The New York Herald Newspaper, January 19, 1861, Page 3

1 rt & bs ‘To deny that ite ¢ solution would not lead to opposite re- Bults, wonid be todeny that any necessity existed for its formasron, to ignore all the teachings of history, and ail Whe experience of mankind. Mf the conticting interests growing out of a diversity f sol, climate and productions, cannot be reconciled un- der the protecting care of a government emanating from the peopie, it would be a folly and delusion to suppose they would not clash as between separate and rival cou- racies, FeoNDIeN OF THE REFUBLICH OF SOUTH amErrca, ‘The history of the South American republics affords ample proof of the davgers to be apprehended from the jarring mterests of independent and sovereign States, ‘with no common arbiter invested with authority to set: | and with power to make its decrees | proof in support of the proposition is not con- fined to indirect avd inferential testimony. Tt rests on the higher evidence of plain constitutional provisions, about which there can be n0 diepnte, By article sixth, section second, the constitution and | aul laws made in pursuance thereof are declared to be the | supreme law of the land, and to be paramount to the constitutions and laws of the several States, here is no Vimitation to the operation of these provisions, and no qualification of them from other passages. They must *tand in ail their breadth and sigaiticanve until the con- | stitution shail be amended or until it ehall be overthrown ‘by a Buccessful revoltuion. THE CONSTITUTION AGAINST SECESSION. We have thus endeavored to shew that the proposi- tions set forth are in harmony with the constitution, and ‘tbat the principles which they embody are logival deduc- tione from its positive provisions. In the face of these ‘there can be np constitutional right of secession, ince to Suppose so would be to claim for the ordinance of a state @ paramount authority over the constitution and laws of the Union, to deny the rightof our ancestors to bind thei: rity by their acts, and to make the noblest system of government the world bas ever scen the sport and the football of dangerous and designing men. The citizens of South Carolina reason on this subject ag ‘if the songtitution of 1789 was not a reality, and as if we were still being under the old articles cf confederation. But the old system with all its defects has pasted away, and in its place we have a national grernment de- riving authority from the people and invested with power a e ae perso the laws made in pur- suance respecte y ‘ ‘Even supposing the constitution a compact between sovereign States, there would still be no constitutional power on the part of a State to withdraw from ite con- trol or escape from the operation of its laws. If the con- stitution bad been ratitied by the States in their capacity, its provigions remaining the same, it would still have operated on individuals; por could a state, by the SACI CME OF aby constitutional power, have released them from their duty of obedience. There would still have been the same common arbiter in the Supreme Qgurt, and ite decisions, and not secession, would have beeti {2 Constitutional remedy for grievatices, FACTS SUEMITTED TO SOUTH CAROLINA. It would be well for the citizens of South Carolioa to compare the views in regard to sovereignty put forth in the recent proclamation from that State with the opinion of an eminent citizen and member of the Constitutional Convention. In the Legislature of South Carolina in 1788, on the question of calling a convention of the people to ratify the constitution, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney spoke aa fol- lows — “This admirable manifesto (meaning the Declaration of In- dopender ce) suiliciently refutes the doctrine of the individual sovereignty and independence of several States. In that d Clarasion the several Stores are hot even enumer:ted, sfter reciting in nervous language, and with convincing argn- ments, our right to independence, and the tyranny which compelled us to assert it, the declaration is made in the fol- Jowing words:— “We, therefore, the reprerentatives of the United States, &e,, &6 , doin thé name, &e., of the good people of these colo: ied, solemnty publish, &c., "tbat these united colonics are, and of right Ought to be, free and independent States.” The separate independence and individual sovereignty of the several States were never thought of by the en- lightened band of patriots who framed this declaration. SECESSION AND POLITICAL TERESY. The several States are not even mentioned by name ia apy part, as if it was intended to impress the maxim on America that our freedom and independence arose from our union, and that without it we could never be free or independent. Let us, then, consider alt attempis ta weaken the Union by maintaining that each State is separately ond individually independent, as a species of political heresy which can never benefit us, but may bring on us the most & rious distress. During the nullification excitement in South Cavolina, Mr. Grimke, then a member of the State Senate, made a most able and ciaborate speech in favor of the Union, 1n which he thus conclusively disposed of the question of stdlte sovereignty and ‘of the constitutional right of a State to secede from the confe- Cy i— VIFW IN WHICH TRE STATES ARE HELD BY FOREIGN NATIONS. ‘There never was a time when the States were regarded as rate nations by other nations, The Uirited States, even be- fore the articles of confederation, were one nation, ax to the rest of the world. The colonies appeared before the world as thirteen separate mdependent States by the Declaration of Independ- ‘ence; but no futernational act of any consequence, by virtue ‘of the foreign sovereignty, was ever done by any one State as to European nations, nor’ by these as to that. Practically, Enrope kngy nothing of the several She only knew the confed of States. ‘This was stil! more manifest after the confe eration; for then all the branches of the foreign sovereignty were vested in Congress, as the international representative, as, indeed, they had been, in all material respects, be- fore. But when the national constitution of 1789 was adopted, beyond all question, under that every atom of fore gn ‘sovercignty is stripped from the States apd vested in the new government. Fvery attribate of international existence is parted with; and no St can ever be repossessed of any one of them but by a ccesful civil war, or by the consent of the rest toa di Jution of the Union, and the restoration of the coded au thority to the States. SOUTH CAROLINA NO NATIO: South Ce The | very CP ‘y Cabinet Arope. Theoret ot Mc ractically, she is now, beyond all doubt, utterly unknown by her own act,under the eonstitutior of 1759, It would be idle (0 talk to Kuropean nations about r Served rightn, ‘The answer would be, we kuow you not. We know the government of the United States; the "Presiden’ as the head of the diplomatic department; the President and the Benate as the treaty making authority; the President, Senate And House of Representatives as the war declaring’ power. we know, and, ag represented by them, we know the United States ai one’ nation. But who ave you? Your own ‘wet Justiffes and requires us to regard you not as a nation, as ‘only a part of one THE STATES AGAINST SECESSION, Again, if the doctrine of secession is irreconcilable with the constitution of the United States, it is a@ question whether it ginds ony more warrant in the constitutions of the | several States, Such a measure is neither contemplated nor provided for in any organic law; aod the acts of Le gislatures calling conventions to take the subject into consideration would appear to be beyond the scope of their legitimate powers, It is nothing lees than n delide- rate attempt to substitute for the decisions of the Supreme Court, whese jurisdiction extends to all questions arising under the constitution and the laws, the dangerous action of revolutionary tribunals. Nor will the proceedings of the convent ons be any more regular than the action of the Legislatures which called them together. 7b pass an ordinance of secession may be an easy matier; but when i comes to releasing citizens from their oaths of alle yiance & supr ! a constitution which the people of the Tnited Slates, vy & solemn act of valrfication, ‘made supreme over ait other constitutions; when it comes to resigg the laws of © , made in accordance thers anu fo expel the garrisons from the national forts an? arsenals within their territories, they will find no word in any Of their constitutions to give a sanction to'such proseedings or f0 qualify the intevpretation which the civilized world will as- surely put vjon fim. Tk would be more magnanimous for 4 thee tizens of the seoeding States, instead of attempting ‘the hopeless task of defending such acts, a8 constitutional remedies, 10 come out boldly and anticipate the verdict of Christendom by confessing them to be rev SROBRION FIKST MAINLY SUPPORTED IN Vi ‘The doctrine of evcession hae found {ts main support in the Virginia resolutions of 1798. This remarkable politi- cal document was drawn by Mr. Madison, then a member of the Virginin Legislature. It originated in the passage of the alien and sedition laws by Congrese, which the resol ticns declared were unconstitutional, and then proceeded to define the rights of the States in the third of the eeries as follows: — That this Assembly doth explict! that it views the powers of the federal government, as re- sulting from the compact to which the States are partics, as Timited by the plain sense and intention of the instrumen: Constituting that compact, as no further valid they are authorized by the grants énumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerona exercise of otber powers, not granted by the said compact, the States sho are parties therote have the right, anc aro a duty bound erpose tor arresting the 1, or Raitaing within theif respective limite the authorities, Tighie'atd fborties apperiainihg to thetn This resolution of the Virginia Assembly was the ba- sie on which the State of South Carolina rested her right ‘of nullification and secession in 1830, and which Mr. Hay ve referred to 43 containing the good old republican doctrine of ‘98, tit apparent, however, that the idea of ‘an wuthority residing is a State to decide on infractions ‘Of the constitution, is no where to be gathered from the reeolution. [he word is used in its pinral form, and re- fers clearly to the States coliectively, while the authority claimed is only to be exercised in case of a deliberate, palpable and Cangerous exercise by one goneral govern- ment of powers not granted, It if not claimed that the right may be exercised by the State on any presumed in. froction of the constitution by another State, and its ope- ration is confined to cases where the genera! government ‘and not e State is the party at fault. Thie was substantially the view taken by Mr. Webster, im the debate on Foot's resolutions, and it was afterwards contirmed by Mr. Madison himself, In a lelter to Mr. Trist, in 1832, he raye:— é received yours of the 19h, enclosing some Sou! Caroitoa papers. Phere are In one of them sore laverostin views of ibe doctrine of secession, which one that cecurred to me, and which, for the first cy seen in Frint, namely : that if one State can at will wi w from the Others, the others ean withdraw from her, and tarn her, no- fenton botentem, out of the Union, Until of late there Is Hot a e that would bi abl dreaded and Rereanpioriiy declare doctrine more than es an the only doctrino ‘be saved. I partake of the wonder t! would iy seceleion in the light mentioned. ocean. Ua! difference between a free a it not ree ia that the former is founded im iabartiea te which are wetcely ‘and equally ‘either of em, therefore, can have @ greater right ‘off from god cortataly teams to Sanasba in toa Vigale, TeNnations ob 1798 adverse to J age! ahich Lg of . 4 “ which drawa sion from lies anit with ‘parties to the constitutional co ihe On ‘an'intolerable the piu t (States) le in every tenance uged whenever reference is made to the authority which prenited over the government, The oriinances alroady [pated by, the Conrention of four Stater, and the probable action 3 other conventions, jas made 't necestary for your committee to consider fomewhal 1n detail the question of seceasion, viewed ag a conetitutional ight, fo have done otherwise might have been ed oie = of readiness to meet the mente advanced in ‘or, and perhaps !n' . fer cn of ability to answer tham, wiaeeal THE QUPETION YIRWED IN 4 UTIONARY SRYAR, m we eball now deal with the question aa one of revoli- ‘and coneider— ‘et The cansee alleged as governing the action of the eding Sater. 24. What ehovid be the course of the government? | the settlement of Im all the great political convulsions which have taken place in the world, there has been the one unvary ing jus- J tication of tyranous and ive acts, against which there was no other means of redress than open and vio- Jent resistance. From the day the English Barons assem- died at Runnymede, until the consummation of the Revo- jntion of 1688, this principle of the ultimate right of resistance, where no other means would avail, ins been acknowledged and actedon by that great pation, from whom we derive our origin. history of ail otber nations offers the same instructive lesson; and our own Declaration did but enunciate, in jate ond eloquent language, a universal sentiment wl had jong before received the assent of mankind. The sentiment. however, was not of rapid growth. Denounced im high places, its only refuge for ages was in the heart of man, and its only vindicator the sword, Slowly, however, the world advanced to more just ideas ef its strength and toa truer appreviation of its Givine origin, Tbe bistorian honored himself by defend- ing !t, and the publicist by sneorporating it inte the code: of nations. It made its way, oftentimes by the influence ‘of @ mora) power, before which kings and potentates bowed themselves in the dust. No longer under the ne- cessity of establishing its claims to recognition, it had enly to show eanse for the assertion of the doctrine on Which it reste, that resistance to oppressive and unom- stitutional acts, against which there is no other remedy, ig an inherent aud indefeasible right. But in considering the causes on which the revolution ary action of the seceding States is based, it cannot es. cape attention that they are not alleged to exist as against the government which they are intended to sub- vert. ‘he ordinance passed by the State of South Caro- lina covtains no word of complaint against the acts of that governun Nor is it probable that the proclamations of the conventions of other states will be of a different character. We shal] then haye presented to the world the extraor- dinary spectacle of a revolution for the overthrow of a ment against which no bill of indictment has been ted by those who are plotting its destruction. Such a movement cannot fail to excite the astonishment and indignation of Christendom. ‘THE PREVONDERATING INVLUENGE OF THE REVOLTING STATES. But if the spectacle of @ revolution undertaken to sub- vert & government, against whose acts no charges have been brought, be an extraordinary one, what will be said of the fact that the states which have commenced it, have for a long period had a preponderating influence ia that government, and at this moment contsol a majority ef its co-ordinate branches. Such is the solemn truth; apd whilst it takes from such a movement all that sym- pathy which real oppression is sure to call forth, it must deprive thoge who aid and abes it of all claim on tbe charitable judgment of the world. THE GRIEVANCES OF SOUTH CAROLINA. Ip the long list of grievances presented by the Conven- tion of South Carolina, the non-enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law, the ‘interfering with slavery in the Blales, the exclusion of the institution from the Terri- torleg, tke denial of protection as property under the constitution, and lastly, the elegtion of a republican President, are the chief subjects of complaint. In regard to the first point, it may be said that the ad- minietration n4 that law is the duty of the generalgovern- ment, and if there has been bes oa of vigor wm carry- ing out and enforcing its provisions, the fault must in good part be ascribed to this cause. It is not denied that there ig a repugnance to some of the provisions of the law in the minds of the people of the North, but it is nevertheless conceded cn al! hands, and by all political parties, that the principle which requires a fugitive slave to be returned to his master, is a constitutional provi- sion, and es such must be obeyed. All that is asked 4s, that the law should be stripped of its odious and offensive fea- tures, If this were done, such acta of legislation as bave been passed by Northern States with reference to this law, Would be cheerfully and promptly regarded. Your committee are not informed ob the character and provisions of the laws of other Northern States on this snbject, but the act of 1840 of this State was declared by the courts to be unconstitutional, and is therefore null and void, ‘THR PERSONAL TIRERTY BILLS. Again, the personal liberty bills, as they are termed, were maby of them passed previous to the enactment of the law of Congress of 1850, and could not, therefore, have had any reference to it; and the fact that the State of Virginia has at this time 'a law on her atatutes con- taining essentially the same provis ons, and enacted for the purpose of protecting the liberty of her free citizens, would seem to afford some warrant for the enactment of similar laws in other States. The whole difliculty on this subject has arisen, in the opinion of your committes, from the unnecessary severity of the provisions of thé act of 1850; and they’ repeat convicticn already ex- pressed, that if these were moditied there would be a cheerful requiese the enforcement of the law. On the subject of interfering with slavery inthe States where it exists, your committee deny that there is any cor siderable portion of the people of the North who affirm the right of such a procedure, or who have eny intention of enconraging, much less of aiding or abetting, any atiemnpts of such a character, The fact that both the gr+ai political parties of the North are denounced by the Kcknowlecged leaders of the abolitionists, shows how wide in the chasm that enarates that seet from the mass rir fellow citizens, and how little is there to be ended from their most earnest and porsisient efforts. SOUTHERS OPINIONS OF THE NORTH. The determined pertinacity with which the people of the South cling to the belief of a design to make war on their institutions is a striking proof of the erroneous ideas prevailing th n this question, or else of a deter- mination on the part of designing men to falsify and mis- state our opinions and purposes. It may be perhaps use- Jess to reiterate what has so often been said on this sub- ject, and inserted in political platforms; but your com- ‘mittee cannot refrain from once more solemnly disvvow ing for the people of the North, of both the great political parties, any it ion or right to interfere with the insti: tation of slavery in the States where it now exists. In rd to the great principle of the dominant party of the Northern States, which is another subject of com- plaint, your committee desire, in the first place to say, that a principle which was engrafted in the erdinance of 1787, and by the operation of which the States of the Northwest were preserved to free labor, can not be re- garded by us with apy other feelings than those of veue ration and respect. That it was incorporated in a mex- sure proposed and advocated by one of the greatest of our statesmen, himself a citizen of the South, and passed | by the aid of Southern votes, should save it'from some portion, at least, of the hostility with which it is now re- by their descendants. By a series of acts, from the date of this ordinance down to tho legislation of 1850, the subject of slavery in all our Territories had been withdrawn from the arena of politics, and it appeared as if the two great forces under our government, chained down by compromises and tired of a contest as old as the conetitution itsel!, had at length declared a truco. ‘The repeal of the eighth section of th? act admitting Miseouri into the Union once more brought the sub- ject before the country. By that act Kavsas and Nebraska were opened to an institution which bad al- ready connected itself with the destinies of the three great States out of the, Louisiana purchase. ‘THE PRINCIPLE OF NON-INTERVENTION. The principle of non-intervention, which was the basis of the settiement of 1850, to which the North reluctantly submitted, and which had been finally endorsed by the two great national conventions in 1852, was now mute to apply to the territory covered by the Missouri restriction, and used ag a cover for its repeal. This act destroyed the contidence of the people of the Northern States in the binding force of compromises, and with the subsequent acts of the administration in Kan- fas, led jg 1856 to the first national convention of the repblicag® party, and to the adoption in its platform of Jefferson's principle of exclusion, Whilst the his- tory of that party, from that time until the present, has been a struggle to give this principle recognition in the administration of the government, it has never thought of using for this object any other than strictly constitutional means. I achiewsd ore national victory in the late Presidential eleztion, and, for the first time in its history, can claim the control of a single co-ordinate branch of the government. ‘The adoption of the prin:iple of exclusion by the re- publican party was a purely defensive act. It @ has been before remarked, out of the at- tempt to extend FE gee which was tho basis of 1650, to territory already secured to freedom by the Missouri compromise. The repeal of that restriction by the votes of Southern representatives was exceedingly offensive to the frec States. time was iven to prepare the public mind for so great a change. jt had not been for owed in the debates of 1850, and when, without any warning, the blow was struck, its effect was what might might have becn anticipated from the remoreeciors vi with which it was dealt. Then followed the administration of the Kansas act and the po- litical outbreaks in that Territory consequent thereon. The acts of the free settlers, although in strict con- formity to the principle of the Kansas bill, were denounced in the proclamation of the Prosident as revolutionary, their resistance to laws made without the shadow of au- thority as treasonable, and their further contumacy threatened, and soon aiter visited with the interposition of federal bayonets. On the other hand, the conduct of those who were working in the interest of slavery wat excused, extenuated and softened down, or where that could not be dono, even by so finished a speeial pleader as the President, passed over jn utter silence. ‘Thus were free meetings of the people, free speech, we had almost said free thonght, consigned to the sume grave which had already received the |ifeless remains of "te lar Sovereignty. CHANGES INTHE STATUS OF PATTING, It would be difficult to point to a period in our history when the satus of parties suffered such great ol as in the short space of six years, from 1854 t) 1860. Ja that pericd the most powerful prtitical organivalion which ever controlled the goveryment of this country has been dis- poe us leaders and its moral power de- Such bas been the effect of the repeal of the Missouri compromise on a pd nat! party. But that act has had @ power to build up as as to destroy. To itmust be ascribed the Loyd by the iblican party of that same siple which the repeal of the restriction was in- tocrush. ‘The stone which the builders rejected has become the head of the corner.” The principle. of exclusion ise. principle which ine} & pri which can never be pm outof the Northern mind, how much- soever it may bo ¢: from political platforms, It has taken too deep a hold on the convictions of the masses raging ie tegen ors. Should it be struck but of the code of the party which adopte it to morrow, it would still find a in the hearte of a great majority of the of the States, But whilst your feel bound in all candor to exprers this their colemn belief, they cannot refrain from remarking that the timo when the principle ehal! havo a Practical Lengo is uncertain and remote. This je obvious from the following considerations:— The Territories of Washington, New Mexico, Kansas, Nebraeka and Utah, are already organized under Territo- regard to these, tatusot rial governments. 5 b ic law. This loaves Arizona, ie irdiag Torrltory and Dacotan still to be provided for; torial ite, the be) of Dred Scott case tak character of decisions, and this would ren- fer the pation of the principle inconsistent with it constitutional obligations. flow muchsoever this might be Sere For ittee have no hesitation we belief that people of the free States iid no’ be brought to disregard a itive construction of the constitution by the Bopreme . Ineuchacase we should bave to rest our on the obstacles to the introduction of slavery bythe #o)!, climate avd ‘ NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUARY 19, 1861—TRIPLE SHEET. productions of thoee ‘erritories, and defeat the effect of the decision by strenuously opposing all further acquisi- tiens. Again, if no decision should stand in the way, the ap- Plication of the principle would be defeated during the ext Presidential term by the want of harmony in the co-ordinate branches of the government. The Senate alone could defeat it, even if the President and House of Representatives should favor it. Looking still further in the future, and judging of what may happen from our experience of the t, it can- ‘not escape attention that the mutations of party m: it extremely problematical what is to be the poli- tical complexion of the government after 1864. If these views are of any force, it must follow that the appre- hensions of the slave States in regard to the principle of exclusion are without foundation, and that a8 a pretext for withdrawing from the Union, it is not entitled to the weight which is claimed for it? TRE REFUSAL OF THE YREE STATES TO RECOGNISE SLAVES AS PRODRKTY. The next grievance which your committee have to consider is, that the people of ‘the freo States refuse to admit that the constitution recognises slaves as pro- perty. The third subdivision of the 2d sec) of the 4th artiele of the constitution is in these wor No person held to service or 'abor In one Stare, unde the laws thereor, escaping \ato another, shui), in consequence of uny law or regulation therein, be dischw ged trom such ser: Vice orlahor: but shall be'delivered op en claim of the party to whem such service or labor may Le due, Although the word * slave’ is not mentioned here, there is evidence (rom contemporaneous sources that they are referred to, under the term of persons held to service, and the reference to them | is therefore admitted. But here is no recognition of slaves 2 prmerty, even where they are iield as such in States under the laws thereof. The constitution provides for their rendition, but does not recognise ther as property ; and to this extent only are the people of the free States willing to admit any connection of the government with the institution, ‘The recognition of the principle to the limit which is claimed for it by the people of the siave States, would carry slavery into every state in the Union, by virtue of the paramount authority of the constitution over all laws of a State. If slaves are property under the const tution, then no State would have power to abolish the institution, or to prohibit it within its territory; and by logical se- quence it would prevail, whatever might be the lee let, as far as the constitation reaches. THE DANGER OF RROPENING THE SLAVE TRADE. Again, this construction of the constitution would open the slave trade without any legislation on the subject There would be an evident inconsistency in punishing as piracy the dealing in a species of property which, by being recognized as such under the congti(ution, would become at once a legitimate subject of trade. All freaties made with foreign nations fer the suppression of the traffic as piracy’ would baye to be modified or annulied. In ebort, the world would be astonished at the spectacle of @ nation existing for more than seventy years under a misapprehension of the true meaning of it3 orgafic law. TIME ELECTION OF A SKCTIONAL PRESIDENT. ‘The only remaining grievance which remains to be no- ticed is the election of a republican President. The ob- Jjections to Mr. Lincoln are that be was a seetional candi- ‘date; that he represents a party whose views are hostile to the interests and institutions of the South, and that he will use his infiuence and the patronage of the govern- ment to give those yiews practical effect. Wf by the terms “a sectional candidate,” is meant a candidate carrying only the States én one side or the other of a geographical line, then Mr. Breckinridge was also a sectional candidate. In this particular both the candidates were in precisely the same position. The one had the electoral vote of no free Stato, the other stood on the same footing in the slave States. Of the aims and purposes of a party there can be no higher evidence than that afforded by an examination of its political code or platforms. This represents the doc- trine of the party as established by an anthority ema- nating from the ar If individuals go beyond the principles thus laid down, they no longar represent a party, but their own individual opinionsssoggwhich they alone are reeponsible. It is not denied that #he principle of prohibition is a part of the republican platform, or that its application is considered proper, whenever it may be @ecessary. It cannot, however, be directly againit the interests and institutions of the South, since it has nothing to do with these interests and institutions wheré they exist by positive law in the States. It can only be applied to the Territcries; and there, if its appli ‘cation would be indirectly against the institutions of one section, it is not more £0 than the opposite principle of protection would be against another section. Free labor is a8 mnuch an institution one side as compalsory service is on the other. ‘THY, PRESIDENT ROUND 10 SUPPORT THE CONSTITUTION. As the course of the new adroluistration on this, as on all other questions, must be governed more or less by circumstauces, it can only at this time be a matter of conjecture. not, however, in any event be other- wise than in accordance with the constitution and. the laws made in pursuance thereef, which the Presideut is Dound by his oath io support. Whatever his indivi tual opinions may be, they can only regulate his conduct in so far as they have a constitutional warrant. Beyond this they may be held as convictions, but they can never con- stitute a rule of action in the administration of public affairs. A President, then, honest and capablo, acting under his oath of office, and with no power to form ‘cabinet or to appoint even a consul without the assent of a co-ordinate branch of the government, is not at all likely to realize the gloomy apprehensions with which his adveat into office is led by the South. Such are the reasons which are put forth to justify revolution and perhaps civil war. They appear so inade- quate as causes for an attempt to overthrow a govern- ment, that it is difficult to free the mind from a suspi- cion that they are after all mere pretenses for a move. ment which had its origin in motives that have not yet been divulged. If the secret history of the Charleston Convention should ever be written, it may appear that the proposing of an impracticable platform and the with- drawal of Southern delogates on its rejection, was part of a matured scheme to defeat Mr. Douglas by depriving him of all Southern aid; aud by thus insuring the election of Mr. Lincoln, afford the wished for opportunity “ of precipitating the Southern States into a rebellion.”” COFVLICATIONS THAT MUMY RESULT FROM SECRSSION. In concluding this branch of the subject, your Commit tee bave no hesitation in aying that, on the assumption of the reality and weight of the grievances complained pi a Sens ee would = them to be 4 with syd fold force. If it is difficult, now, to carry out the provisions of the Pugitive Slave law, how could they be enforced at all as between separate and independent confederacies? There would then be ro common constitution to operate over and above the lex loci, and bind the people to the free States to the observance of a provision no longer appli- cable to the new order of things. The case of a slave, escaping from Kentucky to Ohio, would be analagous to that of me ing from Virginia to England. Whatever rights the Virginia master would have to follow his pro- perty to England and claim its rendition, would be the measure of the Kentucky master’s claimon Ohio, Comi- ty might settle the question in his favor, but in the end it would prove a reliance far less to be depended on than the coustitution of the United States, Again, a dissolution of the Union would setile the question of slaaery in the Territories in favor of the free States. Your committee oan see no reason that could be urged on those States, powerful enough to induce them for one moment to entertain the idea of a division. They would be ne- cersary to connect the Atlantic States with those of the Pacitic slope. - ‘They would also be necessary for the millions of free laborers seeing homes for their families, with no capi- tal but their own unaided energy and strength. Lastly, they would belong to these States on every principle of international law, nor would they ever be yielded up, ex- cept to an irrisiatible power. THE ULTIMA RATIO, OR COERCION BY ARMS, If the conclusions arrived at by your committee be con- sidered in the main correct, it will not be difficult to draw therefrom the rights and duties of the general go- vernment, in this important crisis of our history. Should these revolutionary movements be persisted in, the public property taken ion of, and the proclamations of the President and the decrees of set at defi ance, the time will have arrived when, the milder meuns of a coorctin of laws haring failed, therr will be nothing lft but the last remedy under the comstitu’ coerciom of arms. How much soever such an alternative might be de- plored, the government may be driven to accept it by the force of an unavoidable necessity. That necessity will present itself whenever it shall appear that the people of South Carolina and of other Southern States can no longer be restrained in their attempts to revolutionize the coun- try by the peaceful influence of the civilofficers. In such an event, your committee have no hesitation in exprees- ing their solemn conviction that the government should ‘t with decigion and promptnesa, and that those who shail administer jis functions will find no other course consistent with their fidelity to the Union, the constitu. tion and the laws. SPIRIT OP THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT, ‘The government of the United States is a ment resting on the coneent of the people. [t har shown how. in the constitution which they adopted, they pro- vided for the paramount ponte | of all laws made in pursuance thereot for the etuity of the Union and the protection of all the varied interests arising out of a diversity of soi), climate and juctions. t in all these respects it jab justitied the anticipa jona of ite lustrions founders, our. astonishing progress a nation affords the most unmistakable evidence. Tt fs now to be put to a severer ordeal, Having proved its adaptability to all the wants of a people of peace within and without, its power to resist an internal rebel- lion is soon to be put to the test. The almost intuitive wisdom of the convention armed and protected it at ail points, for the storm as well as the sunshine: and if in thie, the hour of trial, its foundation shall be sa and undermined, {t will cover with unspeakable infamy ail those who, disregarding their caths to support {t, shall neglect to call forth the power and strength of ite provi- sions in its defence. THE COURSE OF THE NEW ADMINISTRATION. iblican President will claim and merit the approve! o “inion lovieg men in all the State, Whatever his abstract opinions may be, he will, when high office, administer the government according to the constitution and the laws. Your com- mittee believe that the of the Empire State iil coneider that they have half their duty in giving him their moral sym and suy The State of New York mado a sacrifice in ac- ceding to the constitution. She sacrificed for a protection which she did need the control of commerce whose gates sho possessed. With a firm determination to comply with all her con- #titutional obligations, she cannot, fora moment, con- nt that other st: pretexts such as have been throw them if; and to this prepared, whonever the time ehail arrive, to aoe the Fecvenr of the United States, not only with ber moral bat with her material power. THO, HILLHOUSE, BENJ. F. MANIERRE, PETER P, MURPHY, EPHRATM JOHN MeLPOD MURPHY. MB RESOLE TIONS. Whereas, The Constitution of the United States was ordained by and for tho poopie thereo?; and, whereas, it establiehes she paramount authority of the Government, and provides for the perpetuity of the Union: Therefore, Resolved, (fF the /eeembly conenr.) That the people of this State, irrespective of Party destine- Hons, do hereby declare that the rights of the peopie of a segie State or severai States, to absolwe themselves at will from their solemn obligations to the federal Union cannot be acknowledged, principle and the objects which the general government was formed to secure, are repugnant to such authority, and the exercise thereof, Wheresover, or howsoever sitempted, is treasonable, and must be resisted by all the remedies provicted in the con- stutution, The lirst duty, therefore, of the citizens of zee eh, is to be directed to the preservation of the Resolved, (if the Assemby coneur,) That the Legisia- ture will sustain the Executive of the State in the offer H fe military power and resources of the that they will “provide for calling for the militia toexecute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- {on and repel invasions,” whether within or without Ube State. _ Resolved (if the Assembly gyncur), That the State of New York is faithful to the federal Union, and will make every neediul sacsltive to maintain it im its integrity, At the same time New York will make equal sacrifices to suppert the several States in all their congtitutional rights. Resolved (if the Assembly concur), that C nop to uterfere with slavery i the sey or eny of them Resolved (it the Assembly concur), That although we believe Congress possesses the power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, yet it is inexpedient to exer- cise such power unless upon the following con 1. That abetition should be on the vote of a majority of qualitied voters of the district, and with the consent of the State of Maryland, That it should be gradual, That compensation should be made to unwilling owners. Resolved (if the Assembly concur), That Congress should not Inhibit or impair the inter State traffic of per- sons held to service or labor under the laws of the sev- eral States, or apy of them. Resolved (if the Assembly concur), That while the rendition of fugitive from service or labor is a plain constitutional obligation, and shoukl be faithfully ob- served, the laws of 1850 contains provisions which se- riously obstruct, if they do not prevent, ms execution. ‘These chovld be modified. EPHRAIM GOSS, except the one as to the District or Columbia. THOS. HILLHOUSE, BENJ. F. MANIERRE, PETER P. MURPHY, A. J. COLVIN, J. McLBOD MURPHY, 1 sign cbly as regards the resolutions, and in no map- ner intend to endorse or approve oi the report. F. B. SPINOLA. bas ral Statee, The Report of the Ney York Assembly. ‘Aunany, Jan. 18, 1861. The select committee to which was referred so much of the Governor's Message as treats of federal relations, together with the several resolutions which have been offered upon the same subject, submit the following re- port— For nearly thirty years, and ever since South Car:tina attempted to nullify the revenue laws of the fed verpment there has been a large class of persoo! in State who have openly avowed a desire to effect the dis- solution of the Union. and to that end, immediately after the result of the Presidential election in November last <i there, was known, @ violent agitation was comme and it has gpread to a cougiderable extent over of the slave States. Four of those States have al ready, through their conventions, declared them selves out of the Union. Others are likely to do the same. Forts, arsenals, dockyards; public offi moneys and other property of the United states, have been seized; the authority and laws of the goverment have been set at defiance; an unarmed vessel, bearing the national flag, has been fired upon and driven from the harbor of Charleston; preparations are believed to be in progress for taking possession of the Capitol at Wash- ipgton and preventing the inauguration of the lawfully elected President. The whole coun'ry is suffering under the convulsions of this attempted revolution and an at- tempted civil war. Your committee deem it inexpedicnt to enter into a history of the causes which have produced this unhappy condition of the gountry, and simply declare the position which the State & New. York should, in their opinion, sume in the present crisis, She has seen anxious solicitude the dey ent of tho feelmg of hostility to the Union, which has finally culminated ‘in treason and rebellion, and the ‘desires to raise her voice in sisterly warning and admonition to the disaffected and belligerent mem bers of our American family. Whilst she admits the duty of listening to and adjusting in a spirit of mutual forbearance and concession all causes of discord between the different States and sections of the Union, she repu- diates the doctrine and denies the right of secession. All complaints controversies must be settled within the Union, and according to the forms of the constitution. ‘That instrument established not a mere voluntary asso- ciation of States that may be broken up at the pleasure of any one of them, but a perfect Union, a government, the authority of which within its appointed sphere is supreme, and neither individuals nor States have a right to violate ite laws or absolve themselves from allegiance to it. The State of New York has ewer been, and will con. tinue, steadfast in her devotion to and support of the Constitutiou. She will faithfully perform all her federal and inter-State obligations, with an earnest desire to re- store ard preserve harmonious relations between all the States of the Union. And doing this, ene will insist that the government shall be sustained, and the Union pre- served. All her power, both moral and physical, will be exerted to uphold the majesty of the law and to prevent revolution and anarchy. But whilst taking this position, it is earnestly hoped that the country may yct be saved from the calamity of civil war. No honorable effort likely to secure that end should be omitted. In the midst of the revolu tionary frenzy prevailing in some of the slave States there are large classes of citizens who continue obedi eut to law and loyal to the Constitution and the Union. Others are led astrey and deluded with un founded apprehensions of lawless interf: with their rights on the part of the incoming administration, As they become better informed in this respect, and as they experience the evils of disorganized society, a reaction in the public mind may be anticipated, and a disposition to restore the harmony which but recently prevailed. Under these circumstances it becomes the State of New York, whilst taking a firm and inflexible stand for the preservation of the constitution and laws, to exhibit a spirit of conciliation and a desire to maintain peace by every means consistent with her duty and her honor. It is evident that the question of Territorial govern- ment is one upon whieh the free and the slave States hold, and will continue to hold, views so opposite and irreconeileable as to preclude the hope that they will ever agree in regard to it. So long as it remains open, it muet inevitably be a source of perpetual discord and irritation. Jt seems, therefore, to be the dictate of com- mon gense to Wholly remove the question, if possible, from the arena of national polltics. If this should be done, both sections assenting to it, the eat obatruc- tion to a restoration of harmony would be overcome, and without any sacrifice of cherished principles on either side. ‘The committee therefore report for the consideration of the House, resolutions expressive of the views herein stated, including those in favor of organizing al! the ter- ritory at once into States, or by dividing it after the man- ner of the Missouri compromise, Provided that this dis- ition of the question shall be assented to by the slave ates, with the intention thereby 10 restore peace und good will to the nation, Resolved, (if the Senate concur), That the State of New York has witnessed} with deep regret and earnest repro- bation, the attempt of some of the slaveholding States to overthrow the national constitution and laws, and to dis- solve the Union which has conferred inestimable benefits upon all sectione—that she denice the right of any State to absolve itself from its allegiance to the federal govern- ment—and that she will put forth all her power and re- sources to maintain that goyerument and to aid in the enforcement of its laws. Resolved, (if the Senate concur), That the State of New York sincerely desires to avord civil war by every means consistent with her honor, and to meet her sister States inn conciliatory spiri!, to copsider all differences of opi- nion amicably, to remove ali just causes of complaint, and by mutual concessions to restore peace and harmony to the Union. Whereas, the government of the Territories has lo been a disturbing element in our national councils, = has of late given rise to political divisions that appear to admit of no compromiee, and to threaten the integrity of the Union: one party insisting that the general go- vernment shall protect slavery in the Territories, an- other that jt shall prohibit it, and still another that it shal! not interfere one way or the other. And whereas, all parties aoe to the constitution and Union agree that each State the sole and exclusive power of determining its own domestic institutions therefore, to the end that this impediment to our na- tional barmony be for ever remov Resolved (if the Senate concur), That our Senators and repregentatives in Congress be requested tonee their in- fluence after the admission of Kansas as a State on her present application, to divide all tho remaining Terri- tory, so as to form two States; to be admitted as States of this Union as soon as the inhabitants thereof shail adopt State constitutions republican in form; (re- serving the right of sub-division with the proper re- strictions, or to divide the territory after the manner of the Missouri) Compromise; provided that our said Sena- tors and Representatives shall have ageurances satisfac. tory to them that such disposition of the Territories will be generally assented to, and will restore peace and har- mony to the nation.) Resolved, (if the Senate concur.) That these resolu- tions, with the vote of the frgislature thereon, be forth with transmitted by Governor of this State to our Senacore and Reprerentatives in Cony #, and to the Governors of the several States of this Union. LUCIUS ROBINSON. Rep. 1, CHANDLER BALL, Rep. WILKES ANGEL, Rep. F. KERNAN, Dem. W. J+ MeDERNOTT, Dem. LETTER FROM HON. WILLIAM DUER. Oswnoo, Jan. 18, 1861. A letter op the national crisi¢from Hon. William Duer is published in the Oswego papers. He declares the laws must be enforced and treason put down. There should be # united North, and no concession to unjust demands involving @ change in the usual legislation of the country. The secession of the North must be guarded against, for ‘New England is worth more to the federal Union than South Garolina or Georgia. He recommende—tirst, the enforcement of the laws; second, justice to the South, and the removal of every reasonable cause of complaint; third, the refusal of extreme demands in- volving a radical change in the character of our govern- ment, and opposed to the strong and general aon\iment of the North; fourth, perm/ssion to the Southern States to retire from the Union, if sach is their deliberate wish by means of an amendment to the constitution. obedience to the lawe being etriotly qxncted until this cbject ® no cmpliebed THE REVOLUTION. Important Reports from South Carolina. Major Anderson Allowed to Procure Supplies from Charleston. PACIFIC DISPOSITION OF TIE SECESSIONINTS. Movement in the Senate To- wards an Adjustment.. Probable Submission of the Question to the People. THE DEBATE ON THE CRISIS IN THE HOUSE, SPEECH OF MR. SHERMAN, OF OHIO. ‘Rumored Invasion of the Capital by Marylanders. How the United States Arms Have Been Distributed. DETERMINATION OF GEORGIA TO SECEDE, &e., &e., &e. IMPORTANT FROM WASHINGTON. THE RELATIONS RETWEEN SOUTH CARO- LINA AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. Wasmyatoy, Jan. 18, 1861. ‘There are no new developements in regard to the ques- tions at issue between the President and South Carolina, Colonel Hayne did not communicate his letter to the nt yesterday. He ig holding it in reserve until he Presic hears from Governor Pickens. ‘At the urgent golicitations of nearly all the Southern Senators and representatives Colonel Hayne has changed his purpese, as indicated in my despatch yesterday, Several leading Senators have joined with him in his letter to Governor Pickens not to make any such demand he ‘They upen tl Anderson have such fresh supplies as he may require; and it is owing, doubtless, to the suggestions of the Senators and others who have addressed letters to their friends in South Carolina, that has induced the Governor to comply instructed to make. urge to as was Governor to allow Major with these requests. ‘The Preeident’s firm and decided stand in the matter of Fort Sumter has had much to do in changing the cou. ition of affaire. Had he persiated or yielded there is no telling what would have been the result. There is no certainty that the authorities of South Carolina will back down from their demand, notwithstanding the efforts that have been made here to induce them todo so, The ight hours will probably docide the matter. next forty It has been currently stated, and generally believed, that South Carolina seized and appropriated to herself the funds in the hands of the United Statew Sub-Trea, evrer at the time of her secession. This, Iam autho. On the presentment of the rized to state, is an error. first drafts ¢rawn on him, after the secession of the State, the Sub-Treasurer applied to Governor Pickens for wstructions, and his Excellency referred the mat. ter to the Conyention. The Convention determined that the State had no right to theee funds, and they were Jeft in the hands of the Sub-Treasurer, subject to the order of the United States. T have just received a despatch from Governor Pickens, stating that Major Anderson has now uninterrupted mail facilities, and is allowed to send to market for fresh pro- visions and vegetables whenever desired. In fact, be has the same facilities that he had when he occupied Fort Moultrie. 1 am authorized to state by the South Carolina Commis- sioner that all property seized has been declared, by the ordinance of the Convention, to be held subject to an ad jJustment of accounts between the two governments hereafter. The Tax bill has not yet parsed either House of the South Carolina Legislature. It is utterly false that any special exaction has been made on negro or any other property. The contributions of negro labor bave been en tirely voluntary on the part of those who have rendered it. It ie also the same of contributions of money, which bave been very liberal. It is equally false that Governor Aiken, or anybody else, has had any requisition for money or labor made on him, All the appropriations of the money thus far made by the Legislature have been furnished by the State banks in exchange for par, and the principal part coming from the Bank of the State, of which the State is the only stockholder. Com- merce goes on as usual without restriction. There is no searcity of provisions, and the market is at ordinary prices. IMPORTANT MOVE IN THE SENATE TO- WARDS AN ADJUSTMENT. Wasunorow Jan, 18, 1861 reconsider Mr. Clark's resolution, Op the motion to made in the Senate this marning, every republican voted 1p, Camerof, who made the mo tion to reconsider—but it was carried by democratic in the negative—even ¢ voter. The meVion to strike out Mr. Clark's and insert Mr. Bigier’s programme, submitted the other day, fixing the time to vote on the 12th of Febroary, took the republi cans by curprise. These amendments are gimilar to Mr. Crittenden’s. The chances are in favor of their adoption. Several republicans in both branches have indicated a willingness to go for it. By general consent it was made the order for Mon. day next, with the understanding that it shall be voted on formally and conclusively. So the end of this business will be decided on Monday, The Southern Senators are entirely willing, and haye so stated within tho last twenty-four hours, to accep either Crittenden’s or Bigler’s plan. This is the only thing that will put atop to the revolution now running through the entire South, Will the republicans eustain it, and give peace to the country? Upon them rests the whole responsibility of saying the country. MR. SHERMAN’S SPEECH ON THE CRISIS, Wasutveron, Jan. 18, 1861. ‘Tn the House to-day the debate continued and closed on the Army bill, Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, the leader of tho House, making the concluding formal speech. fe de- fended bis State againet the charge of having upon her ftatute books any lawe in conflict with the constitution, and Mr. Vallandigham came to bis resene by thowing that an offensive Personal Liberty bill had been repealed. Mr. Sherman stated that he had converged with leading men from the South, who aesured him that vo concerssons or comprom iss that the North could make would prevent a dissolution of the Union; that the Gulf States would a) gO cut of the Union, am! therefore he aturally 3 What is the good of compromises?” He said, with much force and great effeet, to the Southern mem- “You donot say tous that you can either bring buck the seceding States or save others from seceding if we compremige; bht you are united in telling us that inquired, + Woe must not coerce the Receding States back to an obe- dience of the laws they have so grossly vi On the other hend, you do tell us that you will be submissive, aud you will not go ont of the Union if we yield all our principles and all that we have foughab@r, or that is worth fighting for. Mr. Sherman told the smth, very briefly, that the republican party would make ne sions. “They had violated no laws; they we They had ¢ iccesefully charged with having done so. ed a President, intended to inaugurate him, and he sed the Southern States to keep quiet and not pase judgment upon his administration in ad- vance, as they had perverted all his declarations of prin- ciples in the past. The speech of Mr. Sherman is viewed by the secessionists as a declaration of war, The previous question was called on the Army bill, and it was passed in committee. It appropriates ten millions of dollars. Notwithstanding the imminence of dissolution, politi- clans find time to discuss matters pertaining to the in- coming administration. If Mr. Sherman’s speech in the House this afternoon foreshadowed any branch of the policy of Mr, Lincoln, it was that the ultima thule of the republicans was to admit New Mexico asa State, a terri- tory ribed to be one over which @ turkey could hot fly without starving, and, further, entirely repa- diating Crittenden’s compromise, This being accepted as the extent of the conciliatory intentions of the new administration, there would have been no doubt abou the course of the Southern States, but Mr. Sherman de- clared he did not speak for anybody but himself, and therefore he should not be taken as the mouthpiece of Mr. Lincoln, The speech will do nothing toward alleviat- ing the present state of feeling. CONFIRMATION OF MR. HOLT’S APPOINT- MENT, ETC. Wasiuxcton, Jan. 18, 1861. Mr. Holt has been confirmed by the Senate as Secreta- ry of War. The nomination of Mr. Holt was opposed by Senators Lane, Wigfall, Bayard, Slidell and Benjamin. They all made speeches against him. Messrs. Benjamin And Wig- fall were especially severe upon* the administration, charging that the President and Cabinet had violated their agreement with the South Carolina members of Copgress, by sustaining Major Anderson in removing from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. Mr. Crittenden said he did not insist upon the exact terms of the compromise proposition introduced into the Committee of Thirteen and since debated in the Senate; that he was willing ta accept any proposition that would be received 98 an adjustment by the two sections of the country. He desired tosave the Union. Kentueky, he sald, isnow the centre State of the Union, and enjoying all its blessings and protection. The formation of the proposed two confederacies would make her an exposed border State, with an enemy’s territory for a frontier for four hundred miles. The people of Kentucky will never allow the State to be placed in such a position, as it would destroy all her material interest and all her security. ‘The charge being made by Messrs. Slidell and Ben- jamin that Mr, Holt was a coercionist, cansed Mr. Crittenden to declare emphatically tbat he was glad to know that Secretary Halt was a coercionist. He be- lieved that a government without the disposition to use coercion was no governmeat at all. It has no marrow in ite bones, and is worthless, At the same time, he remarked, the exercise of coercive measures is an act of discretion, and should be exercised with great care. This decided patriotic expression of the gallant old Kentuckian, in vin- dication of @ citizen of his own State, who could not be present to meet his assailants himself, produced a deep sensation. Mr. Holt was confirmed by a vote as decided ag that of yesterday—24 to 13, Mr. Greenwood, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, was tendered the offlce,of Secrétary of Interior, and declined it The admission of Kansas Into the Union was tho ab- sorbing question in the Senate today, The subject will be renewed to-morrow, when it is believed that Kansas will be admitted, adding two new members to the Senate and another member to the House—all republicans, Papers in the South and hereabouts publish tho state- ment that Commodore Shubrick, of the navy, recently died at Pendleton, South Carolina; but Com. Shubrick is in Washington to-day, and well, attending to business. Tho naval oflicers at Pensacola Navy Yard have been for- mally detached, and are now waiting for orders. A son of W. 1. Yancey has resigned his place in the Annapolis Military Academy, and has gone home, Senator Iverson has received advices this morning from Pensacola that Fort Piekens will be a Pickens baving recently been garrisoned by the federal government,,it has excited the ire of the secessioniste, who are now in possession of Fort Barancos and the Navy Yard. ‘The bill introduced by Mr. m, of New York, last Monday, is to repeal the law making Charleston, George- town and Beaufort, in South Carolina, porta of entry. Even in time of peace it costs much more to collect the revenue at thore ports than it amounts to. Mr, McKeaa’s desire is 10 stop the foreign trade and send a sufficient naval force there to blockade the harbors, aud in this view ho is not alone, ‘Ihe statement that Mr. Lincoln is coming to Wasbing- ton under a military escort is not true. A volunteer company, composed in part of some of his neighbors, ten- dered their services as an escort, a8 an act of courtesy. There is no evidence ond it is not likely that he has ac- cepted their offer. It is a singular fact that Colonel Craig, a thorough Union man, who wasat the head of the Ordinance bureau, and the only man who was thoroughly posted in regard to the transfer of the public arms from Northern ar_ mories and arsenals to Soutbern secession States, was about to be transferred by Secretary Floyd to California whep Mr. Mloyd resigned, and a secessionist was to take his place. ‘The Senate of the United States is fast chonging its political complexion, Mr, Morrill, the successor of Mr. Hamlin having arrived here, there are now twenty- six repeblicans in that body—within three of a majority inet all opposition. Jf Kansas is admitted to morrow, it ie believed she will be, two more Senators will come from there very soon. If the statement of Senator Benjamin made to-day is true, that he will not remain in the Senate buta few days longer, we naturally infér thot he believes that Louisiana i# going right out. This will take along with her Mr. Slidell, and leave the republicans cne majority. The result of this will bo a thorough re organization of that body, a cleansing out of cecessionists, and the appointinent of men in their places who are loyal to the Union and the constitution, Fol lowing this we shall of course inaugurate a series of measures (hat will greatly aid the present administration in executing the laws, and making this government per- manent and popular. Northern men are actively engaged if purchasing arms for the secession States, Is not this thing treason? A certain Chieago politician who enjoys close political rela- tions with a distinguished Western democrat, is reported to have 4 commission in his pocket to purchage ten thou- sand rifles inthe North for the disunion authorities of Mississippi, which State he has recently visited. His compensation isa dollar a rifle, or ten thousand dollare for the lot, besides travelling expenses. If these rifles go South, they will soon be taken back. It will be a cheap way for the North to obtain them. General Harnoy has been challenged by a late officer of the army. They are both in Washington. IMPORTANT FROM GEORGIA, Mrtenosvinie, Jan. 18, 1861. The Convention was in secret session allday. At four P. M, it adopted resolutions:—First, declaring the right and duty of Georgia to secede; and, second, appointing a Committeo of Seventeen to report an ordinance of seced- sion, by a voto of yeas, 165; nays, 190, H. V. Johnson introduced resolutions ag a substituts for those adopted, looking to co-operation, inviting a con vention of the South at Atlanta in February, Mr. Joho son's resolution was lost. Mr. Stephens, during the debate, said if Georhia deter- mines to secede the sooner she does #0 the better. Cannon are firing, the flag of incependenco is waving from the Capitol, skyrockets are flying, and there are music aud other demonstrations. IMPORTANT FROM LOUISIANA. New Oniaavs, Jan. 18, 1661. The programme for Louisiana’s secession is already agreed upon by the leading members of the Convention, Arrangements aro being perfected among the seceding States for holding a general Canvention at Montgomery, on the 20th of February, to devise the plan of the new confederacy, to adopt tho federal constitution, claim title, and ark recognition by the European Powers and the United Btater. Tho President's meseage ia strongly animadverted on [CONTINUED ON TENTH PAGE.) a