The New York Herald Newspaper, January 16, 1861, Page 8

THE REVOLOTION. ‘@f “slaves and break up the social order and wa sat prospects, and retain the pogre clom»nt + "among us. wer consider the relative po:ition of * the two races, what is to be the end of your con aunt, He the destruction of manufac ures ant ‘sommerce which would be produced by the xbolition, of siavery. The cry of treason been raised aginst He koew no Southern State that asked more than its con- mtitutional rights; and se fer as Texas is concerad, she fe unalterarly determined never to submit to less; an tit get ber rights im, she will have them out of The Northern State have one uo iag to So es that vblican party: + but by the violation of the constitution they arcfenabled to make weron the owh la reviewing parts CHa MoUlernand’s speech, Mr, Reagan raid: One accents in- d@epencence with all its consequences, rather than base submission and eternal ruin Mr. McCLRKNAND (opp.) of IIL, replied he belonged to a Union party, against extremes, and standing by the ‘oonst tition, Mr. ReaGaw said he knew the gentleman's position, ‘and asked him to consider what bad Brough South to its present condition. If their rights net been denied, no voiee of disunion would have been raised. Be referred to the history of Texas, andthe means by which ehe won her independence, and spoke of fe recent all insurrection sim that state, Mr. Stanton, (rep.) of Ohio, felt constrained to vindi- ato the Metho ists from Mr. Reagan’s charge, ant said to attribute to that large and respectable society a wito- spread or ion for the purpoze of stirring up insur- rection was @ libel on that society at large. Mr, REAGAN explained that he aid not wish to be un- that the insurrections were inaugurated by that gociety as a body, but by members of it in Texas. Mr. Stanton defended the Methodist society from the Reagan, and de- geas alibel. The society, no doubt, that african slavery was unwise, unchristian and immoral, and it was probable that wherever the members of it might go, they would carry that opinion ‘with them. The epeech'of the gentieman from [exas was wather extraordinary in this, that when he secks, as he come meagufe of conciliation from this aide of the “Bouse that shall avoid civil war and disuoion, he at the game time announees to the political organization which elected the President, that this Union cannot be pre- @erved except by its absolute disorganization and de- . Now, a8 &@ mere politic organization, he eared nothing for any party. They are all secondary subordinate considerattons with me. But the praciples on which this government was founded, by ‘whatever party they may be advocated now, canuot be @arrendered under any . ‘This may Hl a threat of civil war or apprehen- as well be clearly uner- 6 principles of the republi- ‘ean party cannot be vindicated as historical, and as con- fecrated by all the fathers of the republic as being in ac. with the history of the country for fifty years, ‘am prepared to abandon it, and surrender the organiza. ‘tion to-day. I stand pledged to maintain here, by the guthority of the fathers and the principles of the consti- , that the republican party claims and maintains aa y Ee to carry out no doctrines and no ag not the ae rfl constitution. i that ground, mainta’ gentlemen cannot drive us from it by an jon of consequences, from whatever quarter may come, He was utterly astounded that the gen- Geman Texas should assume here, as a conceded fe. republican party was ized on idea of the ultimate and utter extinction of slavery in ‘the States. Now, if chet gentleman would undertake to i eirculate my reply amoug the people of his district in Texas, at the rate of one for every two which I am ‘willing to circulate of bisamong my people, he would much a his constituents on the true principles of pe republ party, and disabuse their minds of their ions. Mr. Rescaw did not look upon the gentleman from @hio a8 the exponent of the blican party, Mr. » (rep.) of N. H.—Take my arguments, om. for | these prin- ngs they aro age’ Now, eo reference to allegation made against the party, ollow mo to sa: ‘that | know of no repybiican who looks upon the Recke § Sonn organisation as une designed, directiy or indircetly, / now or in the future, present or remote, to interfere with { slavery in the States. Mr. vaN—Mr. Seward said the ‘“irrepreasivie eou- Pict” will be the overthrow of slavery. : Mr. Sravrox—I am gaan ben ol that thero are gon- ' Mlemen now, as in the past hiswory of our country, and everywhere else, who have entertained epecial philo- @ophical opinions with reference to the effect of the | fdop'ion of certain constitutional principles. But awnether these opinions are sound or unsound is a ques- / tun which every man must judge for himecif. Now, to be the effect of the principics af the republican party on the question of elavery in tho ‘Bates, ie a question which every gentleman must docite Gor himself. I desire to lay down, in a few words, what ‘Bregard as the great leading and distinguishing feature of ‘the two political parties of ( ountry. The republican is that African slavery is a focal institution, ing upon local stavute law—that it cauoot exist ‘Deyond the limits of the State by virtue of whose laws it Mestadlished. The democratic party hols that African slavery is a national institution, estabNsliod aad main- | tained by the national constitution, exist where it is not prohibited by statute local law. Now, whoever maiut«ins that slavery is @ local statute faw is, whether be knows it or not, a repul uo, amd if wht at once fo join it; and every ory 18 a national inatitution, ex foting every where by the force of the constitution where ’ not prohibited by local law, is a democrat, and if not al ready, should as earl as poesible join that party. all questions about which we differ arise from out of that necessary and natural cardinal ditt You sxy that the nationality of slavery is estab! shed ai maintained by those provisions in the con-titution whic authorizes the recapture of fugitive slaves in the free Judge Taney is the organ of the democratic party ‘en this position. t position we deny, and base our r denial the declaration of the framers of the constitu. the Convention which framed it. On several ‘occasions, when the proposition was made for « clause to authorize masters to pursue fugitive slaves and recapture them, objection was made, not because the thing was hot in itself, but because the phraseology threw out } Bre iden that ‘slavery was recognized. A change was made in the terms—that persons owing service or labor ‘da one State, by the law thereof, cscaping into another, bot, by reason of the law of that State, be excused such service, bat'shall be delivered up to whom service is duc. Again, the language of the provi ‘of the constitution itself designates a person escap. ; and everyman who ever read \w books must know that a difference between a per- and thing is here recognized. Chattels are | , and persous are creations of God, havi accountability, and are immortal beings, an @erefore the constitution treats them as persone. Age, what do you want with the Fugitive Slave law? Why Ihave you not constitutional provisions for recapturing and cows? Simply because the Constitution re coguizes ty tn everything property by common Yaw, andtherefore th» courts in every State are bound } to recognise the constitutional title of any party who | follows property and claims through the law of the State i] f yuE 3 5 i 8 BEX & ig to which he goes and where his preperty is found. What do you want with constitutional provisions for the re- ure of fugitive slaves? You want it because it is part of the constitution. You cannot capture your slaves without special provisions ree by the State surrendering the escaped. ‘Under this same provision of the constitution you follow from one State to another indented apprentices who from their masters, to whom they are bound for of years; you follow achild who is supposed by to owe you #ervice, and you may fcllow a wife, who, ling to the eame legal Gction, owes you service, aim them under the same provision. Will you children and wives are property within the the provisions of the constitution? Yet they by this same provision. doctrine I put js sustained by all the standard , and all the eminaut statesmen of that have given an opinion upon this ques- the organization of the government, that local institution, depending upon local State outside the Stato within exists. Bat ali the courts have held the temen want an amendment recognising this because It is eseential to the inetitution in the Torritories of the country, Here is the germ ich I think all our politisal heresies spring. You wee, being property under the constitution, ‘sense a8 horses or cattle, therefore you t to go into all the Territories ‘and hold slaves y virtue of the constitution. You say, farther, Phat being property, you have aright to take them with wherever you sqjourn, and may go for a temporary into the free States, and claim the right to hott there, If that principle is right and the doctrine |, 1 confess 3 do not very well Bee how you can step ‘The constitution of the United States is the flaw of the land, and all Stato constitutions and Btate laws coming in conflict with ft are nyll and void. I desire to know upon what principle we ¢in exclude ela from the free States, or prevont any man toming in with slaves and a free State his domi- colle. Indeed, if slavery existed by virtue of the cousti- tution we could not prevent him. 1 cannot prevent a iskey or and settling there, be- ht to do so, and Ohio slaves be property in see i 4 E z a 5 3 i $ iff awe IL ve hie constitutional 4 could not invade that right; and ‘the same tense a you contend, how can we prevent you from coming to Ohio ond dotnielling and holding your slaves ak property thorey Gentlemen claim that this is ‘the constitution, and that if it ie not it onght to bo #0. Mr. CRAWFORD, (opp.) Of Ga. « correct! ‘The gentioman was ‘laboring ‘ain a od Bo says that we contend that we hold slives by Wirtae of ee What man at the South holds that dec- sr 1 1 4 ANTON —T ers Am ato lowe to coy gg what e ot what cliim you hota’ “yeremend , that the constitution property Teceognians played in the same sense ses all other descriptions of proports sir, I want to show the utter im: ibility of the of the fre tes over yielding that constitntional 1 Pot, im that yon may Come into Ohio und y sojourn with your slaves, that you possoss the constitutional right, and you dia hot ask ue td pee a Jaw to permit you to rqjourn temporarily with your saves Dut you claim the right, in defwnce of the sovereign » £0 bring your slaves with you, and to hold thom ‘80 Jong ns your pleasure oF edavenience may ro | Suite, , This you a mn tho constitutional right to do, and we have no control over Use matter; that wo cannot i wilato Ht or probinit it » Raacas had never hoard this right assumed in his . Staxrox—But this is tho inevitable result of what ‘you do cial: If it be a constitutional right to take / saves into a free State, why le the Suprome Court on- PF ane save 4 has the covatitutiona, right lo vib} he takes with him all the rights ‘Now upon this »oint let us understand one When ys 5° 1210 0 free Bate not - ' 0 I the siate where you come f hoy ec yaen Mot ister to exercise coutrol over yon elaim to carry with you into g free State ) exercise dominion and contre] over the alave while there. Now, if a gentiemam go into a free State with his slaves, anu the Slaves beoome rebellious, has he not a right, according to his constitutional claim, to subdue that rebellious disposition and to reduco them fo obedience, and to inflict reasonable correction? Is not that so? Very well; by what light is that law to be re- arded but by the law of the State from whence he came? ow xOppose & Man Drings a slave into afree State, and « controversy arises between them, the slave refusing obedience to the master, tho latter undertakes to indict chastisement upon bitn, and he is resisted. In that case the slave may be killed, and the master is forthwith in dicted for murder, On trio into the fe ‘Ke his slave of a magte! another clearby claimed that the master recognise the law of the slave State in defluing isbing the crime. Again, if you take slaves tu! State I claim you take them’ there co amore slave ceases to be partof your property. Now, planter, having purchased goods in New York, goes there and taket his slave with him, The master gets into debt w the meicha his affidavits, and has a writ sued and gets an attachment and arrests the slave, be ty, and subjec!s him to sale for the satisfaction tor’s debt. Agnia, suppoee « slave owner goes into # free State and contracts debts, and dies there be- tore they are paid, and leaves three or four slaves behind him. His creditors take out the letters of administra tion, and can geize upon the slaves as property, and can sell them in satisfaction of the debt, Now when you bave established this state of things, [ want to know how much you will fall short of making this one grand consolidated jolding confederacy ? ‘There is an essential difference betwoon the two organiza- tions indeed, because one claims al) these rights for the slavehclders, and the others resist thom as uncoustitu- tional, And yet we are told by the gentleman from ‘Texas that unl the republican organization disbands itgeif, and recognizes these constitutional demands, civil war must come, and the government must be over- thrown. I do not choose to go into discussion as to wha: is likely to result from the difference between tho two sections, or what might be the result in caso of a personal conflict. This I hope will be avoided. But there are some things which gen- tlemen should understand. If they desire a peaceable separation from the confederacy, and the organization of a Southern confederacy, they ought to know that it can- not be accomplished in the mode they are adopting. I grant you fairly and frankly that 1 donot believe that 1s government can be held together by military force. Ido not believe that one section will subject or overrun the other, and hold it as a conquered province. I have no idea of any such thing, for it is against the genius of the country and of the age to attempt it. Iregard civil war, as a means to settlc the question, as the very worst that could be adopted, for at this stage it would hasten the separation of the confederacy, and result in the organization of two separate confederacies. Not even one, let alone seven or cight States, could be held : & conquered province, and any who suppose thia could bo done are greatly mistaken. But gentiemen must sco at once, in the way secession is going on, that civil war r inevitably result. You cannot break out of the Union by force and violens If we have a governinent at ail, s0 long as it remains operative its laws must be executed. What is the government? Is there any such government on earth as to allow her rights to be insult- ed and her jaws disregarded? sWhy, sir, when you put Boston Court House in chains, and called on the army and pavy to assiet in carrying out the law with reference toa ~~ oe slave, that was not considered coercion. Mr. Bocock, (opp.) of Va., said that when Boston Court House was in , and army and navy cailed out to insure the surrender of Anthony Burns, if husetts bad vindicated her sovereignty there would have been no necessity for the employment of such force. Mr. Stantoy—Have the States of Georgia and Louiiana, that have seized the forte and fortresses of the ceneral ernment, made war upon the United States even be- lore they had seceded from the confederacy ? Me. Crawvorn gaid, that so far as Georgia war con- cerned, it had taken the forts because they were at first intended for her practical defence, and we accept ali the responsibility attaching to the State of Georgia for that n act. Dir, SrANTON—So I understand, then, that Georgia tukoe npon herself all the responsibility of civil war without even @ pretext for the act. Mr. Hit, (opp.) of Gu., wished +o eay.. so far as ho un- derstood the matter, that tho State of Georgia Tae mes seized any portion of the public property of the United Mates. Some bane f soldiers in Georgia, not acting un- der the authority of the State, he believed, had done #0, and he disclaimed the act on the part of Georgia and its Etate government, (Cries of “Good, go) Mr. CKAWYORD sai he and. ‘Mr. Hilf differed as veto the action which Geor- n, it was justified by the people by a y thousand majority. intention to join issue in Heague, but it was yet to en whether the people of Georgia would approve the But be maintained that the seizure of tl thorized by any act of the Legislature of Georgia. ver might occur hereafter he knew not, but he was ys im favor of a peaceful solution of the difficulties which threatened the country. He must confese, however, he did not see any prospect of it. He would say once for ali for himself, that he looked upon the opening of the debate as tending to excite passions rather than to lead to forbearance aad concili tion. Mr. Love, (opp) of Ga., a8 one of the representatives of Georgia, took excoptioas to tho argam his collesgaes, who were both wrong. mouth of the Savannab river pose of self detem As the State had called its Cor vention together, if the Convention determined not to secede, the Governor would order thor to be returned to the kxecutive of the country Mr, Hawxman, (cr ) of Ga., said that there was no use in disguising the country was in the crisisof a great revolution; that a revolution was, in fact, g on, and that federal treops and guns were sent to assist a State in view of the fact. The Executive of Georgia, to protect itself, took possession of the forts in advance. The people of Georgia would endorse the action of the State. If the State se- he for one was determined to sustain its action in weal and woe. Mr. Sraxtor—So we see that the forts and [owas apd 5 th government have béen seize WU loyalty of the people to the Union was depended on for their safe keeping. If we reinforce them gentlomen pro- claim the act as civil war. If we leave them def they are at once taken forcible of. I tell those gentlemen that this secession is rebellion, and that the property of the United States cannot be surrendered, let e consequences be what they may, I am not unwilling to do something to remove tho delusion which pervades the mind of the Southern people. The very groundwork of this pebellion is an utter misapprehension and total miseonceptéon of the object and purposes of the republi- can organisation in the incoming administration. 1 hold myself bound as a patriot, even on the face of this hos- tile demonstration, to do whatever I may to remove this delusion and correct this misapprehension. If gentle- men will come here with a spirit and disposition to be enlightened as to the object and purposes of the Incoming administration, 1 will ray what it will do, When this republican administration goes into power the govern. ment will be administered precisely aa it waa in the days of Madison, Moaroe, , Jackson, Harrison, and, perhaps, Polk, Tundertake to ray that, in the face of this, look upon this secession movement as the most groundless and most unjustifiable ition to constitu- tional authority that the history of the world furnishes an example of. 1 do not believe that the isloyal; 1 do not believe that the great masses South are disloyal; 1 believe that they labor under a misapprehension. Garrison, and other men like him, are now gloating over the ruin they have contributed so largely to bring about, With such men are united beart and hand the men in Charleston, who are seoking to over- throw the government, and to drench the country in blood. Mr. Stanton then referred to the compromise of 1850, and argued that Congress had reserved the power of controlii the Territorial Legislature. Tue people of the free States had acquiesced in these Compromises for the sake of peace, but the South would not permit the compromises of the fathers of the republic to remain. They wanted the power to establish slavery in all the Territories of the confederacy, It was the deliberately avowed principle, t Congrees should not have the power to intorfere for exelusion or prohibition of slavery from the Territo. ries. The doctrine distinctly made by the democratic party South in 1864, and adhered to to the present, was that the South had a right to take elaves into ail the Territories, and that Congres hal no power to prohibit. That all the Territories must be slave Territories, and that thie was 9 right guaranteed by the constitution, and shoukl be carried imio effect by the aid of federal patron- ‘ee federal bayonets, and federal power, against tbe will of the poople, This was the source of all their proaiit evile. Gentlemen must be perfectly aware that the go. vernment cannot surrendor te power to a reboltions de. mand. The thing is utterly imposefile. If it did, it would be an act of jmbect!sty, oc an utter abandonment of all government, and an abdication of ita oxecative Power. Gentlemen must see that that mode of separ: tion can lead to nothing but civil war and bh they are determined to do this, awd resist by force of arms, and refuse time for consulting the popular will—tho only source of true power— a8 to what shall be dono in this emergency, they must take the conscquevces on their own heads. He was willing for an amendment to the coustitution in order to remove a d@usion, for prevonting the federal government evor intorfering with slavery in the States ‘except by an unanimous vote of tho states. Ile was also to remove th eecas the Territorial ques- Now Mexico os a State, in accordance recommendation of the Committoe of Thirty- = Rost, .) of Ark. , a8 a member of that commit- tee, plane 5 ~ A such recommendation had been made by that committee, snything bad been that » ee eee what purported 0 be ar Mn. Amin, (rep.) Of N. J., im the coutte of his fait be Aid not believe the whole South wore 80 di to the federal union, as to drag down and trany der foot American liberty. " solved it would riotic men to people of the i un If the Union waa to bo dis- not be done without an effort by all iy frcvent it by all comst/tutional means. ‘orth will defend it to the Inet, while hop- fuel to the fire now intensely burning In glincing eS Poe ss events he said tho w-] ereignty candidate hal} the Charleston Convention, and Woted fur by aewoarale ing for it# preservation. He North Spe contr eueaanabe Mr. he bad as wuch a right | ap evil, as men have to think it a biessing, play yd type of Mr. Lineoin, pre toshow, is a man from whi! the South will have nothing to fear, He made in cnelnsion a patriotic declaring for concession Freamed of by those who framed the constitution. ie svgneded ho rine above party and devote himsif to his Sr Xyvancom, (opp.) of Mo., could assure gentlemen bat there i¢ an irreversible determimation on te part of the slhveholding States t ave slavery agita ion =quieted = and dei vitely settled.” The South have submitted to Northern oggressions for years. If these were not redrossed aad removed, the Southern States will absolve themselves from the present Coion. Southern warnings have been ed as idle threats, while agsanits have ben made ithero institutions, which the republicans have javewed wheir unfalter ing determination to destroy. His scetion of the Union never asked or demanded more than its constitutional rights, but it demanded of an eqnality of rights and privileges. He favored @ meeting of the Border States at an early day to take into copsideration their future course, and gald that, in his opinion, the Guif States were too precipitate. There should have been coucert and upion between ali the siave States. All having common interests, commen respect demanded that ail should have been consulted before aay ove State yenture: on the responsibility of secession. He appealed to Northern mep to yield to amensiments to the cobstitution, co as (0 prevent anarchy and bioodshed and to restore peace. Mr. Garner, (opp) of Va., obtained the floor, ‘The committee rose and the House asjourced, ANTI-COERCION MASS MEETING. Verdict of the Workingmen of New YorkeFair Play and Justice for the South—Coercion Stigmatized and De- nounced—Resolutions of Sympathy with the South=Speeches by D. W. De Groot, Dr. Sayers, Hom. Levi 8. Chatfield, Mar- shal Rynders, F. W. McMahon, &. In pursuance with the following call, a large and enthu- siastic meeting of workingmen was held in Brooke's Ha!), Broome atreet, last © Workingwen Anouse,—Fei.ow Crizens—The black republican « party are rushing us foto all the horrors of civil war; they are refusing to give the South her just rights under the constitution, setting np the Chicago platform i \f tation, thus overthrowing the constitution on one dlow. Let those, therefore, “who produces the wealth or the country in time'of peace, and who fxbt ber batues in time of war,” epeak. Let the workingmen arouse their liberties axe overthrown by @ mili consolidated sovereign State and ae cbrown auliiary dictator, oF Arey. all o 10 ‘and evil war, und tu f ¢ overcion of a favor of preserving the constitution and the Union as hers foFmrd it, speak. A meeting will be held at Bro Hall, No, 361 Broome strcet, near the Bowery, on Tursday ev January 15, at half-paet seven o'eicek, and al! symipathizing with the above sentiment are invited 1 be present, Hon. Levi 5, Chattield, F. W, McMachon, Esq., and others will address the meeting. Jefferson Brown, J. Edwin Halsey, Thomas Murphy, Joshua Knapp, ' James Conner,’ R. G. Horto: John A. Stefimler, James Bensel, J. W. Cochrane, Chas. Matthews, FP. WendellDeGroot, Wm. fonck. Long before the meeting was commenced the hall was densely packed, and it was said that thousands wore out- side unable to gain admittance. It will bo perceived by our report that the committee intend to hold acother meeting in the Cooper Institute at an early day. At half-past seven the meeting was called to order, when D. W. De Groot, Eeq., was unanimouely cailed upon to preside. On assuming the chair, Mr. Dx Gxoor spoke as fol. lows:— SPEECH OF THR PRRSTOUNT. Feuiow Crniens-—We have met this evening under po- culiar circumstances The country we all love so well, the free institutions which were the pride of our ances tors, have for the first time in our history received a stag; joring blow. Business is paralyzed. Our factories , and gloom hangs ever our city. Stout men, willing to Work, cannot find it, and I state what I know to be God’s truth, when Issy that starvation stands at the doors of atamily, Why is allthis? Well, an ad ministration is coming into power which is hostile to one great section of the country, whieh threatens to use the general or federal govervment, made for the benefit of ail, to cripple and ultimately destroy UP civil and domes- tic institutions of the Southern States, and these States with that just instinct of eelf protection which is the first Jaw of nature, are rushing frow their natorai orbite as a terrided person from on approaching pestilence, (Cheers.) This party is # sectional party—ibey delibe- rately (On motion of General Jessup) struck the word “National” from their platform in Chicago when they nominated Lincoln, and we, who have stood by the con- stitution in the North, have warned them for yeara thi their sectional course would produce the very results 3 have peayed, . ecpostulited w: them to stop their insane ouiree, but’ ia purpose: ae how, toadd to the last of their outrages, to cap t climax of infatuated madnese, they threaten to use the power of the government to coerce a sovereign State, than which, in the words of Alexander Hamilton himself, there could be no greater madness. (“They can’t do it.””) But, follcw citizens, | believe th: fo, who belong to the laboring and mantifacturing claeses'of this great city, have a word say on this matter. (‘Dhat’s 60.) Our interest i# identical with that of the South, and if wo had not the great and grand motives of patriotiem to urge us to prevent civil war, we bave the powerfu) incentives of wivee and children appealing to us tor protection. J et us only one moment notice the great interests of this city fm Southern productions or uegro labor. ‘This will show why buainess is paralyzed. We are losin; pity, $20,000 000 per you know, ts the dullest bink you, if this stato North bos the year. How mugh, of tgs should iast one short year, we in the } should lone through nen-intercourse with the Southern States? bive hundred miilions of dollars, sufficient to paralyze the entire commercial end monutacturing inte rests ofthe North, That you might understand more cleariy the exnct commercial position between the two eections, here are figures taken from the census report of 1860, the trade is now very much larger. The South purchases of Northern” manufacturers one-third of all the manufactures of the North. Sho buys | $240,000,000 of | the resulta of | your labor. buys of imported goods which come mainly through this city, and upon which you all reap a profit in handling, of $106,000,000. She pays your brokers, bank- ers, insurance agents and commission mercliants, and tho thousand and one laborers and workmen she employs here in the North, $63,200,000 a year more; and her Southern travellers who Visit this great city, who support our great hotels and dry goods” , &e., leave $53,- 860,000 more. (Cheers) And now, follow citizens, what is the proposit on now before the le of the North? Why, after the political party which , by exasperat- ing our Southern brethren, by producing ill feeling be- tween brothers, after, by a series of abuse and outrage, they have suceacded in driving nearly all this trade from. our city, and of turning out of employment thousands and tens of “ena te gs A nse to do next? Why, to commence civil war, that shall drive every dol- lar of it away, That shall produce a state of feeling as to render us such bitter enemies to our Southern brethren ‘as tocompletely ruin us. Partial rnin does not satiety those wicked politicians. If civil war comes those wealthy and men who have grown rich off tho people, Will of course clutch sufficient gold to save themselves and their families from starvation, but how about those dependent upon labor, when the means of labor are swept way? They will turn them off with neglect, and the almshouse must reach forth its arms to save handrede and of hel women and children from the Jaws of starvation. But I will not depict the sorrowful picture that must follow any attempt to inyolyo us in civil war, the moet horrible, th torrible, the moat fearful of all ware. (‘That's 80,” aud cheers.) We have met this evening, fellow-citizens, to enter our de- liberate protest against civil war, and to demavd before the North shall talk about coercion, to place herself right and give the South her rights under the constitution as they have been interpreted by the Supreme Court, to pone authority according to our system. (Loud Mr. R. G. Hortox nominated the following gentlemen 88 Vice-Presidente and Secretaries -— VICR PRESIDENTS, Joshua Knaj Thomas Murphy, Jefferson Brown, Jaunea Conner, Henry Smith Jobo A. Stemmier, JW. Cochrane, Jobn U'Rourke, Wm, » Richard ¥, Mansfeld Lovell, Chas. Matthews, iy » M. Gooderson, And. J, Garvey, Jan flllame, ' Hon G. J, Tucker, James Huston,’ ‘Thaddeus Wilson, ©. B. L. Stuart, Ins, E, Kei R. G. Horton, ©. A. Saunders! ‘Timothy Bonhovan, R. W Pulliam, Jobo Halloran, — "8. J. Anderson, Wm. June, D, B. Taylor, Jules Runtautt, — John Rarnetl, John Limor With Kaward DE John Limon, edward Dial Ghee. A, attliney, Alexander Parte, , : bys ohn Baadburn, W. D. Parsons, gi SRCRETARIES, J, Warner Benvel, Geo. T, Atkins, J. Edwin Halsey, Faward Bonnell,’ Chas. A Winans, Charles Herbete’ Dr. Savers then came forward and prosente { the sub- joined resolutions: — Whireas, the Supreme Court of the United States, the resopaioes interpreter of the constitution, has a ‘iene the mm jv voeal manner that this Is a white man's govera- it was formed, as declared in the preamble rity, themaelves (white men) and their negroes as part oF parcel Of GUE peli"ieal socloty ; and whereas, Weaute. Abra: were not included in the citizens! bem Lincoln, Wittiam H. Seward and Salm Chase, ¢ anno dem of the new administration, ave 4 pentedly declared that the Declaration of Ind pendence, tn ite joctrines of equality, includes “all men,” negroes as well as white me nd, whereas, the Supreme Court has decided tut! reeo ives the pr Thy h a “elavem. and that 1 (tie dey of tho poner fovernment 10 protect the righia of citi ait ch rn dens holding su tn the Territories, or whet juriedietion ex. vif Deere wea, rever {18 jurisdiction. ex. eau to ots tachi of ington, ervon) Madisom, Jackson, Bc: and whereas by the leg fon of Abral ineoin, the ‘exponent of the re. Teepe nevegerthern ou sect once hand Se singe in te ‘alenin fora nt Che blo boxen is ute silage’ bide © nded Courtt and. Whereas woe party coralen niet woes ly refiwen to repudiate thelr tnconstttational Searocquailty pettey. wuld: be te revel ina i to Feled ‘apecelors ‘and ne th * , the Southern Sta With honor to themscives or cyom with safety to thelr sctal Existenen, vonwent to allow the North to set axle the authort: ive interr.etation of the constitution, depriving them of ede savant Fights, in the Union, and failing to aiferd them that ce fe rty which i the admitted ob- i 3b we movement of seve of te 1 States powers they deiega to the geves al gove rn as ab eort to proserve our constl tution from belp if overthrown by Abraham Liveoin, af Horm reqnires and hith to da, 7" amet we are for the Union-—the Mes an rou of by tbe recognised authority, pou the sl pt elvil wer ote ceabls Poul, wt a declaring tutin! as ioterprete all copservaiive men ‘the country, Reso ved, that we regard the use tbe language of Jeferson, “hes under the AuNpioes of ity,”” a the for @ quarter of a century fo it Kritain yursued eesing we equalize the veces ‘ob, this cvutimmat$3 see vhive men tea forbidden level with and thus over. iPAKionst which seventy siz years, anes eee emroried lone, Which, seventy six yenrs ex frei an ‘aud, if aay additional evidence be trem an Supine ar yall a ey dea to of the so- le ublican part; wi'h'ihe monarebisis of Great Britain to dissolve this Union, fea ite nees, itcan be found tn the aby the Supreme Cor Pongreas have deliberated : compromice, although it is wel joes uot grant the South her full, just and equal rights under the constitution. Fesoived, That we demand that our representatives and tly style them,) ‘at once ition of our ditficulties, of business return to servants, (and not our rulers, as some both in’ our National aud Slate nittace movements for p peaceable #0 (hut civil war may be avoided, and the wheels may svatn begin to move and remy hourands now outof employment, and suffering from the pubbe repul party to grant the South under the Constitution, That Sov! truly said by oe jos fy esol ‘Thomas Jeffqson, are * + North qs,” that the votes of Fouthern slaveholders in Congress lon; that the vetoes ved the Northern masses threatened to reduce them to tomake * Y' ‘ palural allies c* oh chat slavery to capital which donde tom th riob richer, and the 7; and we re Vy Snel rea tao a ada a ak tially the same objecia, by the same spirit of heatilty ¢g the per Resolved, That we, the worki ‘of New Yors, hereby Pledge ourselves to oppose this British anti-slavery party in every legitimate way; that we with sorrow, that Great Britain has conquered the North with the pen, having abo- Ltionized the preas and the pulpit, and while the heel of her oppression is upon white men in Ireland, England and Scot- land, she tries to divert attention from her sins at bome by falke philanthropy for negroes in America; and believing our Southern brethren now engaged in the holy cause of Ameri- can liberty, and trying to roli back this avalanche of Bri- Ushism, we extend to them our heartfelt sympathy, and when they shall need 1t to realst unjust opp ‘we be- lieve we aball not be found wanting in more ual support clved, That the State Leglalature be respectfully re- nested to Gonvene the people of this State in convention, fcr the purpose of securing an expression of ‘public sentiment upon the new and startling issues which a fw w £0 rapidly evolved, and the Chair la directed to Tppaint a com- indeed become one of self preservation, just, as eur fathers were? (Cries of “We must, we will") Yee; we can afford tobe generous. Ile would sny thet Southern men ehould have the right to hold their slaves as they ht best, This we in principle and in right, and if their possossion fs imporilied they are bound to rrotegt themaelres, (\oninuge, When they aro ready 16 emancipate thoir siavts they wi do FO thoir own accord. it is aleo due to the South them from Jackson tom a monied oligarchy whi hich mittee of five lemen to present these resvlutions and this Tequest to the Legislature, The resolutions were received with great enthusiasm, and on motion of Captain Ryrxpers they were unani- movaly adopted. in, Sayers said he had prepared an additional resolu- tion, which he thought it proper to present. It is this:— Resolved, That the threat of Horace Greeley, in the Tribune of Saturday, pro ord or pretext for future rebellion by putting a a Slavery, is treason of the jighest’ stamp, for. wh serves tu lnniing execratich St every trae friend. of stitution and the laws, ‘thie resolution was also adopted amid enthusiastic ap- vue. The President introduced, as the first speaker, Hon. Lavi. Cuatririp, who wasreceived with many aj tive cheers. He hoped that that would only be cursor of many’ other similar meetings to be speedily held a over the country ; and he made the remark inthe that when the workingmen of New York intend to their next meeting, they would select a larger and more appropriate ball. As th: confined place they had to make the best of it. first thing they had to consider was the cause that bad brought weether as many of the free working men of the city of New York. That cause was to be found in the prostration of evory interest in the land, in conse- quence of the evil working of a policy that can ooly end in our complete ruin if much longer in. The question was one of the highest importance to every mau, woman and child throughout the republic. Iu the history of the country for Teer a ae past there has been no time #0 perilous and full of danger as the ‘Vhere never has been a time when there was 80 much need for prompt and effectual action. We a!) see it and feel it. Cause of these terrible ovils by which we are beset is to be seen in the pursuance of ap Unjust and unfair policy towards the Southern portion of this confederacy; and as we know what ia the cause go should we be ready with the remedy. He had the drm- eft conviction ae ofarse sal one, Sy, cial 0 MAKE t briefly to some pole in the past history of the comtry which have endeared it to every American citizen. At the close of the Revolutionary war it was found to be an that none but a republican government shou January the 12th, that the the el rebellious slavebolders and remove all cause god fo the con- were then ina rather The Present, that as be established in this country. He thon related many well known historical facts con. nected with that eventful and extraordinary strug- Je. The people who founded that government came here mabued with the principles of human freedom; for that they left their parent land; and for that they fought and bled, and conquered the wild beats of the forest and the untained Indian. At that time there were thirteen in- dependent colonies in the United States, and they formed a Union for their mutual protection and interest. fo this Union they found strength, and 80 long as they continue united they must ever "be like the bundle of sticks which cannot be broken in their solid unity. (Applauee.) They were all wise men, and this was the Dest proof of their wisdom. Every State entered into the confederacy expecting that their rights would be respected in all cases. For seventy years there has been no country like this in power, wealth, progress, science, and the advancement of the peaceful arts, And this was because every man felt that he was free to eit at peace under his own vine and fig tree, no man making him afraid. (A as Was necessar lange.) He was governed just so for the protection of society and for the preservation of peace and order. And thus we have gone on until we have become the most powerful nation in the world. He admitted that their history had not always been the same, and then alluded to the period when seditious meetings were held in Buffalo and other places where a certain kind of egg was thrown at e. Now a great come over the |. For many a long year we were pointed out with eathusiasm ‘as the example for every man whose heart swelled for liberty ; and he at once felt that while this froe land ex- isted there was hope for his children, if not for himself. (Applause.) At this moment regenerated Italy was offering up incense on the altar of American liberty, while we, who have so long ed it, are ly tearing down the temple in which wo and our fathers worthipped. Mh gy ‘The doctrines of the abolitionists have been @reat obstacles to our conti- nued peace and prosperity. While such men as Horace Grecley—hisees and groans—bave power over the press, thoy will use it as have done for the promulgation of very ideas which have brought us 60 much mi- sery. Ho was sorry to say that tne words of John Ran- dolph do not apply to this leader of the abolitionists, for in this case a monster has bis species. What is this man’s ‘but a vehiclo for the worst of abolition doctrines. ‘om Maine to Min- nesota he scatters abroad hia fanatical shect, and thus misicads: ag farmere, who take for granted all that is thus pre to them. Now, it was all very well to talk fine things of liberty. He loved liberty himself, and he wished that a slave never desecrated any spot of the earth, But we must see things as they are, aud meet them as they are. But the readi of the only tends to make men abolitionists, and the fol- Jowers of Horace Greeley are therefore prepared to abo- litionize the whole country and to kick the Judges of the Supreme Court from their seats. (‘That’s so,” anda voice, “They can’t do it!’’) It was under the democratic doctrine that this country is what it is now—the doctrine of equality and fair dealing with all the States, But at the last Convention held at Chit for nomination ide opublican candidate for the Presidency, it was a remarkable fact that there has not a single representative of a Southern or slave holding State nt. Of course it could not be expected that the teachings of such men as Abraham Lincoln, Seward, Beecher, Greeley and Cheever could have pro: duced aby other result. (The speaker very eloquently went on to expound the prineipal of theee doctrines this, as in other things, no South. We seem to forget and women go to sleep on what may be weil called a volcano; that every word of plitioniam ‘that emanates from the North imperils our brethren of the south. the of a rr To ht is taken of the that Southern men Tt is no longer a question of right, but it has in we not be that slayer ery from their territory shal be retura- ed, and not by the Tedious process of the courts, bat by the act of the Governor of each free State. The spoaker went on at great length to lay down some very practical ideas concerning the crisis that the republicans are urging upon the le. He paid a high tribute of respect to the chivalry of the South and to the meh of the Palmcico Stale in partionl®y for their deeds on the batiie fields of Mexico. He thought that (he mil- ons of the North would be powerless to defeat the South Tf they cane to attack the Nar on their own ground, and the North were inclined they could whip thom. Voice—We don’t want to do it.) Then who are the men to fight the battles. (‘Thats the question.’) Surely they don't expect ua to ehed the blood of our brethren while there are hundreds of thousands to enrol them selves on the of right, there would be fow found to support the cause of abolition. Who wants to see civil war? (NO one=no one.) Certainly not, We must for- ive avd yield everything before such an awful event, le then dereribed the effects of a civil struggle, showed that the North was far wore depoudeut on the South than the South on the North. The exports from the country were mainly the produets of the South, and though may be said that the South had no ships,'thero were in Fngland to carry the ecommerce of the whole world, and they would iind the Fnglish very ready and willing to become the carriers. France aleo had plenty of ships, so that the South would be inno want in this way. Ho went on further to pourtray the effects of the Pastern menufactories from the fai'ure of a supply of cotton, and the ruinous competition with Exropean vodueers if cotton exported from America to Kurope to be reimported to keep the Northern mills io operation, fle ded the conduct of Mr. Buchanan in using all bis efforts be? aye the shedding of biood, and thought that was only policy to re-establish a lasting peace. ‘Three ga ped given for ey and a lence proposed three General idee, whech wes reapontea to by hieses and applause. i Pt} i eget uf Bas g28E iid ; y Z ; ggg = , He ext time they held a meet! OS ee is Institute, for Tuer were only @ handful of the working classes of New York present. (A Voice—‘ There are thousands outeide. ‘Before Mr. tas proceeded further in his remarks a resolution was carried, denominating the Cooper Iusti- tute us the place to hold the next meeting of the work- ingmen. Capt, Ryxpers continued by remarking that the mer chants, the lawyers and the politicians had spoken (enthu- siastic cheers for Charles O'Conor,) and now it was the turn of the workingmen to be heard. They (the work- iugmen) produced in time of the wealth of this country, Which was the busis of its prosperity and Lappi ness; avd in time of war they fought the baitles of thoir country, 80 that they hud a double right to be heard. Their lives and the lives of their moth-rs, children and sisters were at stake, as were their liberties and happi- nees. Who put your lives to ly? (A voieo, “Lincoln apd the republican party.”) Yes, said the Captain, the block republican abolition party, and that party ox: pected the democrais of the North to fight. He (the kpeaker) said they never would fight on tae black repab- lican Fide, but he hoped the democracy would have the courege, the honor and the honesty to fight for the Union. It was uot true that the North stvod in overwhelming power against thSouth, and if the democratic party wat rué { Mts pringipler it woult never fight against the South. He regretted to pay Hhat the Union was dissolved, but they were going, if posaible, to maintain its integri- ty,aud to make the black republicans do right. He would peril his life for the readjustment of the present difficulties and to heal the wounds of the nation. He wes born in the Union and to die in it. The Empire State was his native State, and he wai as proud of it as any man in South Carolina felt proud of his State. (Here a drunken man made some remark, which caused confu- sion for time, and amid the turmoil the Captain said be wos reminded of poor of Script@re, viz:—‘An- swer not a fool accord! to his folly, lest he shall be wise in bis own coneceit.”) The Captain resumed ‘the thread’? of his discourse by saying that he was r to ehare all the responsibilities to preserve the integrity of the Unjon—tbe Union that our forefathers made, and that uaranteed rights to the South as well as to the North. le had not a dollar’s worth of property South, but, on the contrary, all his ties were at the North? yet, ra- ther than commit oppression against the Southern “tates, he would suffer the remains of his ‘eco snared 4 threaten the commerce (f our country, which threatened the workingmen with starvation and all the horrors of civil war? They had met to consult with each other, and to let the facts go before the country not through the medium of bleck republ and edi the abohtion press They had met t met the North see that a portion of oO to any crusade or the South. He (the er) did a late decision of the Circuit Court of the for this district, but his declarations might be called mis- iong of treason or treason itself. 6 Northern jegisiatures to instruct ives neutral in the war. Those were the men who were now shouting and burned down the white women, (not ni ‘South Carofina with their own ments and ccoked food for the soldiers that were battling for the Union and the American & Thres cheers for the women of South Carolina.) uptain then al- luded to the Mexican war, reminding his hearers that “General Greeley” (for be was going to head tho forces of the Wide Awakés) bad a picture in the Tribune office di picting the horrors of war, and r ted a Mexican slain and an American over him. t was an insult to the American flag. Then Greeley had no admiration for the stars and stripes. When the bill of appro- Priation to supply the armies with provisions came into the House antl went to the Senate, Thomas Corwin, a black republican Senator, got up in his place in the Senate and said, ‘Mr. President, if I were a Mexican, I would welcome the American with bloody hanis and hospitable graves.” That was the man who was now in favor of the American flag. And when this army bill ‘was presented in the House, one Abraham Lincola, now the sectional President of the biack republican party, voted against the supplies for the army. Wore these bisck republicans the men to follow when they asked his to shed the blood of their brethren at the ith? These men borrowed or from the American flag in ot to cover ‘up their treason in the North and try to establish that treason has been committed at the South. He thon al- taded to the Fremont campaign of 1856, to show that the republicans were disloyal to the Union, and remarked that it he was talking treagon they could indict him. He affirmed that the democrat of the North, who volu: teered to make aggressions upon the constitutional rights of the South was tainted—he was half republican and the other balf was not worth saving. a individual im the audience who was intoxicat kept inter. rupting the Captain at intervals, and finally Mr. Rynders, in bis classic style, observed to the individual, «Now you said a good thing to-night,” (which was that men who volunteered to fight against the South were not men,) but don’t make a d—d fool of yourself by saying a good many foolish things. This piece of advice had a tendency to quiet the inebriated demoerat, and the Cap- tain “ took up the thread” of his speech where he ped it. Ido say, said the speaker, that if a democratic company volunteers te go South to enslave if and to sub- jugate it for the purposes of tbe black republican party, Deaton e rare woo nisee-—yoa are traitors your country- and I hope jestroying an- rol who went over Jerusalem, i‘ sun mao be found Kiiniog ‘upon your dead corpees in the morning. A Max IN THE Avprenck said:—You are a political ‘This was the signal for @ scene of confusion, which last- ed for a few moments. Capt. Ryxpens said he would not proceed until the ob- noxious individual was removed. Patriotic democrats suggested the propriety of op ee out of the wia- dow, but as that could not be effected by reason of the abeence of those healthful and refreshing conveniences, fea Pm PR Loy ‘he Captain regained patriotic duty, jon again of the ‘thread’? of his epeech, afteming hat the democratic party did all it could toavert the horrors of civil war. wore not bound to fight against the South, and so help his God, he never wor and if the alternstive was now mnted to him to fight for South Carolina upon this question or to fight for the black republican party, he would fibgt to the death with Sonth Carolina. (Fond pe ie Times and the Tribune had the i of secession as a joke. Ho asked where were tho prominent men of the country who wauld stand up in defence of the Union and that proposed an honor- able adjustment of the difficulties? It was not Mr. Seward, whose racent speech the speaker criticized, quoting a re- mark, said to have been made by an Indian ¢hief on listening to Mr. Seward, ‘For a dong time he speak very good, very much, but ‘say nothing.” The speaker then alluded to the Miseouri compromise, and affirmed that it was the object of the biack republicans to conquer the South and make them the sublects of @ negro dictotor in the North, and they called the democrats to com. mit this act, which he (Mr, Rynders) affirmed would be treason. ‘The Persova! Liberty bills and the shooting of a Tuited States marshal in Boston, who was attempting to arrest a fugitive slave, were commented upon. In conclusion, he said the South demanded justice, they, did not want conciliation, and in the name oe the honest democratic party of the North and all men to Lineoln, they should have it. (Loud cheers.) "Phe Cap. tain was cheered loudly ae he closed his peroration. Mr. T. W. McManow made an eloquent speech, and, after ft bad concluded, the meeting adjourned. PASSPORTS FOR 2m DEA UBLIO OF SOUTH Omics ov 7m CommanionER FoR Sount Canot ay) Paapeneuia, Deo. 31, 1860. f Respectable persons wishing to visit South Carolina on business, or for legitimate can do furnished Purposes, with certificates that will be res the nw wetberities of tint goverment, on Kopin toe eat | office. DAVID B, BURNRY, South Carolina Commissioner, resident in Philadelphis, Pa. TO THE EDITOR OF THE WERALD, Pwtapeivnta, Jan. 14, 1861. Permit me to say that the above advertisement, stating that I would issue 18 to * table vis pT lg inwi it firet appeared. 80 pronounced by the Thre ected nn Cornmian for South Carolina for the part ten pears, and have not claimed or exorcised any authority beyond that originally avon to me. Yours, respect VID B. BIRNEY. ‘ally , THE BSCORT OF THE PRESIDENT ELECT, [From the Albany Journal, ie lh The President elect will be escorted to ington by the Springfield (lli.) Zouaves, in of threats coming from any source. Inte composed of men who have for some ‘been under the in. struction of Col. Elisworth, and in drill they are said to original Zouayes, A cor- ondent writing to the Davenport ors) Cale do duty to the tho 4th of March next, aciphia, Neve and retarning by Philadelph i. number over sixty, and are in a perfect state of driil, having already taken several prizes, ap* surprised ee os Le V4 who’ uavtorstande the Zowsve practice, and 1 bt not will create » scusation while in Washington, JPRERYBODY J8_RRADI Eimone weNEW Rats Bree SLORY in it, Wrearten, 18 ING MRS. RITCHTE’S RY in ~ NEW SORE LEDGER, and cverybene E STORY = the NEW {ORK LEDGER. and ighted with it, BBR BODY, IE READING MRS. 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