Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.
8 IMPORTANT FROM WASHINGTON. domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, Promote tae general welfare, and (o ecure the blessings [OONTINUED FROM FIRST PAGE} of V erty to those who framed the Union and their pos- ‘would receive or use any of the free soil ive of the State terity. ‘The beneficept, miseion thus founded is still in 1s of the North. = infancy, and yet, with. all ite delinquencies and short < en comings, it has done more to advance the cause MEETING Op soUTHERN CONVENTIONS | or rational liberty, to assprt the principe of AND LEGISLATURES. true freedom apd vindicate the rights of man, than ! ‘Me preent week promises to be an eventful one in the | all governments which have preceded it But, though ' Aistory of the Union, from the fact that conventions to | has already accomplished much, it has by 20 Mean’, fy). sonsider the questions pertaining to the present crisis | pijed its allotted destiny; for new fields FC SP"ead out ‘will be held in three of the States,"nameiy: Florida, Mis- | for it to subduq and fertilize, and further triumphs wiesippi and Alabama, which have heretofore been cata- | await it in tbe vause of human regemeration. And now, dogued with those States likely to cut off their allegiance | when it is rejoicing in the fpride of yeutbful develope- frem the Union, From the most authentic sources we | ment, abd abounding in every moral and material elo- earn that in the States above enumerated the secession | mentof greatness—wben an hvious yet admiring world @elkegates to the conventions are largely in the majority; | hae acknowledged the success of the great experiment, ‘und 1 ic safe to predict that, before the present week | ena its name is respected and henored throughout the ones, some one, perhaps all, of these States will have | ciobe—if it shall fall'a prey to its own depravity, passed ordinances disintegrating themselves from the | and be conquered by sectional disturbance and intestine Northern portion of this Union. broils, the whole people of the earth, civilized ‘The regular meeting of the Virginia Legislature, which | and savage, will cry out shame! It is the natural dic- ekes place to-day, is fraught with importance. From | tate of the heart to censure the causes of sectional ‘tee commencement of the present crisis and until within | estrangement—it is the noblest impulse of patriotism to 2 few days Virginia has occupied a conservative position, | restore, by its timely intervention, peaceful and kindly Dat within the past week an undulatory secession | relations between contending States. Although the eomtiment has been cet in motion and is daily on the in- | causes of disturbance between tho North and South have grease. Tho action of the Legislature, therefore, either | been of long duration, and are replete with bitter recol- for or against secession, will have an immense influence | jections, there is nothing in the questions at issue, nothing Im the present conjacture for the pacification or agita- | in the complications or hostile attitudes of parties, and ton of that State. nothing in the temper of the masses of the people of ‘The Tennessee Legislature will hold an extrasession | either section, which forbids a speedy and final to-day, with special reference to the present political | aajustment, just to all and satisfactory to all. But, oreis. as is neual'in all such and kindred controvercies, those ‘Fe Legislature of North Carolina will hold an ad- | who criminate and those who recriminate—those who sourned seesion to-day, after a short vacation. attack and those who repel, whether because smarting DELEGATES TO TRE ALABAMA STATE CONVENTION— | under a sense of wrong or indulging a stubborn pride— MEETS TO-DAY. will not negotiate with each other for adjustment; but if they treat, it must be through agencies which enjoy the friendship and command the confidence and respect of both. For all the purposes of the present unhappy con- troversy, the federal government, the several State go- vernments, and also the Northern and Southern divisions, may be regarded and treated as re- sponsible and independent States; and being such, the angry feuds and hostile relations between them, or any of them, which disturb the harmony of the Union, and threaten the sanguinary horrors of civil war, become the proper, nay, necessary, subjects of mediation by a friendly Power, upon every principle of natural and 6Onventional justice, of State comity and by the epirit of international law—and of mediation, too, to which ail parties must listen with respectful deference. Let, then, Virginia—the Old Dominion—the mother of States and statesmen, put forth her potential voice as a mediator, and calm the agitated elements. She lives and moves and has her being in the essence of the conetitu- tion—she is revered for her patriotic devotion to the Union, in the spirit of its founders, and she can procure juetice, equality aud security for both sections, without ‘Yriwging detriment or humiliation to either. ‘but, if after every reasonable effort the mediation shall be retell, and one or moro States in either section shall peremt | urging unreasonable demands, or in refusing just termd of arrangement, the said States or section do 20 at their peril. It fs a principle of international jaw, as old as civilization, that contending States haye no Tight to prosecute to the ultima ratio of nations con- Aicts capable of ready and fair adjustment by peacoful means, to the disturbance of the world’s repose «7,3 the LAUDERDALE. ainpouhs, destruction of {nelr Reighbors; 404°, nas boon the Three iat dusibim of friendly Powérs. when menaced and endan- ——— ™ gered, under such circumstances, to demand, in A. A. Coleman. the uame and by the authority of their own strong arm, that the safety of other States, the cause of Dumanity and the interests of commerce, be no longer imperiiied by the bloody contentions of those which ‘abhor each other.’’ When all other efforts at reconcilia- tion have, therefore, failed; when Congress sball have exhausted its powers, and the appeals of patriotism prove unavailing, and the blood of one section be de manded to appease the cravings of the other, let Vir. ginia summon to her aid the assistance of other power- ful and peaceful States, and in the name of tho constitution and of the Union—of Christian ciyili- iger, aation—of the great memories ef the past—of igh J. Russell. the glorious fruition of the present—of the rich ‘A. Kimba promises of the Setare and the first true hopes * nTON. of liberty, equality and the rights of man, preseribe and fo core Dr. Jas. G. Hawking enforce, if needs be, by the common judgment of man- W. S. Earnest. wicox. kind, terme which shall be equal and just to all, and LOWNDES. F. K. Beck. grant special favors to none; which shali demand no sa 3. G. Gilebrist. WALKER. crifices, subject none to humiliation, but shall place 3.8 Williamson. Rev, Mr. Guttery. every State and each section in the dignitied relations LAWRENCE. WINSTON. suggested by a spirit of a common compact, and guar- ‘Stat anteed by the plain provisions of the constitution. pene One separate Stateseces- | Wee have at all tines justified the expulnion of savage tribes from their possessions upon this continent, under the plea that we were to substitute civilization for bar- barism; an enlightened Christianity for heathenism; knowledge and retinement for ignorance and degradation, and the arts of peace for the devastations of war. We are now in the last half of the nineteenth century—a pe riod signalized by its religious pretension, its enlightened commerce, its progress in the physical sciences, its de- ‘Thus far $7 for independent separate State action, and 1 for co-operation. In Conecuh county the vote was a tie. The county of BA. Clair, entitied to one delegate, to bear from Co-operationists in italics. DELEGATES TO THE FLORIDA STATE CONVENTION. RY. tery, P. Barrington, votion to letters and the arts, its widespread spirit of K. Alliwon, Henry Seaver. Philanthropy, and » and if, a pve wile basking tm the t moral and “sl uteRTY Joseph Finnegan, paavageice ev Mhosee mile ed to br Oot our patriotism is so deficient, our purpose so fe a . Iycrunapee re cd our inorality so questionable and our virtue so weak that BW. Spencer. Jas. M. Daniel we cannot reconcile our sectional differences upon terms CALIOCY. * quay.* which justice suggests and the constitution demands, — but must resort to a conflict of arms, we should restore SS. inka to the original and rightful proprietors of the soil what mente) Lod we wrested from them for purposes of Christianity and David lewis. civilization, with a confession that our mission has failod, ae and that they are lawfully entitled to reeume possession 2% asa under their paramount title deeds of blood. AD yarn With my anxious prayer for the deliverance of our be TM. Palmer James Kirksey loved country from the evils which threaten ber, | am, W. & Dilworth. Scum ienrd, with high cobsideration and regard, sincerely yours, —_ ow ma Hin, James. Masoy and Hon. R. M. T. Hoxswn, Sena pokemon . tors in Congress from Virginia. A. 3. Lea. Congress onal districts. THE VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. Tho foulowing is a list of the Senators and mombers of the House of Delegates composing the Virginia Logisia Iesure, which will meet w-day. MATTERS IN ha TON, SOUTH CARO- TRE INVESTURE OF FORT SUMTER. (From the South Carolinian, Jan. 1.) ‘The Charleston correspondent of the Sowh Carolinian says:— . ? * * * * Thousands of schemes were devised by unmilitary SENATE. Jan. ong. Oswald B. Finney. Charles W. Newton. men for taking Fort Sumter. One man thonght that Sen arm e Gee ee en Predch, William W. Noenea, | it might be taken by floating down to the fort rafts pilod debn Criteber ight Gatewood, William D. Pate. with burning tar barrels, thus attempting to smoke the John Brannon. Hiram A. Greener. | Janes G, Pasion. American troops out as you would smoke a rabbit out of Charles M. Hubbard. Johi D. F Thomas M. Isbell. Jam wpb ker, Jonathan Richovond. ‘Alexander Rives, William Sinith Alex. HH. Stuart haries Bruce. ahollow. Another was for filling bombs with Prussic acid, and giving each of the United States soldiers a smell. Still another supposed that the fort might be taken without bloodshed by offering to ews soldier ten Joseph ¢ . Douglas Jas M. Taliafer rc dollars and a speaking to. “And still another thought that gehen B. Claiborne. ard y= A by erecting a barricade of cotton bales, aud arming it ee een. Seee Kk Manoa yee, | With cannon, » floating battery might be made, which, Witiin Ht. Day. Charles Massie, George Townes with the aid of forts Moultrie and Johnson and Castle John Dickenson. Wm N. MeKenney. Thos. H. Urguhart, Pinckney, together with redeubte thrown up on Morris’ Wm. ©. Wickham. and Jones’ islands, and with further assistance of au Beceriey B. Douglas, Daniel R. Neal.® i armed fieet, an attack might be made on the fort, iain L. Barly. | James Neeson. Democrats in italics, *Douglas democrats. {Black repub- | and at some convenient point a party of sharp. oana. aS shooters might be stationed, who would pick off ; ATH. : the garrison, man by man, thus giving an oppor- PM. ovdyidd Apis ignee Gesdyeonts, John B, Miller.© tunity toa party of {nfantry to scale. tbe walls of tho PPA A ee aiutan = Rice De Montaene, | fort, @uch a storming, however, could ouly be accom Joho TF. Anderson. Hl. M. Manly. Jan Montgomery, | plished by an immense sacrifice of life; and the only prac Wn. E Arnold. Rewes N. Harrison. James D, Morris ticable mode of taking the fort would seem to be by a James M Bailey. Jeremiah B. Jett. Gustavus protracted siege, and by the unchristian mode of starving Chi B. Bi Thomass. Haymond. Win. B. them. The all-important topic is the arming of the forts B.C. Ballard. Walter B. Hackley. John Orga 5 pic 7 Woan S inition. Andrew'Patierson, | &nd the fortifications of the harbor. The cannon at the Wen, Baskereit, ‘Henry W, Holdway. Lewis A. Phelpe citadel are being mountedy and men were Bolin Basse. W. Hophins.* @. Mel. Porter this work during the whole of Saturday and Sunday and Benjanini Be | a Joshua Pretlow to-day. Groups are bu ‘on the Citadel gr een, moulding ni Base’. unt Jo n day. Groups are busy o1 ‘1 een, nD. Bell. Alpheus Prichard. bullets for the convenience of the enemy. We are ex — ‘tip ecting the worst. The Surgeon-General's Departinent Sorte bie (ul. Richardson. ws been organized. Dr. R. W. Gibbes, of the Governor's J, Boisseny ‘thaniel Riddick. | Staff, who arrived here on Thursday, has proceeded with J, Bolssenn. ‘Arthur I. Boreman W. Robertson, * the organization of his staff, Their quarters are at the @. L. Brown* Re K. Robinson.* City Hall, opposite the Council Chamber, Orders have we" ten given to the nesstant surgeons. to gee that all per " - — - ' | song entering the service are —vaccinat Ry Sedan Sn bow the-by, th are ramorr afloat bere that the ‘Addison L. Carter. smallpox is visiting It is suggested that it nit, Le ne will walk through the city and visit Fort Sumter. py Ry REGULATIONS AT CASTLE PINCKNEY. lames T. Lockridge. Jamon K. Sinjth.* T) THE EDITOR OF THE CHARLESTON MERCURY, a Ixwac N, Smith, Caste Pivexxty, Jan, 1, 1861 Greed D.Ooternan, Win T. Lundy ith. You would confer a favor by inserting the following le” lei iened Rene xtract from the standing instructions to the sentinels Bamue! Cra BH Magruder. Joho J, Thompson his fort-— Robert L Davis, | 8M. Mallory HH. Tovlin Ng, bawt shail be allowed to approach the castle excupt ‘Win. J. Dickenson® J. G, Martin.* py the head of the wharf — Booker. Thomas Martin.® — ¢ Every boat will halt instantly upon being so command 3-8. Duckwall, Wm. Martin, ed by the sentinel, and will Kiet advance until express $4 Aes pony Fl permistion be given Wo Meant. — Henry-B, Maupin. Arthur Watsen.* The sentine! at the wharf will permit no boat to leave Andrew B. Evans, Samuel McCamant. Edicin Wetvon.* without the permiion of the proper officer of the guard. Je vo. J. Marshall MoUue. A. 8. W. Any attempt to disobey these regulations may entail ene: fF b Sas serious consequences, J. JOHNSTON PEPTIGREW f T. Prien THE NEW STATE LOAN AND THE BANKS. el oa , We are glad to learn that the State loan of $400,000 mee Wook." tener! has beon promptly taken up by the banks of the State at D. Gibson.” Frederick § Mitoa par, eneb bank taking aD amouu® proportionate lo ite John T. Giboon.® — Dasid Midler» capital Joho Gilmer.* FIRE IN THR CITY. Douglas democrats. Straight dewoorate in Huliom On Tuesday, about one o'clock, # fire was discovered aa ote on the root two and a half story wooden residence, ” > y uated on the north side of George street, near Meet THE HON. DANIEL 8. DICKINSON TO THE | fng.owned and occupied by @. W. Willlams, aq. ‘The NEW YO ADDRESSES TO ~ VIRGINIA SENATORS. root was completely destroyed. The tire was caused by BINGHAMTON, Jan. 4, 1861 a defect in the enim y ° fumnivere, Was, considers . " tions bly ad, There is an insurance of $5,000 upon the Gexriees—The friendly relations which have charac welling fo the Continental Insurance Company of New terized our long acquaintanze, embracing many years of | York public service together, the high regard I entertain for | COLORKD VOLUNTEERS FOR THE DEFENCE OF THE ou personally, the confidence 1 repose io your patriot . STATE. | iow und the Admiration with which 1 buve viewed the |W loam that 160. abledeiad free colored man. of jem, Charleston, yesterday offered their services gratuitously State you represent in the Senate of the confederacy, (n- } to the Gowemnor, to hasten forward the Uinportant duce me to address you upen the disturbed and jmperi!! Nrowing up relombts wherever needed along our coast eatiititen of oe LIBERALITY OF EMPLOYERS. 4 condition of the sountry We learn ‘rom the Courier that the employers of the Although 1 entertain a lively sense of the primary | young ‘ho are now under military service in “that causes which produced the dis 1 waive | State, sn them notice that their salaries will » . / ts ennui e suspended. Thie is an ace which is deserving o af coneideration of them for the present, ox: | iuch prise, The South Corian wn as monorona an cept o far a® may be necessary to understand | they are brave. fand reach and remody the irritation, looking only to the ‘ MORE vou TRERS. n ane 0 went and furure for a Greer bas offered 1 services of bie company of past for instruction and wo the present and future for de pger® (AREA abd equipped Bi vhe) y bverance pense) to Goverkor Pickens, at Manrte Mer These Staice were united to cetad!ieh joetice, ineore * yo any eirt RK "{ERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 1861. M* .sSACHUSETTS. 488 LEGISLATURE OF THE TMDREW” OUTGOING GOVERNORS—GOVERNOR ERNOR DEFIANT AND UN‘ ~ _ BANKS CONCILIATING AND PATRIOTIO— SHING SCENE AT THE CLOSE OF HIS SPRECH. a¢ following extracts from the addresses of the in- ming and retiring Governors of Massachusetts contain all which has reference to the great issues which are at present pending between the Northern and Southern sec- tions of the confederacy :— ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR ANDREW. PROVISIONS OF THE STATUTES CONCERNING PRRSONAL LIBERTY. T cannot, however, forget at this moment some recent impeachments of our legistation safeguards for personal liberty; but it is impossible for ine to compress within the restricted space allowable for the pu: a review of the objections alleged against that oeislation, or even of the reasons by which it commends itself to good citizens who believe in its propriety. The subject opens too broad a field of judicial inquiry and erudition to be mapped out on this occasion. But I think that if it could be remeribered that the liberties of white men and of their children are involved in its consideration, and if it could be forgotten, in the digcussion, that of color bave an existence, some advance would there! be made towards clearing a vision now too easily be- clouded touching all matters which concern the African race. The governments of the United States and of this com- monwealth have co-ordinate jurisdiction, each within its own sphere, over the same territory. ‘When either, by its appropriate officers, has obtained actual and lawful custody of a person or of property, for the pur- pose of legal inquiry into the title to the property, or the right to hold the person, or inorder to try that for crime, the person or the property, until that weatigation shall be completed, is withdrawn from the exercise of the correspending jurisdiction of the other go- vernment. This is implied trom the very o0-existence of the two governments in federal relati and it is rarely expressed in the statutes of either, although it ap- plies: with equab force to both. It docs not depend upon aby supremacy or preference of the one government over the other, but upon the naked — which of them first acquires jurisdiction of the subject matter to be de- termined. The application of this principle to the provisions of the general statutes of Massuchusotts concerning the writ of habeas corpus, relieves them from all constitutional objection. Although our statutes in terms require this writ in all cases except of imprisonment or restraint by a sheriff or similar officer of the Commonwealth, to be ad- dressed to the sheriffs and their deputies (as being the appropriate officers to execute the process of the Com- monwealth), and to direct them to take the body of the person alleged to be restrained of his liberty, as well as to eummon the person who is alleged to restrain him; yet if the person so retrained is held by a marshal of the United States by virtue of a lawful warrant from a jndge or other authorized officer of the United States, for the purpose of conducting any legal inquiry, he cannot be taken out of the custody of the United States until the hearing upon that question has been finished and the result declared. ‘The most that can be done is to summon the marshal to appear and show the cause of the restraint, and this summons the marshal is bound by his duty as ‘a citizen anda subject of the State to obey. If he shows a process issued by lawful authority valid to hold his prisoner, the Stato Court cannot take the prisoner from his custody for the purpose of a further exercise of its jurisdiction. But if the process, being produced, proves to be invalid or in- sufficient for the pu for which it is proposed to be used, of if an allesed fugitive is not in the custody of an ‘Of Ge¥ Of Hhe United States, but in that of a private per- son, there is nothing in the cons:itution or laws of the United States to peereee the trial byt peter Fags upon habeas: or other appropri pre e Tight of restraint alleged, and in such cases the modes of proceeding and rules of ¢yidence are to be determined by the constitution and laws of the State. By the Massachusetts Declaration of Rights “each tn- dividual of the society has aright to be protected by It in the enjhoment of his life, liberty and property, ac- cording to standing laws,” and “every subject of the commonweajth ought to find a certain remedy, by hav- recourse to the laws, for all injuries and Wrongs eceive ip his person, property or char- itr Mo ht fo obtwin Fight and’ justice freely and without being obli to purchase i compictoly ahd Y 7» GOD- in con emit; as ; proniplly and wit ead fing hs Saale to the spirit of tht constitution, apd Kncwing that ob- scureaht friendlees. inhabile'3 of the commonwealth are most in danger of being unlawfully deprived ef their freedom, have taken measures to seoure to every sefved, or in danger of being seized, as a fugitive from service, a fair and impartial trial; and have also im- posed ah adequate punishment upon any one who shall undertake to remove from the State any person in the peace thereof and not a fugitive from his service, “on the pretence” that he is euch afugitive, “or with the in- tent to subject him’ to slavery. By the well settled principles of the criminal law and the ordinary rules of construction of penal statutes, the unlawful intent must concur with the unlawful act in order to subject any in- dividual to the penalties of this statute. In 1842 the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. declared that “‘every State is perfectly competent, and has the exclusive right to prescribe the remedies in its own judicial tribunals, to limit the time as well as the modes of redress, and to deny jurisdiction over cases which its own policy and its own institutions either pro. hibit or discountenance."’ And again, the Court in the same case says, that “the States cannot be compelled to enforce them the provision for the surrender of fag from labor), and it might well be deemed an unconstitutional exercise of the power of interpretation to insist that the States are bound to provide means to carry into effect the duties of the natioual government, nowhere tielegated or entrusted to them by the constitu: And again, the Court in allusion to the powers conferred upon State magistrates by the Fugitive { 1793, that as to the authority ‘conferred upon magistrates, while a difference of opinion has exist- ed and m ‘Xist still on the point in diiferent States, whether State magistrates are bound to act under it, none is entertained by this Court that State magistrates may, f they choose, exercise that authority, unless prohibited by State legislation.”” ‘The decision not only frees the individual States from allaction in the matter, bu pressly recognizes the power of the States to prok by. thoir oflicers under the acts of Congress. gly this Common wealth soon afterwards, in 1843, enacted the statute po. pularly known as the “Latimer law,’ and made it penal for any of its officers to aid in the capture or detention of a person claimed as a fugitive from service; and in 1866 it enlarged its legislation upon this subject by the addition of more comprehensive and stringent provisions, framed in the same spirit and for the same purpose. But in 1858, in order to prevent any confusion or uncertainty in the minds of the militia, which might arise from the idea of a divided duty, it imposed the responsibility for viola- tions of these statutes by the militia, solely upon their commanding officers, by providing that their prohibitions and penalties shall “not apply to any act of military obe- dience and subordination performed by an officer or pri vate of the militia.” The prohibitions thas addressed to the civil and military servants of the Commonwealth, of course do not and cannot apply to them in their private capacity as citizens of the United States. It is that the legislation of Massachusetts is nstitutional, and Lam bound to declare y that it has proceeded upon principles of the strictest constitutionality. If, however, any party to any legal proceeding shall deem himself aggrieved by anything found written in our statutes, we are consoled by the knowledge that he bas access to judicial tribunals which will bestow most intelligent and conscientious at tention to his complaint. Whatever legal truth the judicial mind may perceive in this, or in any other re- gard, will be declared, because the judiciary exists not to make the law but to expound it. ‘There can be no doubt that the first and most sacred duty of government is to protect the lives and liberties of subjects, [believe that every person who is prima facie being in possession of bis liberty and title thereto; that every parent being in possess child, or gnardian having custody of his minor ward, has @ rigbt to a judicial vindication of his rights in that fogard, whenever and wherever they are practically drawn in question. And Ido not think that a certificate issued to authorize a’ person from California to seize and carry away, as and for his fugitive apprentice, the child of a white inhabitant of Massachusetts (which certificate may under the Fugitive Act of 1850, be issued without any previous notice to or hearing of the child or its parent), can bar the right of such child or parent to adetermination by a competent tribunal, of the right of the child to be retained inthis community, from whieh perhaps he may never have departed gince ‘the hour of is birth, So, too, I deny that a certificate so issued toa perron from Massachucetts, authorizing him to seize and carry away, as and for bis fugitive apprentice, the slave of an inhabitant of Georgia (which certifleate may un- der the Fugitive Act of 1860 be issued without any pre vious notice to the master), can bar the right of such master toa determination by a competent tribunal of bis right to retain his slave under the local law of Georgia. And the trial may in either case be had in any competent foram within the Jurisdiction where the person may thus be seized. The constitution of the United states, while it provides for the surrender of persons obarged with crime who have flod from ono Slate into another, nevertheless, when it speaks of fugi sfrom labor, expressly restricts the authority to instances of those only who were and who did ‘And the & person to reclaim an alleged fugitive from his ice must alwags be subordinate to the original, prior, indefeasible right of every freeman to his liberty—to ite preservation, to its instant and constant assertion, and to ail the defences of it which pertain to the institutions of the cemmon law. The proceedings under the Fugitive Act of 1850 are not judicial, and they are not adapted to determine the questions of right which arise whenever a free man or the wrong man is innowently seized, or re- course is had to the arbibtary provisions of the agt itself by mere kidnappers for nefarious pur] On the pro: priety of exerting all the constitutional power which we possess (but none other than that), for the protection of the liberties of eople of the Commonwealth against kidnappers, the be no rebate; and its necessity is Mustrated b persons: med as fugitive slaves under the act of 1860, who are known to have been free. In one case which I reeall, the Commissioner denied to the avoused person time to send for his free papers, and declared that they would not be admissible om such a hearing. In another io stance, the person carried off was found by the claim: ant, a# eon as he saw him, to be the wrong man, and was honestly allowed to regain bis liberty, In still an other, a woman, who sas ined to be of uamixed Cancastan blood, with ber daughter and grandson, were od by ransom, only, from the operation of a decision irecting their rendition into slavery. And T may add that in ai levst one in this Commonwealth, a man was gent out of our jurisdiction ns a slive, the warrant against whom did not appear on ite face to have been sued by any magistrate authorized by the act of Com gress. Suggestions are gometimes urged that great concessions should be made as tnattor of com'ty hotyeon States, Bat I do not understand that any Stie demas, or that any State can consent to, the rendition of free persons into slavery. This whole mattor, however, involves no tion of comity or interstate politeness, [tis a naked question of right between private persons, and of uty between the Comm alth and its subject. And all auch righte cap be protested by preserving a logieal con: rNooM- | nation disclose embarrasament in raising and reserving questions of law for the tribunals, the Legia- lature will error. In dismissing ‘topic, I have only to add that, in re- gard not only to one, but to subject bearing on her federal relations, ts has always conformed to her honest of all constitutional o! understanding that she has. 18 conformed to the judicial cisions; bas never either to nullify or to dis- obey, and that the decision in one suit fully contested constitutes a precedent for the future. 1 submit t remarks and the subject to the wisdom and the candor of the Legislature. ‘THE CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. ‘The constitutional choice to the Presidency of a citizen who adheres to the original principles of the Fathers of the conn, is the happy result of the recent national election. But by events which have since transpired in the Southern States, it appears that a large, influential and energetic body of men in that section of the couutry, who control the action of at least the State of South Caro- lina, desire to resiat, if necessary, by force of arma, this peaceful and constitutional triumph of republican princi- ples, to which they ought in honor and loyalty to yield a generous acquiescence. Forgetful of the traditions of their ancestors, they seem determined to live in peace under no goverment which stiall not concede to them the privilege, not only of enslaving their fellow beings within their own dominion, but also of transporting ‘them at their Pleasure into the national Territory, or from State to State absolutely without restriction, and of retaining them ag slaves wheresoever within the national limits they themselves may picase to sojourn. It is the recommendation of President Buchanan in his recent annual Mo: , that by means of constitu- tional amendments to initiated be gos or in a national convention, concessions si be made for the satisfaction of this extraordinary demand. This is a subject which I commend to your immediate but delibe- rate consideration, and 1 shall be happy to congur with what I hope will-be the unanimous sentiment of the Legiskiture, ima declaration of the opinion of Massachu- setts with reference to the state of the Union and the sug- gestions of the federal Executive. If Massachusetts, either by voice or vote, can properly do anything to avert from those misguided men the miserable consequences which threaten to succeed their violent action, the pecuniary disturbances and the civil eommotions which must nocessarily occur within their own borders if they persist in their career, her voice and vote should not be withheld. Not the least deplurable ve- sult of the action of South Carolina I apprehend will be the insecurity to life and property which will result through, out the whole South from fear of servile insurrection. Wherever slavery exists, we have the authority of Jefferson for believing that, in his own words, he: hour of emancipation is advancing in the march of time; it willcome, and whether brought on by the generous energy of our own minds, or by the bloody process of St. Domingo, is aleaf of our history not turned over.” ‘The enslaved negro ion of the South is not destitule of ‘intelligence nor deovid of that sentiment of resistance to tyranny which naturally inspires the to seek for fain | Jf, as appears probable, it shall once conceive from the present march of events, that it has no hope of emancipa- tion from any generous exertions of the minds of its masters, @ resort to that process will be only the logical impulse human nature.” That God may be pleased to overrule the folly of man #o as to avert so dreadful a calamity, must be prayer of every American; but in my judgment it lies at the end of the road which South Carolina invites her sister States upon the Gulf of Mexico to enter, Thaye fhe porition of Massachusetts with all ‘the disinterested patriotigm which { couid command for the performance of that duty, and I find nothing by which I Ree pn her with responsibility for such results if cB ome to pass; but I invite you to a similar ex- amination. ‘Teo ‘truth of history compels me to declare that one ome ae of the difficulty which we are called to en er lies in th® incessant misrepresentation of the principles, purposes and methods of the who compose the majority i une free States, by super serviceable ind’ auais, “who undertake to D~4..); 75 fr\cZusnap for the people of the *¢"~"viaing States; and tho fort of w eg sa, there sor igh ried : mi ry of their eoikien its. TI have fo for twenty years past been a const ‘and careful observer of publio men and affairs, and for twelve years, at least, 1 have intimately ‘aware of the private as well as the public de- clarations and cortduct of the representative men in al- mostevery town and village of the Commonwealth. 1 think I may claim also some intimacy with the great body of the eaple ‘of Massachusetts, of whatsoever par- ty. This period biz been, one of extraordinary and in- tense political interest. @ tenderest sentiments, the deepest convictions, the Warmest emotions, have all been stirred by the course of public affairs.’ Bitter disap- pointments, the kecnest sense of injustice, the conscious- ness of subjection to most flagrant wrong, haye fallen to the lot of our poople. The Fugitive Slave bill of 1850, with its merciless severity, and the ostentatious indignity with which it was ‘executed; the repeal of the Missouri reetriction upon the extension of ‘slavery over national territory; the violent means adopted to prevent emigrnts from this Commonwealth from par Ucipating in the settlement of Kansas; the invasion of that Territory by men armed with ‘the plunder from national arsenals; the imposition of fraudulent legislatures upon a people temporarily subjugated by rufanism and unprotected by a federal Executive, which also forbade them to protect themselves; the indiscriminate pillage, fire and glaughter to which peaceable settlers were sub- jected without cause or excuse; the repeated exertions of the national administration, 'in couspiracy with the enemies of freedom and good government, to impose and enforce upon Kansas a constitution sanctioning slavery; the attempt to withdraw the discussion of political ques: tions from the people themselves and to confine it to a conclave of judges; the assault upon free speech in Con- gress by a murderous attack upon a Senator in, his seat for opinions expressed in debate, and for the man- ner of their expression; the indifference or positive ap- proval with which this attempt to overthrow repre- sentative portion institutions was treated throughout a large of the country; the prostitution of all the f the government and the bending of all its Propagate a certain interest for the bene: W speculators in lands, negroes and politics, age the free labor ‘of the toiling masses the menaces of violence and war against the constitution and the Union with which our argu- ments and our constitutional resistance have been met; these all are but a part of the record of the last ten years of ee history, whieh is burned into the menory of the people of Massachasetts. And yet, dur- ing all the excitement of this period, inflamed by the heats of repeated Presidential elections, | have never known a single Massachusetts republican to Wbandon his loyalty, surrender his faith, or seal up his heart aguinst the good hopes and kind alfections which every devoted citizen ougat to entertain for every section of his coun. During all this mal-adminisiration of the national government, the le of Massachusetts have never wa- vered from their faith in its principles or their loyalty to its organization. Looking forward to the long ages of the future; buikling always, in their own minds, for countless generations yet to come, they have ured and are willing still cheerfully hopefully endure much wi ‘and more misconception, because they trust in the bl inberited from heroic ances- tors, in the principles of constitutional liberty, im the theory of democratic institutions; in the houest pur- pose of the intelligent masses of the people everywhere, in the capacity of truth and right ultimately to reach and contro! the minds of men, in an undying affection for their whole conntry, its memories, traditions and hopes; and, above all, in the good providence of God. It wae at a great cost that our fathers established their ind "pendence and erected this Union of States, which exists under the form of a national government, unques- tiovable as to its authority t» act on all persons and on all things within the sphere of its jurisdiction and the range of its granted powers. It needs ask permission from no one to fulfil its functions or to porpetuate its existence. It has no right nor power to abdicate, nor to expel a State, or any portion of the people of any State, from the benefits of ite protection, nor to permit their revolt against the duties o @ common ‘citizenship. By the in- curring of national debts, by the granting of pensions, patents and copyrights, by the issue of commissions es: tablishing a tenure of office not terminable at the plea. sure of the appointing power, by the purchase and the conquest of territory erected into additional States, by the improvement of harbors and rivers and the construction of military roads, by the settlement of wildernerses and the de ent of their resources under the national patronag the investment of vast sums of money in buildings for the transaction of public business, in Light-houses, navy yards, fortifications, ves- sels of war, and their equipment, by the assumption of obligations under treaties with Indian tribes and foreign powers, the people of the United States have paid and are Paying « continuing consideration for the existence of this national government in all its sovereign, territorial integrity. All the people of all the States are interlocked and interlaced in a vast web of mutual interests, rights, and obligations as various and as precious as are the chi pteristics of that wonderfyl civilization in which participate. And this Union, through whatever and crises it may pass, cannot expire except with nibilation of the peopl Come what§may, I believe that Massachusetts will do her duty. She will stand by the iucoming national administration, as she has stood by the past ones, because her people will forever stand by their country. The records of her revolutionary history declare her capacity and her will & expend money, sympathy and men to sustain the commen cause. More than half the soldiers of the Revolution were furnished by New Eng- land. and Missachusetts alone comtrii vie! more men to U Federal armics than were enlister in all te Southern States. She is wilting io make the same sacrifices again, if need be, in the same cause, and her capacity to do s has increased in proportion with the increase in her wealth and » echoes of the thunder of her Revolutionary battle fields have not yet dief away upon the ears of her sons, and the vows and prayers of het early patriots still whis: per their inspiration. The people of Marsachusetts will, to any event, abide by ber plightud faith. Sho agreed to the conetitution of the United states. It is the charter of the Union, \t is the record of the contract, and the writ a ce of rights jutended to be secured to the States and to the people. History shows that never at any one time is there more than one grend issue on tris! under a popular govern. ment, betore the great tribunal of the people. A reac tionary movement against the loctrines and tradition Nberty handed dewn from the bevinning, precipitated the (rial in the elections of 1866 ofmy issue made upon the re: Intion of slavery to the torfivorial possessions of the nation, and the 1 ght of the people to manage those the common happiness an pe the a of the lands within exclusive federal juriedietion bo conduet and mani feet deeizns of the leaders of that game reactionary tooverncut, the same iss): var kept open and presente t to the country in a form evil! more intense, and a popular verdict demanded in the sleetious of 1900. So far a that iseue can Se settied by a poprlar election of Pr dentof the United Staton, its eottlement is for the present compile e. enc’ and the grand jsaue of 1860 be repoaved in #4, should the people of the country bo of opinion that In the next national election it may agan be | at it. duty or practical advantage remains dependent on {bs porstble result of a new trial, Meanwhile our duties command our tmibadiate care. ‘Suare n now ne Sse ne fore the touch ir political relations very in tbe, Territories ‘The policy of the national shat regard four yeare, but inatent of preparing for & rehearing and an ebdeavor to reverse the verdict at the end o period, that party of reaction has now ed in an effort to abolish the tribunal and overthrow the authority of the people themselves. And the single question now to the nation is this, shall a reactionary spirit, unfriendly to hberty, be permitted to subvert democratic republican government organized under constitutional forms. Upon this isue, over the heads of all mere politicians and partizans, in behalf of the Commonweatth of Massa- chusetts, J appeal directly to the warm hearts and clear heads of the great masses of the . The men who own and till the soil, who drive the mills, and hammer out their own iron and leather on their own anvils and lapstones, and they who, whether in the city or the country, reap tho rewards of enterprising industry and skill in the various pursuits of business, are honest, intelligent, patriotic, independent and brave. They know that simple defeat in an lection is no cause for the disraption of a government. They know that those who declare that they will ama ivagenee ably within the Union, do not mean to live peaceabiy out 4 Trey know that the poople of ‘all nections have a Tight which they intend to maintain, of free access from the interior to both oceans, and from Cunada to the Gulf of Mexico, and of the free use of all the lakes and rivers and highways of commerce, North, South, East or West. They know that the Union means ‘and unfetter- ed commercial intercourse from sea to sea and from shore to shore; that it secures us all against the un- friendly presence or possible dictation of any foreign Power, and commands t for our fiag and gecu- rity for our trade. And sy do not intend, nor will they ever consent, to be excluded from these rights which they have #0 , Gor to abandon the prospect of the benefits which humanity claims for itself ‘by means of their continued enjoyment in the future. Neither will they consent that the continent shall be overrun by the Victims of a remorseless cupidity, and the elements of civil danger be increased by the barba~ rizing influences which accompany the African slave trade. Inspired by the same ideas and emotions which com the fraternization of Jackson and Webster on another great occasion of public danger, the people of Masgachusetts, confiding in the patriotism of their brethren in other States, accept this issue and respond, in the words of Jackson, ‘The federal Union, it must be preserved.” i Until we complete the work of rolling back this wave of rebellion which threatens to engulf the governiment, overthrow democratic institutions, subject the eto the rule of @ minority, if not of mere military , and in some communities to endanger the very existence of civilized so- ciety, we cannot turn aside, and we will not turn back. It is (0 thove of our brethren’ in the disaffected States, whose maths are closed by a temporary reign of terror, not less than to ourselves, that we owe this labor which, with the help of Providence, it is our duty to perform. I need not add that whatever rights pertain to any per- son under the constitution of the Union are secure in Massachusetts while the Union shall endure, and what- ever authority or function pertains to the federel govern- ment for the maintenance of any such right, is an au- thority or function which neither the government nor the people of this Commonwealth cau or would usurp, evade or over » Agd Massachusetts demands, and has a right to demand, that her sister states shall like- wise respect the constitutional rights of her citizens within her limits. And it is a reproach to human nature, and a breach of honor, that more of her free citizens, who happened to touch the soil of South Carolina, should have been sold into slavery under laws the assertion of the unconstitutionality of which that State punishes with a | siaayed ty, than ever a shai Blayes have escaped op foul ‘erina Wo Massachusetts, GOVERNOR BANK'S ADDRESS. THE PERSONAL LIBERTY BILL. During the first year of my administration 1 recom- mended to the Legislature the revision of the act for the Protection of Personal Liberty, by the repeal of some of ite objectionable features. I limited object such provisions as imposed perioug digabilitie’ oon th) citizens of the vale pon. Pe ts yr reel derogation of thei Tights and i ties to them. ’ -w# amendments I suggested relieved our own citizens who, in pursuit of their own lawful pursuits, or under the orders of the government itself, might contravene its rovisions and subject themselves to prosecutions or dis- rable discharge from public service. It was all 1 was then able to obtain from the Legislature. Since this Period the pendency of legislation in harmony with the original law has prevented recurrence to this subject. ‘The important events of the time now imperatively de- pate is re rmtg bday fort ivice jor ascertaining to aia extant prosecution or impeachments prevented, rather than the discovery of ‘what is just and right. Adopting rules of construction which would, govern States standing in jealous or hostile attitudes, this act, as it now stands, although operating in an unfriendly spirit against one of the laws of the United States, and pressing the rights of the States to the extremest limits, might be said not altogether to transcend the powers’ of the Legislature. But there is one provision of the habeas corpus act which cannot, within any reasonable rules of construction, be 80 re- garded. I refer to the sections relating to and regulating the trial by jury. The constitution of the United States declares that ‘the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus- pended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.” It is a writ, therefore, to which resort may be had in alt cases. ‘There are offences, for the punishment of which pro- vision is made by State and federal governments, and in such cases, wherever any person is brought before the courts of this State, it is the province of the Court to recognise the jurisdiction of that government having the offender in its possession by priority of arrest or prosecu- tion; but where the process, statute and jurisdiction is exclusively in either government, the other must surren- der any claim to control the procedure or qualify the final judgment. By the constitution of the United States, “No person held to service or labor in ove State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service shall be due.” ‘The Legislature of this State has not attempted by legal enactment to give effect to this constitutional pro- vision. It is true, that the statute authorizing the writ or personal replevin provices that, in proceedings under snch writ, if it appears ‘that the defendant is entitled to the custody ef the plaintiff as his child, ward. servant, apprentice or otherwise, he shall have judgment for the re-celivery of the body, to be held and disposed of ac cording to law.”? But this statute was not intended to carry into execu. tion the constitutional provisions for the rendition of fugitive slaves, neither would it be admitted that the courts to which such writ should be returnable would be required to return a fugitive slave to the person to whom his labor or services might be due, Such a dis- Position would not be ‘according to law’? of this State, We have, therefore, no statute law to give effect to thie provision of the constitution, and we cannot under our own legislation even claim, a8 in some other cases, a common jurisdiction, to be determined by precedence of arrest or cause. The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that the power of legislation upon this subject is exciu- sively in Congreas. It declares that the clause of the constitution contemplates the existence of “a positive unqualified right on the part of the owner of the slave, which no State law or regulation can in any way qualify, regulate, control or restrain.”” ‘Ibis opinion was pronouneed for the Court by Mr. Jus- tice Story; ithas been approved by the Legislature of this State and confirmed by its Supreme Judicial Court. has exercised the exctusive power claimed for st, it must be acimitted that its enactment the subject stricted or controlled by State Task, then, Senators and re tatives, to look at the operation of the sections of the chapter of the Gene- ral Statutes, relating to the writ of corpus, to which I haye referred. In the first they refer to ip ge slaves. No pre- sumption 8] arise in behalf of the claimant, it is said, “from proof that the alleged fugitive or any of his an- cestors been actually held as a slave, without proof that such holding was legal.” (Sec. 21.) “When it appears by the return of the officer, or other wise, that the porece whose restraint or imprisonment {s in question is claimed to be held to service or labor in another State, and to have escaped from such service or labor, the court or justice shall, on the application of any party to & proceeding, order atrial by jury, as to any ct# stated in the return of the officer or alleged, and may admit said person to bail in a sum not exceeding two thousand dollars.” (Sec. 19.) If one jury disagrees, the issue may be submitted to another jury, or continued to the next term.” (Sec, 20.) In every case of disagreement another jury may be summoned and qualified, ‘forthwith or at a future day.” (Sec. 20.) The court or justice is authorized to admit the rson Whose service oF is claimed to bail. (Sec. 19.) ¢ jury is authorized to decide ‘‘as to any facts stated in the return of the officer or alleged.’’ The words “or al- leged”” must be understood to mean, alleged by any par. A the proceeding; for the jury may be demanded by either party. The conetruction of a law for the protection of personal liberty should be in favor of per liberty. No construction of a statute which defeats its ob can be authorized or just when a different constraction, equally accordant with the words and sense, will enforce and protect them. The proceeding to the jury every question involved in the general issue, even to the “proof that the alleged fugitive or any of his ancestors was or had been bi a stave, and that such nen | was Yegal; and the jury, by special provision, is inv with power of juries in criminal cases, to decide both the law and the fact.” It may be that cases may arise to which these provi- sions may be constitutionally applied, but it does not seem to me that it can be , in any view, not te inter. fore with and control the cotirse of procedure, under a constitutional prevision and statute which the Supreme Court of our own State and that of the United States hold to be exclusively in the power of not my yrixpose to defend the the iw Slave act. The pte @ provision fe trial, however harsh and cruel, cannot, in any be'sup- While Lam constrained fo dowke the right of this State to enact such laws, J do not admit that in amy just sents it isa violation of the national, compact. It 4s only when uncon. situtional legislation & enforced by executive authority that it assumes that character, and no such result has occurred in this Stove. DEVOTION OF MASKACHUSETTS TO THE UNITED STATES CoNSTT- TUTION. No State on the t has been more faithful to hor covstitutional duties as a government, and ally under the Fugitive Slave act. Her judicial tri and her Legislatures have acquiesced -in and confirmed the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case to which T have referred. Her highest court bas enforced the law of Con, passed in pursuance of that decision, unnatural and un- Just ag eome of ite provisions seem to be, She has up- held the decision of her own courts, recognized the de. crees of the magistrates of the United States, and the rights of claimants of other States, which deny to our citizens their lawful rights, She has sustained them all by the strong arm of executive power, though the struggle has chilled her warm and generone heart. hae honored, indiserin {pat ly w th ther citizens, those who at the bar enforced the or claimanta, or a8 soldiers protected them in the sion of property to which they had legal rights, obey It is true that Ener tne ate rere peatabig evidenos of their devction to law evi ir . master of a vessel kidnapped a colored man ip oné of the maritime counties, and sent him, without author! cause was tried, seeking to put upon tbe files of the court a verdict that the accused was “not guilty, by want of jurisdiction.”” It ia doubtless true that violence and crime have some- times attended the performance of these hareh duties. It is equally true, that the same manilestations attend, at times, the execution of our own Jaws, by our own officers. It became my duty to recominend to the Legislature of 1859 the modification of the law of 1858, relating to the high crime of murder, 8 tar ax to include the murder of an officer ia the discharge of his duty, by express enu- meration, in the class of murders of the degree, and I undersiand the Attorney General the recom- mendation in his report the present year. It is not re- markable that a single officer of the government of the United States should incur the dangers that surround our cwn. It was in consequence of these crimes occurring in the execution of national and State legislation that the change in the criminal code was suggested. I donot. hesitate to say, a8 & goverment, in evi sense ,, Maseachusetts has been faithful to her constitut! du- ia bertone she bas been thus faithful that I desire to fee bor legislation in harmony with her act. It ig. be- cause I do not like to see her representatives in end her sens everywhere put upon the defensive, when they ape cause to be proud of her acts; it ia be- cause, in face of her just-claims to high honor, I do. not love to hear unjust reproaches cast’ upon. her fame, that Igay, as Ido, in the presence of God, and with o heart filled with the responsibilities that’ mast reat upon. every American citizen in these distempered times, 2 cannot but the nance of constitutional or not, which 18 $0 unnecessary vice, and so detrimental to the 'publie peace, a8 an inexcusa- tle public wrong. (Applause. a ‘it may be removed from the statute and such guarantees: as constitutional freedom demands be sought in new legisla- tion. 4 int ieemiene tari Patera laws in her cout il rats as Se fase great serong her people have suffered, and that re- moval will obviate her first cause of complaint which is made the bavis of every other subsantive It is said, also, that the time is not , that i dove net teres Doren med w bere pr State maintains its own dignity by doing what q A State that under threats of coercion does what is wrong, does not greatly suffer in comparison with another that, wn- der similar plea, refuses to do what is right; there is @ differ- ence im process, but the difference in results is not worth con: test. Deewes, tris te not an accepted American dedtrine. When France refused to pay an indemnity secured to: us by treaty, under the pretence that she had 7 threatened with war by a President of the United States, her excuse was not received as a janation i ‘The President threatened her again. Bu his declarations by & war appropriation, and Eugland, ag arbitrator, France te fulfil her treaty stipula- tion. In fact, the comity fof States furnishes no good reason for not doing what is right; and rulers are permit- ted less than others te swerve under the influence of See OF mannete Roms Sie aren oan of 3 The topic presents cousiderations of policy alan. difficulty in goverpment, as in life, is to is right, It is easier to follow the line of ri a = ey usa COUPSRE Aiwina (© Qe wladom ita am = 9 aoe ape and the world is full of proofs that an obstinate adher- acticable, indefensible and im- ence to that which is im) ae truest and boldest men to sur- render that w! ee. poe experience in this regard will not differ from that of other men. ‘There are men suddenly lifted from indigence to affiu- ence who never forget poverty in the presence of plenty. So men long accustomed to rough government do not readily comprehend the Policy of rulers, and reluctantly surrender the imperfect inery of opposition for the ere may. or administration, e or tutions of men, but it will be aiftcuit for the sanne per. son or party to monopolize both. If we claim to administor law let us abandon the machinery int to obstruct it. (Applause.) ; CONCILIATION, COERCION AND SECESSION - Conciliation and coercion are twin brothers: They ow out of and into each other, and neither ie perfect by itself alone. “Who demands ‘equity must do equity, is a maxim as old as the civil law—not merely because it is justice, but+because it is power also. And yet I be- heve that so little difference of opinion—not as to men, perhaps, or to parties, as to which misrepresenta- tion and excitement may mislead us, but as to what is right, upon the individual ’ and judgment of the American peop! never be-~ fore existed. Certainly never an act 80 slight in iteelf touched the hearts of so many millions of peo- ple, as with fire from heaven, as the recent simple, sol- dierlike and patriotic movement of Major Anderson at Fort Moultrie. (Great applause.) It shows that there are chords which still touch the universal heart, and ifthose who occupy stations that are higher only when filled by reater men, could, either by accident or inapiration, ave answered the chords so iately touched with the pa- triarchal tenderness and - inflexible spirit of Jackson, think you any man South or North would have halted in. his admiration, however he might haye faltered in in- stant obedience? Could it by any power, Divine or human, be instilled into every heart tht the laws of the land were to be en- forced until they were changed, and that protection and seourity for persons and property, which the constitution and laws guarantee, given to the people in the States where they reside, I am persuaded that this simple in. spiration, which every one confesses, would clouds that lower upon us, and the resplendent gun of ‘in beam on our land. But misrepresnt , calumny, make such expectation impoesi- peace would tion, fal ble. ores ee ae rckection as ilk exclude wen from lerritories aside from mh ‘either do I believe that’ a ical Tine give peace to the country. I must other tg capris agreement to Territory now in our possession, and not to be lied to that hereafter ottained, or the cetablishment line in itself would le @ signal for the Ter- ritory in the at the cot of war, and the renewal for its con. trol, when acquired at the ubject is shown by the efforts made to otherw: re demands are as false and fatal as those for the plause.) Wither ies epee is any dissatisfied State, (Al aay he pa tinent now peace. That the lapse of ime alone will heal disgensions upon this ution ip order to e ad non to Goctrines that pieen oT volut which revolution is organized. sitha There can be no secession of the States. @ or a union of the people, it is, vernment, and Tolct ‘diccoleed a the its faith to the every land. fete je by the sacrifice é : and that sacrificehas made it a nation, eternal. (eeaniy Neither cam that portion of the con- ee eal eae purchase every of: country has acqui a le an perpetual ight every ther part. The interior will never ys of ex it of the good will and support of the plantation and farming communities of the interion. mui though we should assent to the unnaturul and treasoma- le separation, the that succeed us would contend centuries to recover their ‘until conquest or annihi- lation ended the (slight use. ) ‘But no such result can follew as destruction of the American ‘The contest will be too terrible— the eacritice too momentous. The difficulties in our path. are too slight—the capacity of our people is too manifest — and the future teo brilliant to justify forebod! or te on (gen gig ‘The ie every man is th. ened by trial, a1 strength of every ment, must bo tested by revolt and revolution. Ficune pet that the Providence of God that has protected us hither- to, will preserved us now and hereafter, Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Represent I withdraw from the office I hold without regret. who follows out faithfully and earnestly the many ties that bind this government to the people, it brings a bur. then of care, anxiety and labor, which more than coua- terbalance the high it confers on any man. My eeparation from the of the State excites. different and feeling. It is atill, however, a satisfaction to know to part | of the country I may go, T still stand within the cirele of her hat- in 5 ever pursuits | may be engaged, the end monuments of her far reaching sagacity, her caver price and capital will everywhere surround me to remind me of my origin, and her fame and power. leas Commonwealth of Massachusetts, liver: o¢cupted one hour and fifteen minutes. He was listened to with deep interest, and the President.of the Convention but once or twice exhibited an inclina- tion Tene at ah od broke forth at the points designated abov on bidding fitrewell to the State he was overcom N the poignancy of his grief, and while tears stood in his eyes and valled forth a sympa- thetic response from many present, his utterance wag choked, and it was with some diflicul S33; ifficulty that he pro- LETBER FROM THE VICE P! A Din contained in a letter in the Baltimore American the other day, m the fettinn, Gs >. Breckinridge, induced some of bis 0 hie ast been the subjotned note from him: Te Fewwlt Baa 2, 1861 Wasinetow Orry, Jan. Thave your lettor of yesterday, in which you call my attention to a letter from the Washington of the Baltimore American, in which it is 1 “do not hesitate to openly and decidedl, = course of your Governor’ in refusing to vene legislature of Maryland. My namo was used by tbe letter writer without authority, and his statement is wholly untr 1 JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE PP ee ert is just in itself and vital to their «