised by g the neutrality which Fiance may maintain in the con- flict, and which we should be tho tirst to dofend ifit were in peril. pleas- ure in noticing the contradictions which it fancied conid perceive in the Jcowrnal des bor of political questions. We will not use reprisals: will not say that the Constitutionnel contradicts itself. No; but it is very cloar that our contemporary entertains no scrupie in discussing with itself, in replying to itself, and in refuting itself. A few days back tho Comstitulicnnel took Debats in a certain num- 5 we [From the Journal des Debats, Dec. 13.] ‘This paper closes a lengthy orticle on the probability of war between England and America, arising out of the Trent affair, in the foliowing terms:— The executive power in the United States exercises as regards international relatious, and in the sense and intelligence long oe engtind jhalt not and jutelligent, which reasons and not stand in ‘need of a great effort Its foreign commerce, already restricted inst the South, would be annihilated, its struggle a tho North flattors itself will be put continuing the w California’ and » de- temptation of constituting itself into an indonendent| ‘To carry that out it would be necessary to im-! tures considerably dimi- It is impossible to suppose that the democracy Presence of sucha perspective, will not ‘To sum up, we say that there are no between America (From the Journal Debate, Dec. 14.) . itive power in the United States exercises @ international relations, and Tho exes it ascendancy as atiempt pe il have @ shali not by threale | or arrogant proceedings have furnished grounds of com- | plaint against herseif. ‘Ihe American democracy, ener. getic and intelligent, which reasuns ‘and calculates, a0 woh stand in neod of a great effort to appreciate the dangers rils to which it would declare war. Its foreign against tne annibilated, The South, which the pat down, would inevi- yy having the sea re- therefrom be exposed if England should North flatters itself will be tably escape from it, and opened would be able to export her cotton, and derive resources for continu: more aggressive attitude. the war,and assuming a lifornia, deprived of ih the North, which ave carried on es- resist ‘he temptation off . ‘To carry ‘mati considerably diminished. Ist ian? with manufactures erably diminished. possible to supposeg that the democracy uf the North, in presence of sucha pective, will not lend itself to Bogland, provided the British Cabi- , net does not lay down conditions that camnob bo by men of hinor, animated by a legitimate pride. Te | nications wi! sum up, theroiore, wo say that there are no visibié mo- | tivestwhich would render hoo more diffloult to ie oma in the present conjuncture between America an tang than ' fastead of Amorica, it had been any great state in | Europe engaged n the affair. (From hee ituti onne! of Dee. A8) bas This nu os & very lengthy articl nevesslty 6 negro emancipation, frum which we ostract the statistical portion:-— ‘Slavery does not merely chain the human creature, the mere fact of destroying his liberty and it renders him incapable of entertaining the timent, or the desire of instructions which regu! ‘Why should the slave mar have children born, slaves lil soaiety from of @ tna whch regards hita as @ chattel and gotasa do Broglie hes styled slavery a state of Pp and universal coucubinage. pen Sach wast? reslity the moral status of ae fore | asfore in the. French colonies — 1,384 ‘56, ty there were in the of 15 of free por ogethor 7,029. years, 1848-'s6, there ate ae tweom the eamncipaied tak yy is still, if we instend of 46; in early 2,000; and of recognize’, thousand’ marriages, 20,000 children 80,000 recognized—such ts the gratifying rowalt in leas than ten years by emancijyation @loquent| marks M, Cochin, in @ recent publication om (he