The New York Herald Newspaper, January 10, 1861, Page 4

4 — NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, JANUARY 10, 1861, NEW YORK HERALD. N AND NASSAU STS. OFFICK N. W. COKNER OF FU! (ENTS THIS EVENING NIBLO’S GARDEN, broadway.—Luctorn on Worse ‘Tauine. Broadway, 1 street. Manerrs opposite Be ate SI WINTER GARDED Lexp Mx Prve Sa --Maxraupoxy—Faurs: WA THEATRE, Broadway.—Paviise—Tom Nenvr's LAURA KEENE’S THEATRE. No. 624 Browiway.— Bavew Misrena, NEW BOWERY THE! Howery,—Bure Byanp— Pau Jones—Waamniah THEATRE FRANCAI DE LA Marsox-—Le Lait D’Anesse SEUM, Broadway.—Daz and Azred Cultpxun—Living Cumt- Broadway.—La Jor BARNUM'S AMERICAN Evening—Tnx Sx ov lei ‘osirms, &c. PRYANTS' MINSTREL’ way.—BurLusqurs, 50Nnus, D- Mecunnies’ Halt, 472 Broad. ces, &0.—Used Ur, INSTRELS, Niblo's Saloon, Dances, Loxtusques, &0.— ¥ & CAMPBEL’ -Krurorian 80 JL, 83 Broadway.—Soxan, Wew York, Thursday, January 10, 1861. MAILS FOR THE PACIFIC. New York Herald—California Edition. ‘The steamship Northern Light, Capt. Tinklepauy leave this port to-morrow, at noon, for Aspinwall. ‘The sfor California and other parts of the Paci will close at ten o'clock to-morrow morning. The New Yorx Werkry Flsrarp—Califoraia ad containing the latest intelligence from all part world, with a large quaatity of local and misceli: matter, will bo published at nine o’cioek in tho mor: Single copies in wrappers, ready for mailing, six oo: Agonts will please send in their orders as early as pos gible. n— The Star of the West arrived at Charleston yes- terday forenoon, and the South Carolina troops at Morvis Tsland and Fort Moultrie opened fire upon her. The steatacr immediately pat to sea. An ofticer fi Fort Sumter, under a flag of truce, had an interview with the Governor and Council of South Carolina during the day, but the subject of the m cting had not transpired. The Miseissippi State Convention yesterday adopted the secession ordinance. Mississippi is therefore now out of the Union. In Congress yesterday the special Message of the President on the crisis was received and read. The document is given in our report of the pro- ceedings, and as it is the most important docu- ment ever transmitted by any Executive to the national Legislature, it will be attentively pe- rused by our readers. A debate on the topics em- braced in the Message will probably be opened to-day. Several propositions relating to the affairs of the nation were briefly referred to. The Pacific Railroad bill was taken up, and pending a motion to postpone the subject indefinitely, the Senate adjourned. In the House the President's Message was referred to a special committee of five, with instructions to in- quire whether any executive oMicers of the United States have been or are now treating or holding communication with any person or persons for the transfer of forts and other property; whe- ther any demend for their surrender has been made, and by whom, and what answer has been given; whether any ouicer or officers have entered into any pledge not to send reinforcements of troops to ide harbor of Charleston, and ifso, when, where, by whom and on what considerations ; whether the Custom House, Post Office and Arse. nal at Charleston have been seized, by whom held in possession; whether any revenue cutter has deen seized, aud whether any efforts have been made to receive it. The committee have power to send for persons ani papers, and report from time to time such facts as may be required by the na- tional honor, &c. Our Washington despatches state that the opinion is prevalent atthe capital that the secessionists had assumed control of the telegraph, in order to pre- vent the transmission of government communica- tions. Such, however, is not the fact, so far as @harieston is concerned, as a communication from the Superintendent of the Telegraph at that point, which we publich in another column, clearly proves. He says the authorities of South Carolina have made no attempt whatever to exercise any con- trol over the wires. There is a report, however, that a government despatch, addressed to aa officer at Pensacola, was intercepted at Mobile. ‘The House Select Committee on the Crisis have adjourned until called together by the chairman. The chairman, Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, has been au- thorized to draw up the committee's report to the House, embracing the various propositions that have been adopted, the principal one of which is the resolution offered by Mr. Adams, of Massachu- setts, in favor of the admission of New Mexico asa State, with or without slavery, as her people may elect. Certain perties belonging to our city military last evening held a mecting at the Mercer House, and took the initiatory steps for mation of a regiment, to be called the ‘‘Union Volunteers,” pledged to defend the Union, and if necessary volunteer their services in its eapport. A report of the proceedings is given in another column. Ex-Governor Morrill has been chosen by the | Maine Legislature to the United States Senate in place of Mr. Hamjin, Vice President elect. M Trumbu!! has been re-elected to the United Stat Senate by the Illinois Legislature. Quite s number of interesting local matters were brought up in the Legislature yesterday, but we have only space to refer to our reports for details, The pony express, with San Trancisco dates to December 26, passed Fort Kearny on Tuesday night last. The news brought by this arrival is animportant. For ten days previous to the 26th there had been almost incessant rains in parts of California, Business in San Franciseo was at a stand still, owing to the holidays and the rains The steamers Nashville and Star of the South, bound respectively for Charleston and Savannah, did not proceed to sca yesterday on account of the storm. ‘They will sail this morning ai nine o'clock. ‘ The acceptance of the post of Secretury of State by Mr. Seward io Mr, Lincoln's Cabinet is announced. The steamship Quuker City, trom Havana on the 6th inst., arrived at thie port youter, noon, having $249,147 in Spanish downy) board. The health of Havana was ¢ business still continued dull. A slavery “Opposed to be the ship Montauk, of New York iad ». oy captorved, with nine hundred negroes on board, The Board of Education organized last eveuing by the re-clection of Willi E. Cartis for Presi dent, and Thomas Boese for Clerk. The elvetion of committees was then proceeded with The Board of Councilmen met yesterday at four o'clock; but after elve democrats had waited half an hour for the arrival of the republican mem bers and the Obetinate Mozart democrat, Mr. Rep per, the temporary President, declared the Board adjourned till Thursday . o'clock, there not being ® quorum present, ‘wag rumored carly ig the day that cue of the republicans would vote for Mr. Jones; but the absence of the whole of the re- publicans is a sufficient indication of their un- willingness to support the democratic candidate. The Commissioners of Kmigration met yesterday afternoon, but without a quorum, probably on ae- count of the snow storm. The weekly statement showed that the number of emigrants arrived at the port during the last week was 594, which is also the number landed since January 1. The balance in bank at preaent is $5,101 42. in the Court of General Sessions yesterday Henry Brown was coi ted of forgery in the second degree in passing « counterfeit $5 bill on the Cambridge Bank of Massachusetts, and sent to the State Prison for five years. A number of prisoners were sent to the penitentiary, having pleaded gu‘lty to the charges preferred against them. City Judge MeCunn ordered a larger calendar of cases to be prepared in future, he haying disposed of all the cases prepared at an early hour, The largely increased receipts, combined with inauspicious weather, rendered the warket for beef cattle yesterday one of the hardest for bro- kers and drovers which they have experienced for some time. The demand was light, and prices Geehined fully half a cent per pound, Milch cows and yea calves were without essential change. Sheep and lambs continue scarce and active, at full prices, ranging from $3 to $6 a $7 per head. Swine were in demand, and sales were chiefly at full prices. The total reccipts were:—-4,398 beeves, 77 cows, 495 veals, 5,964 sheep and lambs, and 19,469 erday were somewhat less sed to awail the receipt of » from Liverpool. The sales embraced , Clobing drm on tho basis of 12%0. for r Flour was {n somewhat better request, ive y al the cise were fimer, i Wheat was | oa better demand, but without moticesbie change in prices. Corn was more active, closing within the current quoteiions of yesterday. Pork was firmer and in good request, with sudes of about 250 bbls. at $16 75a $17 for now mes, and $11 76 for old prime, and at $12 for now 60. Svgars were steady, with sales of 618 bhds. Cuba Coffee was steady, with more doing. Tho 41,000 mats Java at p. t., and about 8,000 Dogs Rio at i14g0. a 124Z¢., with a small portion prime at 180. Freights to Liverpoc! were rathor easier for grain, | with more doing at tho concession, while other articles | Were without change of moment The President's Message on the Crisis— The Immediate Issue a Compromise or a Southern Confederacy. The President’s Message on the crisis, com- | municated to Congress yesterday, is before our | readers. Mr. Buchanan, in a solemn, earnest and patriotic view of the dangers and difficul- ties to be overcome in behalf of the Union, sub- mits the wholé subject to the immediate con- sideration of the two houses, and upon the basis of General Jackson’s immortal ultimatum, that “the Union must be preserved.” Pleading the exigencies of a positive state of revolution in the South, Mr. Buchanan renders this gloomy picture still darker with the de- claration that the hope of a bloodless settle- ment is fast diminishing. Civil war. he says, is impending, and we all must confess the fear that the beginning of a civil war between the federal government and the Southera States would be, not only the end of this Union, but the end of taw and order and social security, and the inauguration in both sections of anarchy and petty belliverent military despot- isms. The President’s Message throws the issue upon Congress of peace or war, Union or disunion; and this revolutionary excitement which is spreading over the Southern States like a raging epidemic calls for the instant ap- plication of the needful remedies. Immediate action on ‘the part of Congress, striking at the very roots of these Southern revolutionary movements, is imperatively de- manded. There must be a broad and satis- factory compromise initiated within the next ten days, or we must choose between the recognition of an independent Southern con- federacy and the suicidal folly of a civil war. The responsibility for either alternative reste upon the republican party. The election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency by an over- whelming sectional majority, and as the repre- sentative of the Northern “irrepressible con- flict” with the “slave power,” has precipitated this geneval Southern revolt upon us. The im- pression is almost universal throughout the South that submission to an administration thus elected will be the downfall of Southern institutions, unless the amplest securities shall be interposed to arrest the onward hostile march of this Northern anti-slavery alliance. It is an important question, meantime, to determine whether, under this present Southern revolutionary condition of things, there is or is not such « thing as the government of the United States, Mr. Buchanan holds fast to the doctrine that the laws of the Union are still paramount even in South Carolina; that a State has no constitutional right to secede, but that secession is a revolutionary act, for which Congress must provide the remedy. Mr. Buchanan will execute the federal laws and protect the federal property in the seced- ing States to the extent of his power; but he implores Congress to act without further delay in behalf of peace, and for the restoration of the Union through the agencies of peace. To this end he recommends the Missouri line as the basis of a compromise; but we appre- hend that something more is essential to create a timely Southern reaction. It is possible that the door on that side of the house may even now be closed against all compromises. The | responsib' . however, of the most liberal overtares rests upon the President elect; upon | Mr. Seward, his chosen Secretary of State; upon every other man singled out for a Cabi- net appointment by Mr. Lincoln, and upon the | republican party in Congress. Let Mr. Lin- | coln, through Mr. Seward and his Cabinet as- sociates, urge this policy at once upon the re- publican members of the two houses as the initiative measure of peace and union in be- half of the incoming administration, and these dreadful sounds of war may be silenced in a general movement for a reconciliation The demands of the Southern States as the terms of their adhesion to the Union embrace the recognition of the property right in slaves in the Territories during their territorial con- dition; a more efficient Fugitive Slave law; the privileges of transit and a temporary sojourn to the Southern master with his clave or slaves in every State of the Union; federal non-intervention in the inter-State slave trade; | eAditional securities against fature Joha Browa | lorays; non-intervention in the matter of sla- very in the Dixtrict of Columbia and federal | fockyards, &e, These securities our Soathern brethren believe are indispensable to their safety in the Union, in view of this over- shadowing antislavery power of the North about to etep into the occupation of the general government. Let the republican party in Con gress, then, be advised at once from their Pre- sident elect to put all these Southern condi- Pad of Yaion to the form of gonsti¢ntional amendments, and ici each house paces upon them by the vote of two-thirds required for their submission to the several States, and thore will be a Sou thorn reaction that wili save the Union. This comprehensive compromise will, of course, siak the Chicago platform; but it will give thenew administration the infinitely bet- ter platform of the Union. To make any im- pression now upon the seceding colton State: the concessions indicated must be proposed as parts of the supreme law of tho ind, aad s0 clear and complete as to put an efector) oar against the agitation of slavery by ~ c&leas political demagogues for the future, whether in or out of Congress. Mere acts of Congress will not avail. Such compromises, passed to- day, may be repealed to-morrow; but amend- ments to the constitution gay hold good for a bundred years. Betwoen the alternative thus indicated and a Southern confederacy there is no longer a resting place. Nothiag short of equality and safety to the South in the Union will appease the South, Nor is there anything unreasonable in these demands. They should be conveded. If offered now they may come too late; bat the offering, ia good fuith, will at least relieve the republican party of the barden of regonsi- bility. We do not recognise, howeve, the necessity, the certainty, or the probability, of a sweeping civil war with the inauguratin of a Southern confederacy. A war involvhg the destruction of both parties will be avoided. The Southern States are rapidly uniting as ina gommon cause; and thus united, if they fail to vestere the Union upon their own tenns, tucy will be sufficiiudy powerful to conuiand a peaceable separation. They will, in thislast resort, be competent to secure the recogntion of Southern rights, under an independen go- vernment, for the sake of peace, whichthey will have failed to secure from the Norti for the sake of the Union. ‘The idea of coercing fifteen, ten, or eve five seceding States into submission to the Vnion, is simply preposterous. Brought to thi: test, the incoming adminisiration will at once sppre- ciate the criminal folly ef coercion This Union, established upon concessions aml com- promises, can only by them be maiztained, and the choice now to the republican party is between concessiens to preserve the Union and concessions to a Southern confederacy, The issue is upon them, and within ten days, if not decided by the republicans for the Uniot, will be settled by a Southern confederacy. Wesp on Parry, Perivasisw axp a Hoty Wax.—In the midst of a revolution which threatens to shatter the government into atoms, Chevalier Webb has nothing better to offer as a remedy than praying and bellowing. He is like a man just awakened from a confused vision of Biddle’s bank, a mahogany stecked pistol and a fool’s paradise. By a wonderful conglomeration of ideas he identifies God and the Puritan Pilgrims with the horrors of the French Revolution. Webb was once famous as a man of profane war; now that he has joined “the church militant,” and taken to piety, he buckles on his armor as “a soldicr of the Cross,” and goes in for a holy war. In a leading arti- cle two yards long, opeuing with the ominous words, “Treason, rebellion, civil war, mur- dgrer, manslayer,” he descants upon “the mysterious workings of Providence,” “the dis- covery of the New World and the Reformation.” Ho assures us that “God in his providence pro- vided for our fathers an asyluin from religious peraention.””” Itstory lis us the Puritans who had left England were quieily setiled in Hol- land for eleven years, when they left in diagust because the people there were too strong for them to persecute, a restriction for which they took ample reprisals in the New World by re- ligiously persecuting all who differed from them in religion. “Protestantism, fleeing from religious persecutions in the Old World, planted itself in the wilds and solitudes of a savage wilderness “to resognise the hand of God im fa. os thom Seom fe “a differen’ * -. aithe svat of God’s creation.” od our fathers in a wil- derness to ;* °) diifereat from the people of +t se World;” “they were from the pegiming out instruments in His hand to accomplish his work.” He prepared them for his work.” “Our triumph in 1783 was the cause of the French Revolu- tion in 1787, and all the great events which fol- lowed” (including the indiscriminate slaughter of men and women, guilty of no offence against God or man; the abolition of Christianity, and the setting up a harlot for public worship as “the Goddess of Reason”). “South Carolina, rising in rebellion against Him (God) and the work cf His hands, and impiously declaring their intention to destroy that which He has established.” “Most emphatically God's own work” (we had always supposed it was the work of slaveholders), “the religious obliga- tion of man not to encourage the extension of human slavery.” “Can ang Christian doubt what is his duty under the circumstances?” “We thank God that He has blessed us with a government worth even the strife of civil war, and most earnestly do we pray,” ec. ; Such is the farrago of Puritan piety, strange history and bellicose logic, with which the readers of the Courier are treated at this event- ful time. Henry Ward Beecher, in a lecture a few evenings ago, said he wished we «had Cromwell for President now. “If Lincoln don’t come up to the mark, by all means let Webb some fine morning stalk into the halls of Congress with the Wide Awakes at his back, armed with torches, disperse the Assembly, then proceed to the White House and cat off the President's head, and proclaim himself “Protector,” “in the name of the Lord.” Surely the piety of Webb will save the Com- monwealth. Turek Must ov a Comprosuse.—There must be a compromise of the present difficulty be- tween ihe two contending sections of the re- public, and speedily, too, or the country will go to ruin. Some people regard the South as precipitate and foolish, because, as they say, they are fighting for wn idea, and not for any- thing practical. Cettainly they are fighting for an idea. All highly civilized communities fight for an idea. France fought for an idea. Italy is fighting for an idea now; and the heroes of our own Revolution fonght for an idea, which was, that the thirteen colonies were entitled to their rights, and—failing to obiain them —to « lute independence of the British crown. So, too, the South to-day is contending for equal rights under the constitution; and unless that idea is settled in some practical way there will be no confederacy, no constitution, nor any gov- Pernment either, to protect or to assail six wontbs benge, Reconstraction of Particshy Mc, Lincola’s Admin: iy Nowwithetanding the gravity of the present revolutionary crisis, and the imminent danger of utter destruction with which the confederacy is throatened, it is manifestly in the power the advisers of Mr. Lincoln to use the oppor tunity tor the ben ii of the republican party, and, by taking the initiative in the sey it ot Oo d'-cenees that divide the Souff from the Nor‘h, to place themselves permanently at tue bead of the country for the next thirty yeors, “he Cabinet selections which Mr. Lin- coln has made, including Senator Seward, and perbaps Mr. Cameron, from the two greatest States of the Vuion, would seem to indicate thal he may take @ more broad and compre- hensiye view of public matters than the plat- form upon which he was elected would have led to anticipate, and that, under tue influence of inexorable necessity, he may yet come to the tardy conclusion that forbearance, con- ciliation and concession are indispensable for the settlement of the affairs of the country. Whatever motives, however, may influence him, t is certain that he has entrusted his cards to he hands of able men, who, if they play them with the sagacity which may be looked for from their experience, may yet save the Union, establish their own supremacy on solid foun- dations, and open a new era of prosperity to the nation. While the people of the United States have been waiting in vain for some intimation of the course which Mr. Lincoln would pursue, the welfare of the republic has been in the worst of hands. 'he wise recommendations of Mr. Buchanan, the decided stand taken by him in his correspondence with the South Carolina Comuwissioners, and his defence of fede- ral property, are the only gleams of light in the midst of Cimucrica darkness. Members of the Cabinet, like Floyd, Cobb and Thompsou, have been conniving with treason and rebellion, while our national physicians in the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, although continually proposing new modes of saving the Union, have failed to make one substantial step in advance towards the end which they professed to have in view. It has become daily more evident, in this most critical period of our history, that no remedy can be expected: to existing evils from the incapacity, stupidity, gross ignorance, and habitual selfishness, weakness and cowardice of members of Congress. Southern frenzy, under the bannership of South Carolina, has been ad- vancing from threats to secession, secession to open rebellion, seizing upon forts, arsenals, custom houses and post offices, with a view of regaining by violence the supremacy in our national councils of which they have been robbed by fanaticism and the anti-constitu- tional encroachments of a sectional faction. Meanwhile Mr. Lincoln has been pausing, un- resolved what line of policy to adopt, but watching the throbs of the national pulse until delay is no longer possible. The Legislature of Virginia has just con- vened; in Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia and Louisiana State Conventions are either deciding or about to decide the actions of those States ; Florida is virtually out of the Union; the northern slave States are beoming daily more violent; yet the wiser portion of leading men at the South look to a Southern Constituent Convention to take the initiative in adopting measures which may at the same time save the Union and secure the preponderance of slave- holding counsels in“ vur national adminiatra- tion. They propose to adopt amendments to the constitution, such as the Central and West- ern States can honorably accept, which shall cover the reasonable grounds of difference be- tween themselves and the South, insist- ing upon the recognition of the pro- perty rights of their citizens everywhere; upon other needful stipulations which have been heretofore denied; upon full liberty to carry slaves into the common territory, and, above all, upon the recognition o + + sasaion Ot opinion respecting << “tion In tho different 25 f2c8 certain that if < } ag@ submitied to ent See 1, Ooaeiay advising and in- Viuug wicss avvepumce Of them, and assigning a period similar to that which was appo'nted for the ratification of the constitution of 1787, when all States agreeing to their propositions should thenceforth be considered as forming the future United States of America, they may rely upon New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and the majority of the Western and Northwesiern States to accept them without cavil. It is not improbable that the New Eng- land States would demur; but what then? The people of Massachusetts were recently warned by one of her greatest statesmen that “Yan- kees are not popular anywhere;” and if Ver- mont, New Hampshire, Maine, Rhode Island, Connecticut and Massachusetts should volun- tarily cut themselves off from the Union, every one would regard it as a blessing, and, the ex- cision thus accomplished, as a guarantee of the fature prosperity and peace of the country. At any rate, Southern supremacy would be seenred by the submission of reasonable pro- posals to the North; and, out of the fury of the present tompest, this intention stands promi+ nent as a beacon which may yet guide the na- tion into still waters, and reaffirm politicians south of the Potomac in the hold upon power which the events of the last few months have nearly riven from their hands. The choice by Mr. Lincoln of Mr. Seward as his Scoretary of State, and, not improbably, of Mr. Caméron as Secretary of the Treasury, open a prospect of a more auspicious setile- ment of difficulties. These two statesmen, if both are decided upon, will, beyond all doubt, form the intellect and working activity of his Cabinet. They ought, with their past experience, to thoroughly comprehend the necessities of the country. They have to avoid the error of Dr. Sangrado—who could not change his practice because he “had written a book”—to forget that they have hitherto labored for a section of the Union, and to act promptly from the con- viotion that they are now called on to issue mandates for all of the members of the con- federation alike, and they may speedily dis- perse as asurmer cloud the mists that now obscure the political horizon. There is not a man in the length and breadth of the Union who can better afford to come forward boldly with olive branch offers to the South than Mr, Seward. His personal popularity is great; past issues are swallewed up by exigencies which threaten to strike a fatal blow at the very root of our financial, commercial, manufacturing and agricultural interests; and he is peculiarly cal culated to appreciate the daggers into which wears hurrying, god {ke M@meiies that can avert them. Let him advis: Mr. Lincoln, in the name of the State of New York, and let Mr. Cameron support him with the wishes of Pennsylvania, to recommend such compromises now as will satisfy the South. Delay may be dougerous; but if Mr. Lincoln, under the auspices of the republican leaders of Peunsylva- nia and New York, will comprehend his poei- tion, soar above the meanaesses and -rend the shackles of a wordy plaform, he may make for himeelf a name which will be equal to that of Madison or Jefferson in the history of the United States, and secure the supremacy of the repub- licon party for the next thirty years. Affairs in Mexico, The “ surprise’ by which Miramon made more than a thousand of the !'beral army pri- soners on the 10th of December has shown us how far bribery will influence the minds of evon soldiers. A more disgraceful act than that by which the captain of the section of the troops captured virtually sold his men to the enemy for five thousand dollars has never been recorded, Such petty bribery has, however, availed Miramon but little, for we now learn that he was completely routed by the liberals on the 22d, and that after returning alone to the capital be ficd on the 24th, so that on Christ- mag day the liberals were in actual possession of the capital. Whether this is the end of the war is too uncertain for us to venture an opinion upon. {tis more than probable that the Miramon party will again concentrate their forces to drive the constitutionalists out of the metropolis, and that bloodshed and desolation will once more be the inglorious sequel of this factional warfare. We now turn our attention to a matter in which England is intimately interested, and which will be a source of fresh trouble in ‘hat distracted country, to which already a Lritish fleet has been des- patched for the enforcement of national rights, It appears that the British people have lent the Mexicans fifty-one millions of dollars on bonds. The security being small, the rate of interest was to be proportion- ately high. But about ten yearsagoan arrange- ment was effected by which the bondholders agreed to take three per cent, in consideration that the payment of the half yearly dividends should be guaranteed by a mortgage on the customs. For three years this small interest was punctually paid. But in the year 1854 the payments stopped, Mexican stock became worthless as a source of income, and there are now fourteen half-yearly dividends in arrear. With a view to the protection of British inte- rests an English sloop-of-war visited, in 1857, the poris of Vera Cruz and Tampico. At this time the State was in such an extraordinary condition that the concessions of the Mexican authorities to the requisitions of the British were of no practical utility. In Mexico there are two factions. The one we may call “constitutional, the other ecclesi- astical. The former espouses the doctrines of liberalism, and nominally adheres to a repub- lican charter which was declared during one of those intervals of quiet by which the anarchy of the country has so seldom been relieved: It is under this charter that Juarez claims to be President of the State. The ecclesiastical party lays claim, also, to a republican constitution as that of the Mexican State, but one founded onan earlier charter, which favors the maxims of abaolutism in practical administration, to which the faction notoriously inclines. But while t+ constitutionalists are for secularizing church property aad turning the revenues of the old Spanish establishment to national uses, the ec- clesiastical party, as supporters of the hierar- chy, study to protect church property from any such encroachments and appropriation. This distinctive princip!: has preserved the vi- tality of the party by securing them the aid and influence of the priesthood and military, and the ‘sympathies of Spain. Moreover, it in- duced cohesion among themselves, which, in a country where all political society had been broken up, gave them a decided superiority. When the British sloop-of-war alluded to made her appearance in the waters of Vera Cruz, the chief Mexican seaports were in the hands of the con:titutionalists, headed by Ju- arez, while the cap'tal and the neighboring provinces were under the control of the opposite faction, under General Mira- mon, who, by his priority of appointment to office and the feetof his holding the capital, was considered the actual ruler of Mexico by the European States, who accredited their diplomats to him, and not to Juarez, But as the sloop could not reach Miramon, she di- rected her guns towards Juarez, who, having charge of the customs revenues, could adopt measures for reducing the deb! to the British Juarez, however, when appealed to, very can- didly told his interrogators that in all Vera Cruz there was not hard cash enough to pay the amount in arrear to the bondholders. There was an ample supply of specie in Mexico, and all that he could do was to give bills upon the capital. This was agreed to, and the bills so given were converted into cash. Another difficnliy now arose. How could this money be brought from Mexico to Vera Cruz? This was necessary for its shipiuent to England; yet transit between the two places was so unsafe that the proba- bility was greatly in favor of its being stolen, and the rate of insurance was so enormously high as to render the alternative rninous. Un- der such circumstances there was only one course to be adopted—that of allowing the mo- ney to remain under the care of the British Minister at Mexico, and he accordingly placed it in his strong room, sealed with his seal of office. The money remained in the same care- ful custody upto a recent date, when affairs had become so bad, even for Mexico, that the British Minister deemed it prudent to retire to Jalapa. Before doing so, however, he consign- ed the dollars in his sirong room to the charge of the British Consul. But no sooner had he gone than the officers of the government, armed with saws and crowbars, proceeded te the place where tho coin was stored, and ua- ceremoniously hacked away with their bur- larious implements till “the strong room was broken open, when they stole the money, amounting to about a million of dollars, and marche away with the booty. All the diplomatists who remained, we a joined the Britieh Consul in a protest against #0 glaring an outrage. But protests appeared to be thrown away upon the Mexicans. Now we know why a British fleet has been sent to Mexico, where, it is to be hoped, such an act of downright robbery will be promptly resented by a demand for ample redress and immediate restitution, Refusal to pay, or evea repudiation of debt, is ome thing; but actual stealing is another, and stamps the government at whose instigation it was committed with last- ing disgrace. The Sublime of Political Ingratituae. if this were an epoch which justified peopte in indulging in moral reflections and philo- sophical deductions, we might enter upon a re- view of the whole subject of the ingratitude of politicians, who are, like corporations, utterly soulless. But we live in troublous times, and, like Mr. Gradgrind, must be contented with herd facts. And of this special fact, to wit: the ingratitude of successful politicians, we Lave a notable example in the result of the case of the illustrious Forney, who, it is claimed, carried Pennsylvania for Mr. Buchanan, and thereby elected him. Forney’s editors and frionds generally declared that Mr. Buchanan had promised his protege that he should have the free run of the kitchen and a fat share of the federal spoils, but that the President was persuaded by certain members of his Cabinet to put Forney out in the cold, with only a consulate crust to comfort him. Thereupon the Presidont was accused of black ingratitude, and Forney became his bitterest opponent. Now his editors point to the recent developements in the departments to show that there was still agreatér depth of political ingratitude than had been previously reached hy aryhody They say that one Minister deserin! big post leaving the treasury in a hop le embar- rassed condition; another ran y in order to avoid investigation inte o : gigaatio frauds in his department, and a tiird icuves the Cabinet almost directly after the discovery that his confidential clerk has en/bezzled nearly a million dollars worth of government property. So Forney says that after all ‘he Prosident has done for these men, after par for (hetr sake with one whom he loved as David loved Absa- lom, they turn about and leave him, like Wol- sey, “naked to his enemies.” If we may believe Forney—and of course no one will doubt for a moment the accuracy of his statements—the President and himself pre- sent two of the most remarkable examples of the effects of political ingratitude that the world has everseen. Through thick and thin Mr. Buchanan adhered to his chosen Ministers, . and the moment that they find the sbip of State in trouble they, or their subordinates, realize on the cargo aitd take to the boats. But these illustrious examples are not alone. There is still another in the person of our friend, Hon. Massa Greeley, who seems likely to realize the proverb that a man who plants a vineyard does not always enjoy the produce thereof. A long time ago, when the business was new, the capital small and the returns precarious, the celebrated political firm of Weed, Greeley, Seward & Co. was set up. Greeley was un} doubtedly the hardest working man in the con- cern. After a while there was a quarrel about the division of the profits, and Greeley went out of the firm. The separation was not an amicable one, and the philosopher of Spruce street went into it with all his might, battered hat, old white coat and all, to build up the re- publican party and throw obstacles in the way of his old partners. Greeley planted the tree, watered it with his tears and digged about its roots, until it flourished as the cedargpf Leba- non, and nearly two millions of voters sought its shade. At Chicago Greeley labored with all his might !o floor Seward; and he did it. He even went so far as to work himself into the Conven- tion as a delegate from Oregon—a State which he never saw. The grand result of all Gree- ley’s labors was the nomination of old Abe Lincoln, the Spruce street candidate, and pre- sumed to be a sort of rail splitting Aristides, the identical honest man for whom Dioge- nes searched with his lantern. It would appear, as a matter of course, that the rever- sion of the federal spoils belonged to Greeley; but the facts show that the Seward clique will rule the roast, that Greeley’s old partners will reign in the parlor and kitchen of the White House, and that Honest Old Abe has offered up the Tribune editor, even as Abraham of old proposed io slay the youthful Isaac, whom Greeley, in the tenderness, innocence and pas- toral simplicity of his character, very much resembles. Of course the Tribune clique lift up their voices in lamentation, and Old Abe is in as hot a fire as that in which Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego were obliged to stand. Whether he will come out of it as well as they did remains to be seen. Hon. Massa Grecley bears his woes with a sort of sorrowful grandeur, which reminds us of the old Greeks, who never made a {uss about anythizg practical, but raved terribly concerning abstractions which were of no possible consequence. We tender our sincere condolence to the Hon. Massa Greeley. We know something about politi- ¢ians, and therefore keep aloof from any con- nection with them; but we consider that Gree- ley’s case is the very hardest on record. It is the realization, the sum, the infinite of the topmost point of the sublime of political in- gratitude. Formion Ixterrerence 1x Our Nartonar Pouitics,—A report has obtained credence that sundry ministers, plenipotentiaries, charges d’affairs, or others, at Washington, have de- manded information from the Secretary of State what security foreign vessels will possess from clearances of vessels granted to them by would- be de facto secessionist sovereigntics at the Sonih. It is also said that foreign consuls at Charleston have presented credentials and ac- cepted exequators from the de facto Common- wealth of South Carolina. It is to be hoped there is no truth iu these ramors. heir verifi- cation would indicate a degree of impertinence on the pert of the representatives of nations with which we are ot peace for which we are not quite prepared. Thore are doubtless troubles existing between the sections of the country, bat they are mere family quarrels. They concern no one but ourselves. To mod. die in the domestic relations of the separate Staves would be both preposterous and intole- rable on the part of any foreign country. Minis- ters and consuls from Europe and elsewhere are accredited to the United States. From the administration alone can they derive any official information, and to it only can they present any commnnications. Let them care- fully observe the precept, Atienle tibi—in plain English, “Mind your own business.” Tt may. be as dangerous for them to do otherwise as it proved for Fatima lo open the fortieth cham- ber. It stained her fingers with blood. The people of the United States will brook no in terference with their affairs. They will unite upon no subject more speedily and promptly than to pnt down and pnnish any one who shall