The New York Herald Newspaper, January 10, 1861, Page 2

Governor Leteher of Virginata on the Crisis. | pistes succinetly the considerations which induced me to Convene v2 extreerdimary session. = a ‘most serious fears fer the porpotustion of hy clouds, are weaving our house an fearful canopy.” Tho country is torn by issension ; ferce and angry excitement exhibits itself in Prejudice have taken absoluts of ‘tion has boon smothered crushed, and the affections of the people, North aud South, East and West, appoar to have boen eatirely with: drawn from their government. Tho ties of brotherhood have been severea; and, though living under the sam» Constitution, the sections seem to be as hostile each to the other, as if their citizoas belongod to unfriendly g> vernments. Distrust hus marred the pleasure of friend- Ship and social intercourse; bitterncss and unkindness have crushed out fraternity. Unity of feoling, unity ef action is now gone. It is hardly possi- Dle for a government to live and flourish under adverse circumstances. ‘We must not, how- ever, look mournfully into the past.” That is boyoad the ‘of recall, We must wisely improve the pro- | Bent; correct its errors; reform its abuses; rounite tha Revered tics of affection, and enkindle anew the tires of iotisin, if we would recover all that has been lost. ‘and glorious future 18 yet should be blessed with power, influence, vity—snoh as no nation has ever en- 'y of tho world. Grovt as has beon our Buccees, as compared with tho nations of the earth hero- Lofore, greater far would it be hereafter. It is interesting to trace our progress, from tho formation of the constitution up the present time. ‘The results will be fuund in tho highest do- gree gratifying lo our pride as a people, and immonsely Important, 60 far ag our power influence as a nation is coneerued. What was the area of our country in sBqure miles, embraced by the original thirteen Stites ? Only 649,615. What is it now? Thirty-three States, covering an area of 1,602,000, six orgavized Territories, exclusive of the District of Columbia, covering an area of 1,401,000; and in addition, we have ‘tho Musilla Valley, embracing 78,000, and thé Indian Territory, embracing 187,000 miles square. Our territory has boon onlarged Bearly seven times in extent; our navy has been in- Creased until its canvass whitens overy ocean, and our na- tional flog assures protection to the American citizen wherever he may Our power, our influence, our prosperity, our agrivultural, mechauical and manufac- turing wealth havo increased far beyond all expectation That banner which is borne up, and which has beoa carried forward by the unseen, yot steady hand of pro. esa, has attained a position far in advance of tho oper and anticipations of tho foundors. of our governmont. Surely no people have boen blessed ag wo havo been, and it is melancholy to think that all is cow about to be sacrifioed upon the alsar of passion. If the judgments of men were consulted, if the admouitions of their consciences wore respected, the Union would yot bo saved from overthrow. Every ealin, considerate aud reflucting mind is filled with apprehensions of the most painful character; every patriotic hoart throbs with anxiety,and all conservative men throughout our ox- tended ‘country are secking to devise some moans of from tho evils that uow threaten our peace and the continued existence of the government. All see and feel and know that tho danger is imminent, and all true Patriots ure exerting themscives to save us from the porils impencing over us. Tho dark gloom of apprebe is fast gathering around us, and, if saved at all, tho om, prudenoe and patriotism of the country can alone (aided by Divine Providence) bo relied upon to relieve Us in this hour o: our extremity. My inaugural mossage, presentod to you just one year ago to-day, was propared in anticipation of the occur- rences of ihe past two months, which have cast thotr Bhadow like a pall over tho business, iinaucial and com- mercial, of the country, I thought I’ saw thon a storm that threatened to be destructivo in its conso- quonces; and anxious to avert its fury if possible, I mado wo recommendations, which, if adopted, would’(in my judgmont) bave saved us from the cousoqueuces now upon us. In this opinion, however, you did not conour, and no action was takon in regard to either. bo other ‘hope of averting the threatened dan- L cordially en:torée the proposition mninger, & South Caroline, and Mr. Starke, of Miesia- nippi, for » Conference with those States. If that propo- sition had been 1 am en aatisded that the Tesults would havo beon most happy; that it would have tended in a great degree to the wetilement and satisfac tory adjustment of the painful controversy which bad so Yong existed, and which seemed to be increased by tims and untoward oircumstances, botwoon the two soctions of the Union. The questions would have been presented in a form and «bape, and in a maanor 80 imposing, that ac- tion must have followed. That action could not have tended otborwiso than toward peace. Tnow again most respectfully renew the recomm uda- tion, presented in my inaugural messago, in the following extract — Tho only mode, therefore, of remedying tho evil, that occurrs to mo, under the constitution, is provided in tho fifth article thereof, Sammon a convention of all the States, that @ full and free conference may be had bo- tween’ the representatives of the people, elected for this purpose, and thus ascertain whether the questions in Controveray cannot be settled upon some basis mutually Batisfactory to both sections, If such a consention assemble, and after free and full consultation and compari- gon of spinions they shall find that the diferencee bebo the slaveholding and non-slavholding Stales are iresouncila- Ue, let them consider the question of @ peaceatla sevaration, and the adjustment of all questicms relating to the disposition of the common property betioeen the two seotions. If they can bo reconciled, ict thom adjust the terms, and give them such sanctions a6 will render then effyotive. I suggest, therefore, that you adopt resolutions in fa- vor of the Gall of euch a convention, and appeal to ths Legislatures of the several States to unite in the applica- tion proposed to bo mace to Congress, in pursunace of the provisions of tho articlo aforesaid. Jf the non-slave- aldng Siaes shall ful or refuse to unite in the application, such failure or refucal will Furnish conclusive emdence of a determination on their pari to keep up the agwation, and to continue their aggrearins upm ws. If the convention } meet, and tho qoation cannot be satisfactorily ad- ted, it Will furnish ovidence equally conclusive of thair jeterthination, In vithor event, the people of the South will clearly understand what they are to expect in the fa- ture. The article of the conatitution to which reference is hore made is in the following words, and { quote it, ‘nastauch as it will be referred to hereafter in this communica- tion:— “The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it uecoseary, shali propose amoudments to this cua Ftitution, or on ihe applications of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a couvention for proposing amendinents, which, in either case, shall bo valid to a’) iutents and purposes, as part of this con Puitutton, when ratified by the legislatures of throo- fourths of the several States, or by convestions in three- fourths thercof, a8 the one or the other mode of ratifica- josed by the Congress.” Je the couatitution of the Bnitod States nondments bave all boon exceedingly and important. ‘ihe first ten ameudmonts wore Vaiuab: ratified by some of the States in 1789, by others ia 1790, and by tho residne in 1791, Another amendment was propose in 174, which the President of the United States announced in his message to both houses, datod January 8, 1705, a8 having beoa adopted by the constitutional nivtmber of States. ‘The last amendment was proposed in 1808, awd acoptod by the coustitutional number of States in 1664. These amendments were proposed and adopted at periows teas alarming, perhaps, than at the present day. iil their adoption Was neeessary te ensure peace ‘fund qulot to our country, aud were demanded by a proper deference to public opuion, In tho presont condition of public affuira, why can- not @uch additional amendments ag $ho circum: Btances now existing Tequire be proposed for ratitica. tion and adoption’ Tue necessity is manifest, and the duty to adept all constitutional measares before wo resort to tho ultimate remedy of sovession, is impora- tive. Is it not monstrous to #9e a government like ours merely because men cannot agree about a do: tution, which existed at the formation of the government, and Which is now recognized vy fiftoon out Of the thirty-three States composing the Union? In support of say position, | quote from the maasage of Governor Jol Ployd, dated January 25, 1833. Ho was one of the ablest nud most relabls of’ the state rights men of Virginia. xk he has boon taken from amongat us, he hos lott behind him arecord as enduring as timu0:— «That the call of a general convention of the States brings at once full before all the parties to the comprct every doubtful or disputed power of the fuderal geveramout ia the mode potuted ont by the instrument tei, whore all wmendmen® gould bo made, and dispaiot powurs set ted, io @ epirit of Kinduess auch moro congenial to the harmony of our institutions thay that which now soema contemplation. This course ought to be acceptable to fil, a8 it giver (ull asduranc> of peaceful days heroatter, confidence to the mind of the patriot, al tuced with tho foreseen disasters of the recommendation was malo at a period In our his- 8% wuifke the prevent It was made by a statesman of great praptical Wisdom and of Largo political export. ence, Hf was a true Virginian, in fooling, sontimont aud principle, jeaous of her honor, true to her intoreata, faith- ful to ber rights and institutions, cool, calm and saga c4oaa It becomes our State to bo mindful of hor own inte. rests in the presems deranged and unsettled condition of Public affairs. The coston states soem to be looking to their ows interests alono, and why should we not look to ourst Virginia has immense tatorests, valuable aud im- SS At otake, and it becomes us to ave that those in- 1OPeRts ALE a heqaato) oocupie nition note, a she dkd'tm 18KS" vohon she ca seadbate batten the parties, North ont wth, andease that some fase week coe Want wert ©, wisting aigferences halt be hat (py the righta or her institutions, #he mast soe that fature se cc ood tessoations hans eal hee anaes Now that guarantees avo the ordor 0: thn day, and each Bate is carnostly and anxiously ioquiring wont qearan: toos are required for her protection, it booomas us to aa, ure such ax will protees aa prosorve tho rights of pyr. ‘none and property of our owa citizons. A disruption of tha Union ts inevitable, and i new confoderarn are bt, we mua have the best guaranices before we ow fesse them ‘The late Imeecstive of Boots Oarcting, tn his moatagy to eae a onaidorable apace ty n oummant- ‘pon your Southern be ing “a coaferonce of tho "' That reference does not appear to mo to diotated by a kind epirit. It wears the aspoot of diane tésfaction with your docision, and, in connection with of the moasage indicates distrust of, and ‘on his part, towards this Commoaw oath. ’ The foro ok this compasaloalvn aa Felaion ts our Seas snd jon aa ri | whe a 7 to our State and Virginia alone, Southern States, should emenoarz a jammept, is to me wnaevounta. throughout the | faction, “which pollutes the | Of national bonor, and digs the grave of patriot ‘chows lastf on all sides. ‘Conidesse ia destroyed; | feeling haa beon gupp'antod by intense sec: | They E bs ‘Virginia, in our present relations With the notalavebolding Statos an imperative neveasity for decisive measures, does not yet distrust the capsctty: of the Southern States, by a wise and firm oxei of their reserved powers, to protect the rights and liberties of the people, and to preserve the federal Union. For we uy desire the concurrent action of a uthorities rf Vi with kindness and cour Carolina and her estimable commissioner, and clining to go into a Southern Conference at they intended no disrespect to that State, South Carolina having detertnined upon course, without consultation with ‘one r any holding sister States, her late Executive , “It iB too lat that Col. Memminger was not sent to Vi dissolution of the Union, but to save it if possible.’ Belore she determined to precipitate a dissolution, would it not have been wise to let us know what was hor de- ‘termination, and to havo made an effort to secure “th concurrent action of the Southern States?” As it is, he movement takes her Southern sisters by surprise. ‘The financial and commercial policy of the federal go- ‘vernment in past years has, 1 have no doubt, in a great degree determined her action, Tho only specific alloga- tion in regard to the slavery question, so far as I hav observed is, the conduct of lorthern States in passin Personal Liberty bills, designed to obstruct the executio + of the Fugitive Slavo law. The action of the Northern States im regard to this law all question, a just and proper subject of complaint and even denunciation on the of all slaveholiing States, and especially th: border part tates. ‘The faithful, prompt and. just execution of all the provi- sions of the present constitution will not prove satisfactory to South Carolina, Believing sho can get nothing more than the constitution accords to her, without evon making an offort through a convention of all the States, har Execu- tive solemnly announces:—‘‘It is too late to ro- ceive propositions for a conference” that “having do- liberately decided on her course, self-respect forbids hor from entertaining any proposition looking to a con- tinuanee in the Union.” ‘The Inte Executive of South Carolina is not content to announce this determination, but is recommendations look ta the embarrassment of every saveholding Slate on the Lorder which is not disposed to follow her Wad. Honco we find in his message an open and unciaguised proclama- tion of war upon the interests of all tho border alave- holding States, unless they unite with South Carolina:— “Tho introduction of slaves from other States which may not become members of the Southern confederacy, and particularly the border States, should he probibited by legislative eunetment, and by this means they will be brought to sce that their safety depends upon a withdrawal from their enemies, aud 4 union with their friends and natural allies. If thoy ehould continne their union with the non-slavoholing Stutes, let them keep their slave property in their own borders, and the only alternative leit them will be eman- cipation by their own act, or by the action of their coa- federates.” We cannot consent to relieve them from their embarrassing situation, by permitting them to realize tho money value for their slaves, by selling them (o us, aud thus prepare them, without ‘any loss of proporty, to ac- commodate themselves to the Northern free soll idea, But should they unite thoir destiny with us, and become stars in the Southern galaxy—membors a great Southern confederation—wo will reocivo them with open arms and an enthuslstio greeting. Should, then, danger approach thoir borders, or an ene. my, open or disguised, make war upon them, there is not a doubt but a living rampart of freemen, from the At- lantic to the Gulf of Mexico, would line’ their borders and beat back the invaders.” Here we havo the exhibition of a determined purposo to coerce Virginia and the other bordor States to follow her examplo; and if thoy fal to do.so, thou thoy are) to placed in ‘such a position as will drive them to the omanelpation of thay slaves -‘7Ais movement, bazun os- tensity for the of slave property, for the dxfusion and the. nation of the instituicion of Eict ‘is to be a0 pore. pre ge ras’. fowl as to force States holding slave property to free themacoes from, it by. emancipation. Tois the avowed policy of the late Executive of a State interested in an institution sanctioned by the teachings and precepts of | Christianity, and pro motive of a higher degree of civilization’ and reline- ment—an institution that ought to be diffused and ex- tended, and tho permanency and prosperity of which ought to be insured. Can it be possible that such sug- gestions can exert an influence upon the future cither of the border States—that they can bo coercod into a union with those who thus manifest a determined purpose to rule or ruin thom? They may rest satisfied that such a policy cannot control the action of Virginia. She has tho independence and the ability to think for horscif, and her action, whatevor it may be, will bo the result of her convictions of duty. Sho is equally aa Jealous of her honor as South Carolina or any other Stato, ‘and she will guard and protect it with a pi ‘as ro8o. lute and determined, and a spirit as firm and undaunted, au unyielding and as exacting. I new pro to present, in contrast with these views of the Executive of South Carolina, tho sentiments an- nounced by her Commissioner in this Capitol ou the 19th of January, 1860. In his address bo declares, “I can confidently’ afilrm that auch au interchango of kiadly fool- ing a8 you havo exhibited cannot fail to bind togethor the hearts of our peuple In, closer ties of sy mpulliy and fellowship.” Doca tho conduct of the late Executive of South Carolina, in his recent message, show that such has been the’reeult? No observer of events for some months past can fail to haye beon struck with the numerous evidences of hostility and projudioe whieh have ‘been exhibited towards Virginia by vory many of tho leading and most influential that State. existence of those ‘ties of sympathy and fellowship”? which bind “together the hearts of our people,” » hand- somely alluded to by Col. Memminger on that intorestinz occasion, Distrust cause (a result greatly to be deplored), appears to have suj dered the ‘tes of sympathy and fellowship” which opht to have existed ut this critical junciure in our ajfairs, notunly letwern South Carolina arid Virginia, but between all the slavcholding Stales. Such taunts as have been indulged in towards this Commonwealth by the late Executive of South Carolina, donot oxhibit that spirit of comity which should at all tines, and taoro especially at this tino, characterize the intercourse and relations between sister States, with a common domestic institution that can bo best defended and maintained by united counsels and ac- tion, Such allusions to Virginia should never have ban made by the Executive of a State who fecls her ‘‘obliga tion for the large contribution of mind and effort which Virgioin has made to the common cause,” and who is moro luryoly indebted to her for manifostations of par- ticular concern in her ‘wolfare.”” In this address it was also declared “that whon we {Gauth Carolina) propose a coaference, we. do s0 with the ail understanding that we are but one of the States in that conforence—ontitled, like all the othora, to expreas our opinions, but willing to reapect and abide by the ‘united judgment of the whole. If onr pace is too fast for some, we aro content to walk slower; oar carnest wish is that all may keep togethor."’ These aro noble sentiments, and declare a sound and propor po sition. In a movement so important, and involving consequences #0 serious to all the slavcholding “tates, no one State should have ventared to move without first baving given timely notice to tho others of hor purpose, even if she did not intend ‘to reapect and abide by the united judgment of the whole.’ Such ac- tion on the part of South Carolina would at this momont, in all probability, have cnabled “all” to “keep to ether.”’ What effect her movement may have upon the uture, time alone can disclose, South Carolina, a sovereign Stato, had a right to ‘adopt the line of policy sho has pursaed; and I would have mare no special reference to ber course if I bad not been indirectly invited to do ro by her late Executive, in his lled for roferences to Virginia. It theExecutive of Virginia, to exhibit, in my official intercourse with the States of ihe confederacy, a spirit of comity, and to manifest all that respect which is due from one State to another. Whenevor the motives or the actions of Virgina are arraignst, I will feel it to be mny duty to remonstrato; and in doing a0 Twill observe that moderation, courtesy and kind spirit which docome the charactor of a State whose “largo contribu. tions to the Uaion’’ have ‘scoured to her the reapoct and affection of every State of this confederacy .”” In the recent message of the Governor of Miseissipp! T find « reference to the border States of the same charac lor, and manifesting. the same spirit which has been ex- hibited by the late Exeoutive of South Carolina:— ‘Aa (sis more than probable that many of tho citizons of the border States may sock a markot for thoir tlavos in the cotton States, I recommend tho pastage of an act probibiting the Introduction of slaves jato this Stato, un. Jeng thoir ownors como wiih and become citizons, and prohibiting tho introduction of slaves for salo by all persons whomsoover.”’ ‘Theso roferonces to the bordor States are pregnant with meaning, and no one can bo at a loss to understand what that meaning ia, Whilo disavowing any unkind fecling towards South Carolina and Missivsippi, I most still say, all right thinking men would eu hat hora nor’ the act would. fad apolog uta nay whoee o olen d eae same tes eaaga es nite to ion a oy whenever male by North a adtempt by anor For the condivion of public affairs the non slave holding States are sand if the Union shall be deste will rest the solemn retponsibin , Mpon pons: ’ ‘Thoir systematic and persistent warfare upon the instits- tion of domestic slavory as it oxists it ns—thoir florce and unquniiiod denunciation of it, and all: who To. cognise or tolerate it, have done much to create ths pro- sont state of exasperation existing botwoo the two noo- tions . Hatred to slavery and slaveholiors io instilled into the minds of their chi a8 part and parcel of their , thr the infeoted district of New ‘The institution is constantly assailtd— the age, desorving ¢ceath. Monoy is raised and has been expended tn biriug to and do. praved men, in armi and supporting them, in ordor Uney may make into Southorn States, and ex- cite the staves to insurrection and murder. Arms | som 4 suited to the uso of tho slave havo oe pr a and sent into tho slive States, of our population, aftor puch 8 degree of madness aa will qualify an Pe the conun: mmurites t a “val i. Severna r arson and every spaeies of orusl. por’s Forry raid. Sah an outrage ought to havo provoked the unqualified ‘and universal condomnation of teed and law ‘abiaing ott. zens in every State of the confederacy. In alrovity it stands without parallel in the history of our country, and tL 40 teachings were seen In the EHar- au: We anywhore, Js it of ion of public men of We have scen nothing going to show the of us, and distrust without sufficient raid. Tho people of the Northern States, as their statutes ebow, and it is confirmed by thelr spsechos and ad- dresses, their resolutions in public meetings, and, in- deed, In almost every conceivable mode, have boon endeavoring to confine slavery within ite prosont limits, by excluding it from all the ‘Territories belonging to the government, They have boen endeavoring “to draw a Tine around the Southern States,” with the purpse of then declaring that slavery shall not go beyond the limits thus determined by them, Tho statutes and resoiutions of many of the non-slaveholding States, from the time Texas Sought admission into the Union up :o this day, confirm this view of the designs and purposes of the freo States. Who can have forgotten the attempt made by the Northern people to use the mails for the trausmissiva of the vilest papers, illustrated by pictorial represeatations calculated and intended “to produce dissatisfaction a1 revolt amongst the slaves, and to incite their wilt pas- 8 to vengeance” against their mastors and others in slayeholding States? ‘The objects they thon had in viow, and towards the secomy tof which thoir oiforts wore dirceted, were the abolition of slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia, and the exclusion of slavo States from admission ino the Union, since the formation of the government, composed of tho original thirteen States, twenty new States have boen added to the Union, making now the number of thirty- three. Of the number so added, eleven have bson free States, and nine elave States. Fer many years tho polio; was to admit States pari pass, 80 a3 to preserve the equl- librium in the Senate between the North and tho Sauth. In carrying out this policy, Vermont and Kentucky, Tenneséee and Ohio, Indiana and Mississippi, Tiinois and Alabama, Maine and Missouri, Arkansas and Michigan, Florida and Iowa, camo in together, or near the same timo. When tho ‘state of Missouri’ was admitte! the State of Maine was cut off from tho then State of Massa- chusetts,for the purpose of preserving the equilidritm between’ thd North and South, in the Senate. A Northorn State was divided, with a view of keoping up the oqui- poiee, and that division gave an additional free Stato to the Union, That equipoise is now destroyed, and wo stand fifteen glave and eighteen freo States. Even in this state of the case the South has been 80 forbeariog and unselfish that she has never asked for tho division of hor Staves, that the equipoise might be restored. ‘An advantage has been gained over us iu another ro- spect, equally important. Tho organized ‘Territories (with the exception of New Mexico) are destiusd to Decome free States, and it may be that even this Terri- to be of like character. Ail of thoae Territories will come into the Union near about the same time; and while the North has the advantage over us now of six Senators, that advantage must, in the ordinary course of events, i the Union shall survive, be greatly increased. Besides, the territory of the slave States is generally largo; tho territory of the free States generally small. “Rhode Island i3 made equal to Missour! in tho Senate; Connecti cut is a counterpoise to Virginia; Vermont, with is wild fanaticism, is an oilvet to Georgia, the Empire Btate of the South. Can it be aurprising that the people of tho South should be restive and uneasy under such circumstances? In ad- dition, a candidate has just been eleoted to the Presiden- cy Who gave utterance to the following atrocious sonti- monts, indicating his bitver hostility tv the South and hor institutions:—“in my opinion it (the slavery agitation) will not cease until a crisis shall havo boon reachod and . A house divided against itself cannot stand, 1 believe this government exnnot endure perma- nently half slaveand half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expoot’ it «will coaso to be divided, It will become ail one thing, or all tho otheg. Either the op- ponents of slavery will arrest the fuFthor spread of it, ‘and place it where tho public mind shail rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its alvo- cates will push it forward until it shall become alike law- fol in all tho States, old as well as now, North as woil as South.” And again, he says:—“I embrace with pleasure this opportunity of declaring my disapprobation:of that clause of the constitution which to # portion of the colored When a oy entertaining and bolily avow- ing such to this moment, they have never sentiments—aohen teen retracted or qualified, have we not reason for alarm and, resentment? ‘The Uniom is now disrupted; Ut the North bear the blame. They have brought these sad and rerulia upon the ,and the candid and honest men of the world will hold them responsible for. the destruction of @ that has challenged the admiration and com) spect of the nations of the earth. Before God and the world they will be held answerable for this calamity. They yet have the power to ond tho strife and oxoite- ment and restore centidence to the country. Will they do it? Tawait their response, but not without appre sion. ‘Time, however, will soon furnish the answer. The rs state of things cannot continue long. A chango for tho better or the worse must soon come, Can it be supposed that a dissolution of the Union oan end in the organization of a Northern and Southern’confe- doracy, embracing the Statos and Torritoryson this sida of Lue Rocky Mountains? I entertain no auch opinion. I consider it , but highly — probable that when come, wavill have fow ‘States lity and isolation, will form one. with New Yorle, im consequena of their lent On the subject of African slavery, and their ideas of Whe kind, will constitute the second. slave States, with Pennsylvania, New Jers the i = and Tevivn pg form the third. The Ohio river, a yun ouned ty Virginia, furnishes a common bond of union between several of them—the Missouri river, another great highway, tae boml of union Letween others—and as these mauve up the Miasiseippi, that great Valley will sooner or later form a vnion with thote with whom they trade and whore intercels are therfore common. For this organization New Orleans would’ bo its chief city. It would be tho exporting and importing city for the States in existence, md thoao which may bo hereafter formed ont of the .imacnse unsettled territory which it would possess. Bosidos, the uu- sold public lands would invite population, and thoir salos would furnish the means to defray governmental ex penses, in part, ot least. Keutueky and the Northwestern ‘Territory originally formed a ere of the domain of Vir- ginia, This organization will keep her uaited with what formerly belonged to hor, and coustituted a part of her territory. ‘The cotton States would form the fourth. AU these confederacies being Uy armel, aithough Lowisi. ana, Arkansas, Teras and Mississippi might at first attach themselves to the cotton Slate organization, a very short time would elapse bofore they would find it to be their interest to connect themselves with the border aml Northwestern States. ‘Their (cade, their interests, their business relations, are with those States, and all opon the waters of the Missis. sippi and its tributaries must necessarily be united. If Louisiana remained in alliance with the cotton States, her great city of New Orieans would have to compete with Mobile and Charlestop for the export and import bg and the most she could hope for would be a third of it. Such an crraangement would be follavel by a struggle for the hey f the Gulf bh pepo) ond the tind organization would have it, cost what it might in treasure and blood. It would be.too impor'ant an acquisition to give up to the cotton State confederacy without a desperate .. These aro my speculations as to the results that are to follow a dis. solution of the Union. Theso results are bad enough, but may be mach worse. It is not given to us to read the fatare, We may, however, spoculate about it. When the Union Was formed it was not expocted or believed that the domestic imstitutions of all the States should be alike. The imatitutions of Maine and Louisia na were hover intended to be the s ‘The people of euch were invested with full power t8 determine whether slavery should exist, and the former decided agaiuet the institution; the Intter decided im its fayor—as each had the undoubted right to do. In the hist ee, against the North, it is some. what remarkable that in our own State so little has beea said in regard to the conduct of th and Ohio in refusing to surrender fug' who participated in tho Harper's Ferry raid. y were regularly indicted; the Governors of those Siates were applied to in duo form to deliver them up, Tho ap plication was refused, aud our peopl, instoad of taking » stand and making an issue upon this’ practical quossion, oem inclined to ignore it ane unite in the complaints of the cotton States. The complaints of those States aro rather against the flnancial and commercial policy of the federal governmont than any action or want of ac- tion on the subject of slavery, Tho siave owners of Virginia have suflored seriously; the wrongs infieted upon us by the conduct of these Ereou tives have beon great. Still wo have heard bat little complaint in our own State, The grievances complainod { uminiy are those which the cotton States plead as a Justification for their action, Would it not be well for us to redress the wrongs our own people have suffered be. fore wo undertake to redress the wrongs of others, who have suffered much lesa, 80 far as glavery is concerned, than we haye done? Gur action Mould be based ‘upon the wrongs done to our own peo) ‘The proposition for the call of a State Con- vention, to determine the position which Virginia shall take, in view of passing events, appears to have boon Tecetved with very general favor. As the subject has been much disoussed by the people in thetr prirnary meetings, it is not only proper, but it is doubtless ex. pected that I shall refer to it in this communication. It ‘* pleasant alike to the private citizen and the pubiic offi- cer to know that his views and opinions are endorsed by those around him; that he ts backed by the popular sen. timent of the ‘ay; but are times and occasions tn the history of every man when it is imperative upon him to adhere to his convictions of duty, maintain his opt. Governors of Towa nions Ormly bot courteously, even at hazard of be ing fond ima minority. Ihave no hesitation in exprea ing my opinion upoa Of any other question of pubiio o I have my convictions uy this question, and I give oxpreseion to them in deolartn my opposition at this time to the call of m Stato Convention. I pee no feceteity for it at this timo nor do I now me any practical result that can be accomplished by it. Ido not conpider this a propitious time to moot the question, and I |, from indications that have ‘been oxhibited, serious difloulties and embarrass. mente will attend the movement. Subsequent ovents may show the necessity for it. In 1833 and 1860, when tho existence of tho Union was seriourly threatened, when the danger was imminent tho Legislature accomplished overytning desired in & manor as satisfactory as it would have been accom- pliehod if the mode now had On peither occ.ston was the ference to the eventa whi 4 which devolved upoe them the necsssity for such action ag War taken, and which gave so much satisfaction to the people of Virginia and the whole count In my inaugural meseage IT mate S if adopted, woul, perhaps, some extent from the complications with which we are | bow embarrassed. | Laulso suggest that a commission, to consist of two of our most inte » discreot aud ye) ped pepiee gimp hgh ‘be to visit the Legislatures of those States which have laws to cbstruct the execution of the Fugitive Slave act, and insist, in the name of My up» their uncom- the Gitional repeal. In support suggestion of the appeintme:t of @ commission, a is be found ia the history of oor own State, im the poistment of the distinguished Benjamin Watkina 4 who was Commissioned to visit the Legi-lature sit Corvolipa at the time of the controversy ftate and the federal government. Tho 01 4 ‘action of Unien was then greatly imperiiied, aud Virginia exerted & most happy ivfluevoe in pigs about 4 settlement that averted: the danger and peace (o the country. ‘That crisis in pubbe affairs waa al- | mest a8 serious and alarming a3 (ho present. Ip renewing the recommendation at this time T annex fa mouitication, and that is, oners shalt not. be sent to cither of the New England States. The occurrences of the last (wo months have satixfied me that New Englant Purtanim has no v:spect Jor human constituiims, and 20 Laie regarct for the Union that they wouks not 'saifice their jarjudwwes, or smother their resentments to perpetuate it. T further recommend that commissioners be seut tw the Legislatures or Conventions of ail the slaveholding Statos , to confer with the. ,with a viow of ascertaiuing what demands, in the nature of vmendments to the cunstita- tion or obberwise, will be satisfactory in this exigency. adoption of this plan wilisin all probability tond to secure harmony and produce unity of action. ‘The controversy now bas reached a poiay whon it must be cettled on some fair, just and portonnent basis, if we are to bé reunited, and’ peace, quiet aud order restored to the country. The excitement now existing is ruinous to the financial. and commercial business, and to the sgricultural, planting, mechanical, mercantile and manufacturing interests of all sections. Un- lees a settlement of the controversy shall be speedily ‘efiectud, every species of 1y must fall to merely nominal prices, and a scene of genoral and ruinous bank- ruptey far exceeding, in extent and severity, any that has preceded it, must bo the inevitable result, Evon now, bundreds and thousands hive been thrown out of ewployment, and at this inclement season poverty, want and misery must be the portion of them and their depen. dent families. It is time tho conservative spirit of the country was aroused and stimulated to energetic action. No time is to be lost in putting into linmediate requisition all fair, honorable and constitutional moavs that promise tw secure a satisfactory and permaneut aij:stment. What, , 8 necessary to bo done? The Northern States must strike from their statute books their Per- sonal Liberty bills and fulfil their constitutional obliga tions in regard to fugitive slaves and fugitives from jua tice. If our slaves escape into non slaveholding States they must be delivered up; if abandoned, depraved and cesperately wicked men come Into slave States to excite insvrrecticns, or to commit other crimes against our laws, anc ¢ cape into free States, they mast be given up for trial and punishment when lawf. ily deminded by the constitut authorities of those States whose laws have been violated. ‘Second—We must have proper and effective guarantees for the protection of riot dl in the District of Columbia. Wo can never conseat to the abolition of slavery in tho District until Maryland shall emancipate ber slaves; and not then, unless it shall be demanded by the citizous of the District. ‘Third—Our equality in the States and Territories must be fully recognized, and our rights of persoa and propor- ty adequately protected and socured. We must have uarantecs that slavery shall not be interdicted in any ‘erritory now belongivg to, or which may hereafter be acquired by the general government, cither by the Con- ess of the United States or a Torritorial Logisiatare; that we shall be permttted to pass through the free States and Territories without molestation, and if a slave shail be abducted, that the State in which he or she shall be lost shall 3 GS full value of such slave to the owner. Pourth—Like guarantees must be given that the trans- mission of slaycs betwen the slavebolding States, either by land or water, shall not be interfered with. ‘Fifth—the pastage and enforcoment of rigid laws for the punishment of such in the free States who shall organize or aid and abot in organizing, either by the contribution of money, arms, munitions of war, or in any other mode whatsoever, companies of men, with a view to assail the slaveholding States, and to excite slaves to insurrection. ‘Sizth—That the general government shall bo deprived of the power of appointing to loeal officrs in the slavehold- ing Statos persons who are hostile to Uac'r institutions or inimical to their rights—the object boing to provent tho appointing power from usi.g patron.go to sow tho seods of strife and dissension betweon tuo slaveholding and nen-Flavebolding classes in the Southern States. These guarantees can be given without prajudice to the honor or righis, and without a sacrifice interests of either of the noa-slaveholding States. We ask nothing, therefore, which is not clearly right and neces- sary to our protection, And, surely, when so much is at atako, it will be freoly, cheerfully and promptly assented to. Tt ia the interest of the North and tho South to pra serve the government from destruction; and they should omit the use of no proper or honorable means to avert 80 great a calamity. Tho public safety and wolfure demand instant action. “ Many of the fanatics in the Northern States aro con- stantly calling attention to the fact that the number of glave owners, as compared with the white population in ‘tho slave States, is gmail; and henco the inference that the non-slaveholder is not loyal to the State, and would not willingly defend the institution. This is a most se- rious mistake, and is well calculated to make an erro- neous impression upon the Northern mind. Such a re sentation docs serious injustice to that loyal and patriotic class of our citizons. It is a reflection uj them not warranted by their conduct, now or heretofore. ‘The number of persons in this State in the year 1860 charged with taxes on sves was 53,874. The number of persons charged with taxes on lands inthe samo year Was 159,088. Most of the persons charged with taxes on slaves are the owners of laads also, and others who own lands own no slaves. The number of porsoas charged with taxes, owners of lands and slaves, is 201,000. All these parties have a common ia- tercet’ in the protection af persons und proporty, and each feels that in protecting tho rights and property of the othere, ho is securing and protecting his own, whether of little or great value. Ag the chief magistrate, and ag a citizen of Virginia, it is a soures of pleas me to know that there 18 no jealousy or distrast, and that barmony and coniidence exist between these clusses. If the Northern people eutertain the opinion that tho non-slaveholiers of the South are not reliable and trast- worthy in all respects they are most grossly mistaken and decoived. lhave seen it stated that in the Empire City of New York the owners of real estate numbered losa than 15,000. Do those who are not owners of roal estate fest no interest in the property of the 16,000? Would they be unwilling to defend or protect it if it were ia danger of de- struction? It might be charged with the same propriety, and with ag much truth, in this instance, that feoling no interest in common with the owner, they would not rvk their lives for tho protection of his real estate, worth millions of dollars. They aro intorested—dcopiy interested in all that relates to the public prosperity. Their prosperity, thelr comfort and the comfort of their families arc dependent vpou the protection of the rights of property of every individual in the community in which he lives. I have always reveronced the State rights doctriaes of vi as inculeated in the resolutions of ’93'and tho report of 99. [believe the doctrines thoretn axsorted, and the principles thetein ailirmed, to be worthy of ail acceptation. I cordially emlorse thom and in so doing, encoret the doctrine of seorssion. Ido not propose to go late an argument iu support of my optaion upoa this question. ‘The #ubject has been ably diseuased for years, on both sides, and those arguments are familiar to all reading and well informed men. Jam content to rest the question upon the discnssious which have taken piace, and leave the people to form their own opiotons and draw their own conclusions. I refer to it, in this connse- tion, to declare my unqualified hostility to the doctriny of coercion by the feteral government In my canvass for the office | now hold, T declared my opinion frankly and fearlessly om this question, aud every man in the State had the amplest opportunity’ to be in formed of my position. In a writton address ‘to tho voters of Virginia,” tesued on the 12th of May, 1959, [ atated, “Should it be the pleasure of the people to olvate me to the office of Governor, ! will endeavor in my ad. ministration to carry out tho time Lonorot State rights principles of Virginia. If at any tine during my ainiu- istration the federal government shall attempt to interfere with the rigits and institutions of Vir vinia; if it shall at any time intorfore with the rights lavery or the rights slaveholders in our I will be propared, with tho aid of tho lo, to resist any efforts 8 into submission 3 to cross our line jquitoux and uncongtitutional laws, efther in Virginia or in any othor Southorn Stat» My position now on this question is what it was then. Tt has net boon changsd or modified, J will reyard an. at- tempt to pars felerad troops across the territory of Virythi Sor the ure of coercing a Southern receding State ‘act of invasion, which shovld be met ant repellet The alle. giance of every citizen of Virginia ts due to her; and whew her flag is wifuried, it is his uty t» rally to its ‘support and defence. The cittzen of Virginia whe wul not reapond to her call t# @ traitor to her rights amt her honor. Tam not without hope that the presout difficulties will find a satisfactory solution inthe end. Let the New Bn. lon: States and Western New York be stoughed off. In the lost war with Great Britxin, the New England States en- tertained the treasonab’e design of fori) an alliawa wiih Canada. Lat them now consummaie it. At tho timo the Hartford Convention mot, the most treasonable boty that hos ever aséerabled ia our country, it was declare! ta thoir report, “Whanovor tt shail appear that theso causes (of our calamities) are radical and ‘manent, a separa- tion, by equitable arrangement, will be preferabie to an alliance by constraint, among nominal friends, but reat evemies, inflamed by mutual ha'red and jealousy, and inviting, by intestine divisions, contempt and aggression from al ‘Tho causes of our calamities “are ra tical anent,” and we are indebted to New hand ization and if ther pd railed, we ahould tare had at this day tho orig Irteen Stetes, aiul no amore, All those States carved ont of the ry ge a [ese om Cay tory, Span! tory fexioan territory, woul bow bean exofbded from association ant union with us, They have shown themselves the uncompromising eno. miles of progrees; they have sternly resisted every nt- ire, unter tho fuar that “tho 7 th number and augmonted in jon, will control tae interests of the whold.”” Kx- ting difuculties furnish abundant reasons and tho host opportunity for severing our connection with them; and we ough: not to permit the occasion to pags unimproved. ‘Aconfesteracy, composed of tho romaiming States, ovn arrange torms under which they cau live monionely amt happliy together; and now that the Union ia dis- rupted, we should avail oureétves of this fav rable = portomity to commence the work of recopetructoa. commencing and prosecuting this important work, wo must look to our security, the protection of our tustita- tione, and our tome tie poaca. Lat the fabrie be renred, on ordinary share yy prudence and vei-tom in tt: fabrication, thore ia but ltt it factory terms, and the righte ‘and interests, the ‘and honor of all its mem- ‘bers can be ily scoured. We can form such a confederacy as will draw to it the affections os ava wao on can 3 Such is my plam for relief from the difMoulties, th» perplexitics and the complications which now environ and Wt for the consideration of my ocean. 1 tejmen. ourselves ‘are to succeed us, demands that the controversy shalh be prudence, wisdom and patriotism; and conciliation. Every man pA risk Peed and his Hy Prospects to quel strife restore peace to bation, torn as it is now by dissension, and threatened with anarchy, trusting to ile to do justice to his intentions, oven if shoud his judgment in error. In the present posture of affiirs, it becomes us to cast about and ascertain im what way the interests of Virginia It is neither politic nor ity, and permit it to tical or sect! broils. y either event, ‘osperity should be with us an’ object of the importance, and to its a:'vaneemepnt our efforts should be steadily directed. We have the best port in the country; and no man can doubt, if direct trade were established between Nor- folk abd Europe, it would give inereased ity to every interest in the commonwealth. It would secure jor “us a. commercial independence that would prove of immense valve in any contingency that might occur. The present anc prospective system of railroads in the State already pointa to the great Northwest, and must coou be ome aa important part of the imme yse not work of roads which pow reach Kansas, and aro fast pro- greasing towards the Pacific; and the system, when com- eto, will be entirely, or almost so, within’ the contral lt from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Virginia then, whether in or out of the Union as it stands at present, has it in her power to place herself in the position, in refercnee to thia great interior and exterior trade, which really belongs to her. With ships sailing directly to Europe at regular intor- vals, from the port of Norfulk, an import trade could bo established, and importers in the interior citins throughout the West, and some portions of the South- wet, would receive their supplics through this channel, importations woul? all pass over our railroads to their intersection with tho railroads of other States, es jally those of Teonesses, Keatucky and some of the Rortheestorn States. The export aud import business would be concentrated upon the Virginia roads, and would thus insure to them controlling power in the ar- rangement, securing great bonell's to the State, and good protits to. the stockhotd It may be added that this comtuerce ts already in existence, ana only awaits the easiest, cheap(st aud most expeditious moans of reaching the Atlantio, to be conveyed thence to all points of desti- nation, both ovtward and inward. Tum entirely satisfied, that if direct trade wore estab- lished between Norfolk and Europe, it would result in the enlargement of our cities, the increase of our agricultural products, the developement of our resources, the creation of manufactures, the enhancement of the valve of lands, the opening of the coal and mineral beds, make the siock which the State owns in ‘hor vailroals productive—and the end would be a diminution of the State debi, and a reduction in the rate of taxation. If such would bo the results, the subject is eminently degorving of the most serious consideration, ‘Tho attention of the peoplo has heen directed to the question, and the time is thereforo favorable for decisive action pon it, I leave it to your wisdom to digest a plan that will scoure the great ond. 1 have thus presented my reflections on federal rela- tions, frankly and with that judependence which is be- coming the position I ovcupy at this intoresting and dangerous epoch in our history. It is only by afres comparis.n of opinions, and a manty examination of the questions in issue, that’ we can hope to evolve the true state of facts, and provide mody for existing troubles and threatened dangers. Having performed my duty, the whole maiter is with you, for such action #3 tho wis- dom aud patriotism of the Legislature may adopt. Be our conclusions what they may, Iam satisfled thoy will 6 results of your convictions ax’ to what is best to bo dono in this émergency, for tho honor and iutereats of our beloved Commonwealth ‘and our country. In conclusion, I have but to add, that the will of Vir- ginia wili furnish an inflexible rule for the direction of my own action. Mp destiny is linked indissolubly with hers. In the oxpressive Ue yey! Rath, “Whithor thou goest I will go; and where thon lodgest ¥ will lodge; Thy poople shall be my people, and thy God, my God.’” The Gridiron Rallroad. THE ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE DEOLARED UNCON- STITUTIONAL—THE INJUNCTION CONTINURD. SUPREME COURT—CHAMNERS, Before Hon. Wm. H. Leonard. Jan. 9.—The People of the State of New York, The Trus- tees of the Sailor's Snug Harlor, in the city of New York, James Brown et al vs. John Kerr ef al.—The Logislature at their la#t ecesion enacted a law authorizing John Kerr and others, dofendents in this action, to construct a railroad in the eity of Now York, running through Groene street, University place, Broadway and other streets, ‘on a route commonly known as the ‘Broadway parallol,’” to be constructed on the most approved plan for city railroads, and run aa often as the convenience of passen- gers may require, and to be subject to such reasonable regulations as the Common Council may prescribe, and to the same fee for license for each car ag? is now paid by other city railroads in the «ity of New York, and authorized the said grantecs their assigns to charge the samo rate of are as is now charged by such other city railroads, The grantees are authorized to run upon the track of othor Tailroade in tho prescribed route, wad in case they canuot agree with the ownors of such route rospectiag the com- ponastion, then it is to bs ascertained according to the provisions of the General Railroad act passed in 1860. Tho act then contains the following provision in regard to componsation for such real estate as may be taken, vig: ould any real estate, or intorest therein, be re- quired for the purpose of constructing said railroad on said route or routes, a8 above yecified and authorized, or which the persons above wamod, or thoir assigas, shail be unable to agree with che private owaer or own- ers for the uso or purchase thereof, they may acquire the right to use, or title to, the somo in tho manner, &e., specified in the said’ G flroad act of 1860. ‘The act further provid “in all use of said streets and avenues for of said railroad as herein auth» I be considered = public use, consistent with the uses for which the Mayor, Aldermon and Com- monaity of #aid city hold said streets and avenues,” Tho Mayor, Aldermen, &e., ace prowibited trom allowing any other company, formed under the Goneral Ratlroad act of 1860, to construct a railroad on the said route, and from coig any other act to hinder, delay or obstruct the con- struction or operation of the rullroa authorized by this and it makes it tho duty of the Mayor, Common Council and other officers of the city, to promote the constriction aud protect the operation’ of tha railroad; and declares tat any act or thing done in violation of that act shad be inoperative and voul; and directs that all actions relating to, afleoting or arising under this act, or the authority thereby given, shail be commencod, ia the Sapremo Court of tho First Jacivial district, repeals all laws incoreistent therewith, and directs that it shall take effect im ly. A tomporary tjunction was granted by uxt in July Inst, restraining Joba Kerr and others, the graatecs named in the seid act,and tho Mayor, Aliormen, &o., from laying dows the railroad, and from doing any act or thiag under the #aid eet of the Legislature, and restraining tho Mayor, Aldermen, &¢., from doing any act in furtherance to promote ‘Ly ev .struetion of, the railroad go author or in aid of the sol’ grant. Tho plaintiffs now move the Court ty mnke the injunction permanent pending the litt- gation. Tie plait Ms, other than the peuple, aliege that they are the owners of land along the line of some of the streets whera th route of the proposed railroad {# an- ito be laid; aa that thoy are the owners of the tee of the strcets in front of their lands, subject to the public nee thercof as streets, and that the laying of a track would be specially injarious to them, in obstructing the approach to and use of thoir factories aud builuings erected on their lands fronting on the streets 20 to be occupied by the railroad; and that their lands will be deteriorated im veluo, and that the general object and public use of the streets will bo obstructed; that the privileges granted by this are worth more thaaa million of are, and would, if sold, produce that sm; and that the plaintiffs, ether thea the people, are in- eveating the graut of such franchises belonging to the city of New York that the reiiroad will constitute a ne public and ne to the plaintiif, who are wes Of land along the saul route; that the grantees about laying down the rail track $0 wathorigad, without making any compensation for the uss of the streets to be occupied thereby, either to the plaintiffs, whore lan’# abut upon the rtrests so to be used, or to the city Corpora iow, in violation of the constitution; thet tho pinmtifs fear that the Mayor, Aldermen, &0., will proceed to give their assent to the said act, and to the grant therem, to thotr great damage as owners of property on the’ streets, aod as cltizons and tax payers. Tho ptatntifi’ also allogo that the act in question was adopted by leas than two- thirds of the mombera cloctad to the os lature, in violation of the article ia the coustitation requiring tho public monoys of property to be appro- priatos for local OF privale purposes on); by the aasont ‘of two-thirds ef all the members lee: defend. ante contest tho statementa of tho plaintrifs particularly, Ww respect to their title to the streets and avenues ia front of the land owned by thom along tho said route, The de- fendants exhibit deeds, showing grants in fee to the Masor, Aldermen and Gormonaity of the city of Now York, tor the lana constituting the wtrecta upon which the iands of all the tadividnal plaintiffs, including also tho sailors spn Harbor, front (except the lauds of the plain- {ul Varian), in trues for the uso of the public 4s stroots. ‘The tand constituting that part of Broadway upon which the land cf the plaintiff Varian fronts, is shown by ail. davite to have boon in use as a public strevt or highway or over one hundred. and fifiy yoars, or to have boon acquired under the wot of 1813, whon the line of Broad- way Was straightened, and its locality, in some places, wae chan, for that porpose several years since. Judge Leonard delivered an olaborate opinion, in which ho pronwmced that the plaintita had no title to the weot infront of their ‘ty other than the public generally, but that the act of the last 1 autho. Tiking defendante to constract tho railroad was invalid, D cause it was repugnant to the provision of the consti- tution, which forbida private property to be taken for pabite use without rope ‘The Court considered ‘that as the atrecte franchises belong to the ration, the Legisiatore cannot forbid them to place any ‘ebdetacle in the way of the covatruction of a railroad, sucl aa the lcn.and for adequate compensation might be coa- rider), The motion to continae the injunction till the hearing and decteinn of the action is accordingly granted, with ton daflars costs to the party finally provailing chervin, For tho plaintiffs, Wm. C. and Wm, Allen Butler; for tho cefundants, Charles 0" and Win. M. Rearts. Pre @ at bo from soem rie Gawn—AQoail cannot logatty be killed {iat ptoabee Tay my iw. FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL. a Wepnespay, Jan. 9-6 P.M. > The custom tables of the trade of the port of New York for the year 1860 were completed to- day, and we subjoin them in full:— Forrsey Ierorts Extenve at New Yor Durana Tam Years sor, 1868, 1860 ax Fy Entered for Consumpti 500 ae 1s 7s0.721 January. $15,500,084 4,170 556, bach? tpscoset Wate o\2iN00) 16 “Hiiso.o30 eieat's40. 15,605,141 16,222,311 14,909,815 21,681,460 18,416,207 12,470,440 9,845,609 9,978,720 13,043,310 796. 2 ‘August... $1616 089 2. 2,064,044 4,182,764 Zoptember. 5,428,203 2:900,710 21177,006 238184 October... 1356424 2,157,673 2,194,258 2,817 408 November. 5/821/588 1,726,818 2,744,108 3,961,658 December. 3,208,464 1,510,373 "566/145 Total. .$73,542,349 26,035,619 96,875,064 46,741,186 2,618,220 2, 2,200,223 Sion 2/€20,354 3730/24 2/802,542 2/386,349 3,461 256 Lesa $180,361, 2,765, 1'486,147 1/04/9018 Dube 2,920,621 2,050,605 Seplember. 1,772 1,810,628 1,652,833 + 1,782 1/447,433 1/911,616 1,776,884 1,055,087 | 2'487/290 2 2)877;300 2)145,584 2,138,579 Total. ..$21,440,734 22,024,601 23,708,732 28,006,447 Specie. January... $886,600 809,572 71,308 February. 1,023,718 240,000 92,200 190,176 Mareb..... 1661 277,203 «81,606 «8, 2724418, 122,438 = 96,060 485,802 88.278 175,139. 64,968 348,419” 140,760 84 256/695 k 1,083 338 November. 3,027,808 90446 167,087 446,708 December. 681,123 63,183 174,008, Total... $12,806,038 2,264,120 2,816,421 6,852,890 Tua. January ..$19,006,782 8,105,719 19,447,902 21,756,278 February. 25,524'402 9,200/043 15,843,370 19,356,319 March..... 21,196,604 11,729,702 20,820 530, 1 ‘April....+ 21'218,318 11,169,025 22,425,619 16,971,358 May... -. 18,705,265 11,454,70:) 23,552,640 16,895,151 June..... 15,889,126 10,116,442 24,060,821 19,160,789 Tuly : x 18,505,747 27,286,120 24'881,649 ‘August... 19/086,498 19,624,170 24,049,501 25,938,868 September 16,847;360 15,473,295 16,613,535 16,200,460 October... 14,429,867 13,542,984 13,617,046 16,787,242 November 13/417,960 10/591,606 14,805,002 15,421,156 December 9,196,811 13,344,625 18,908,208 21,258. ‘Total. £200,618 120 152,867,007 245,105,516 238,200,400 sooratse 4. + 2,088,270 2,964,024 Januai , 088, ~asent x 4,733,706 2,167,998 649 2080223 4,444,415 1,718,237 2,200,117 287,216 "529 1,543,551 2,069,428 2262178 2,600,338 1,623,434 2,475,068 781,09 2,360,140 2,369,231 2,268,377 «11,908,607 8,164,538 2,595,063 3,503,008 6,985,247 3,116,013 3,296,084 3,325,105 ver eovaeL uez'wos 21u0's0a Sle oe 462, 5 November. 300318 2,124,655 1,970,134 1,597,201 December. 3,684,008 1,780/620 1,840,754. 1,246,208 26,867,080 31,103,924 3,478,471 8,809,106 2 048 ‘Total. ..$42,477,090 1688 f 8,164,011 3,477,545 3,212,000 2,444 8,014,520 2,460,408 31314429 2,024,11 4,861; 504, 982 ‘867,534 tober... k 2/064 884 November. 1,121,702 1,706,529 2,167,164. 1,194,748 Decembor.. 1,172/302 2,020,896 2,843,888 1,171,808 Total.. $35,039,074 26,476,781 38,834,242 35,327,488 Exrorts Frou New Yorx to Forstax Ports During Ts YEARS 1867, 1868, 1850 axp 1860. Domestic Produce. 1867. 1858. 1859, January...$4,543,842 4,203,906 8,762,182 February. 6,309,202 8,709,870 3/253 592 March .... 7904481 4,503,371 5,377,840 1. 5,162\160 6,513,117 5,950 '921 x 4/262;789 5,180,652 1312 6,382,939 4,880,396 8, 4,771,962 4/988,065 {280,479 4,600,272 5,150,710 4,218,964 3,591/902 4,946,912 491529 6,293,364 4,752,779 5,245,009 3,481,654 6,823,611 Decomber. 2/832, 8,700,063 6,382,172 Total...$61,808,235 63,949,708 69,929,531 05,468,296 Kable. Janvary... $188,408 200,308 «282.937 899,81 February., 363,878 8 263,831 681,489 8 $44,716 482,489 248,270 436,223 232,552 bak 304,752 400/218 823,578 k 463 7 topiember.. 417,570 160,863 «188,072 «46,620 Oetobor..... 212443 161068 252,878 4,175 November .. 86.628 129,671 «177,988 84,167 Decomber ... 503,479 154,816 241,836 OT 24 Total... $4,229,776 1,001,111 2,990,881 2,258,710 Spexe Bullion. Jonoary...$1,907,46 4,745,611 2,905,688 568 February.. 1/831,726 3,746,920 2,311,427 7/009 Biareh..... 2174/6606 "'836,104 3,343/677 2.881668. 8354,805 646/285 6,250,167 2,995. 5,789,266 1,700,775 114211082 - 6,529,986 1'30/354 —"694/174 _7/496,081 8,842,080 8,628,377 2,901,496 101051019 6/563'936 ‘August... 6271T1T 2201/8026 ,400\783 7,458,818 September 990,476 3,280,501 8,267,681 3,758,734 October. 207,260 3,024,405 6,844,159 2/106, November. 3,290,281 "471,970 41383123 December. 7,536,062 1,894,208 2062,129 202,401 Total...$44,300,174 26,001,431 60,716,806 42,101,178 ‘Tal. Jonuary...86,192,510 9,435,950 6,410,696 6,876,028 February... 1770,512 7,020,491 0,107,000 7,052,879 ‘11)190'866 6 9/219\678 10,510,417 (330 LT 12/091'153 it's90's 16,002,308 14,463,100 12,725,846 15,734,080 14,087,497 13,658,670 10,852/256 12/062,658 10,523,560 12,973/177 12/097 ,460 6,270,323 9,167/400 11,744,165 ‘Total, $17,724,829 96,690,643 197,000,187 145,659,488 The year 1860 began with a pretty active money market, a large import movemont, and an average export of produce. The cotton crop of 1859 had been unusually large, and the price abroad led to large shipments; but, on the other hand, the West- ern grain crop had been short, and the price abroad did not leave @ margin for profit on the ox- port of wheat or flour. As the winter drew toward aclose money grew easier, and the importations foll off; the apring opened with an oasy market, mode rate prices for merchandise, apd rather lowor rates of exchangs than usual. This continued to be the state of things throughout the summer. At mid- summor everything looked promising in the com mercial world. Tho importations of foreign goods were so light that exehange was fully one per cons. below the ordinary average. Money was a drugs the success of our grain crop, combined with the failure of the crops in Buropo, justified the oxpee- tation that we should see an active movoment ia food; the export movement of specio was lights the position both of merchants and of banks was strong. In September a reaction began to take place. It commenced with the stool market, on which prices fell heavily with+ out any seeming cause. Thon, as usually happens in tho fall montha, the demand for money increased, and the market became more stringent Upon the heels of this change, the result of the Pennaytvania election introduced a new element into tho financial movement; a political panic, for the firat time in owr history, began to affect all our