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NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 1861. NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. OFFICE N. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND NASSAU STS. TERMS cork in advance. Money sent by mail will be atthe videos the vencer, None but Bank bills current in New York caher. THE DAILY HERALD, THE WEE. HERA feo cents per copy, BT pe y erery Satuncy, af * pouin Bditvo per en) y. or $10, er annwn. é LEA MILY HERALD, on Wednesday, at four c6nts per Of tps OBE per 1 conte 7 Wolume XXXVI... . ec ceee cree cere eee No. 6 AMUSEMENTS THIS EVBMING. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Beoadway.—Tur Graniator. WINTER GARDEN, broadway, opposite Bond street.— Lenn Me Five Smibiincs—Mazerra—lux Spervine, BOWERY THEATRE, bow ry—Sratpinag & Rocen's Bouusraun Teourx—Mowoten oF St. M (OM AKL. WALLAGE'’S THEATRE, Broadway.—Pavuixx—Tow Nopor's bsceet. = AURA KEENE’B THEATRE, No. 624 hroadway.— Bavew Bistens. NEW BOWERY THEATRE. Bowory.—Buce Beanp— Four Lovers—Two Hicnwavmen, BARNUM'S AMERICAN MUSEUM, Broadway.. and — Ska or Icx—AztEo ‘OuivoneN Live Umi 'YANTS' MINSTRELS, Mechanics’ Hall, 472 Broad. war Beuuxequss, ‘Somes, Danoxs, &0.—Dixie's Lino. HOOLEY & CAMPBELL’S MINSTRELS, Nibio's Saioor .-Ermiorean Sonca, Dances, Buwiusquis, ‘to mw Yuar. e QANTERBURY MUSIC HALL, 663 Broadway. Sonos, Dasoss, Buaiesques, 4c. ' New York, Monday, January 7, 1861. MAILS FOR BUROPE The New York Herald—Edition for Europe. ‘The Cunard mail steamship Canada, Captain Anderson, will leave Boston, on Wednesday, for Liverpool : ‘The mails for Europe will close in this city to- morrow afternoon, at a quarter past one and at balf-past five o'clock, to go by railroad, ‘Tar Evrorean Enrrion ov THe HeRatp will be published ‘at eleven o'clock in the morning. Single copies, in wrap- pers, six cents. ‘The contents of the Ecroran Eprriow ov tus Heap will combine the news received by mail and telegraph at the office during the previous week, and up to the hour of publication, , The News. The present week, in all probability, will be an eventful one in the history of the Union. The Virginia Legislature will begin its session to-day, and the North Carolina Legislature will assemble after having enjoyed a short recess. The Ten- nessee Legislature will hold a special session com- mencing to-day, and, with the other Legislatures, with special reference to the present crisis. The State Conventions of Florida, Mississippi and Ala- bama will be in session to-day; and, from what we can learn, in all probability will pass seces- sion ordinances ere the present week shall have Our despatch from Washington, given this morn- ing, states that the President will to-day commu- nicate to Congress the correspondence with the Bouth Carolina Commissioners, accompanied with @ message setting forth the condition of affairs in such of the Southern States as have been engaged in taking forcible possession of the property of the general government. It was generally believed that he would recommend the enactment of a Force pill, and reiterate his determination to execute the laws and defend the government property with all the means at his command. 3 . Governor Hicks, of Maryland, has published an address to his constituents, stating his reasons for declining to call the Legislature together, and giving his opinion of the entire secession move- Tent in very plain terms. Several eloquent ex- tracts from the address are given in our despatch from Baltimore this morning. From Richmond we learn that Senator Mason had arrived there, and will to-morrow address the people in favor of immediate secession. It was generally believed that Governor Letcher in his forthcoming message to the Legislature would favor the formation of @ Central Confederacy, but the project appeared to find but few friends. The gentleman recently appointed Collector of the port of Charleston by President Buchanan, who has heretofore been denominated as a Mr. Melntyre, we learn from the Charleston despatches, is a Mr. McKibben, of Pennsylvania, the father of the Hon. James McKibben, late member of Con- grees from California. A detachment of United States marines left the Marine barracks, Brooklyn, New York, on Satur- day afternoon last, for Washington. They consist of the old guard of the United States ship Cyane, lately relieved from the Pacific station, The ma- rine guard of the United States ship St. Marys, also on the Pacific station, has been relieved, and -will arrive here by the next steamer from Aspinwall. On their arrival they will be imme- diately transferred to Washington, it being the object, it is reported, to concentrate all the avail. able marine force at that place that can be spared from the different land stations and guards of vea- sels coming from sea, to better onable the Navy Department to mect any demand in the early completion of guards for vessels-of-war that may be called into commission, and likewise to more securely guard from molestation public proper- ty in the Navy Yard at Washington. ‘The steamer Nashville, from Charleston, which arrived at this city on Saturday morning, brought sixty of the laborers discharged from the forts by Major Anderson. The men appeared to have been provided for in such a manner as they should not find themselves destitute on landing in New York. . In addition to a steerage passage, they had sufficient funds to enable them to reach their several homes in the North, whence they had previously gone to Charleston in search of work. The only reason assigned for their discharge was a suspension of the works progressing in Charleston barbor. A despatch from Baltimore te-day confirma the report of the murder of Mr. Lucius Woodruff, ia Northampton county, Va., on Monday last, by four of his slaves. The principal in the murder had escaped, but the other three were in custody. Great excitement prevailed in the neigh- borhood, and a determination was expressed to hang the negroes at once. A correspondent at Bridgetown, Barbadoes, un- der date of December 16, writes:—The sugar crop will amount to an average one, say from 45,000 to 60,000 hogsheads, and grinding will not commence hefore February. The weather is fine, with occa- sional showers. The bark John Denham, from Rio de Janeiro, bound to Baltimore, with 7,700 bags coffee, put in here 12th inst. in distress, and most probably will be condemned, as she is very old versel. The schooner J. L. Bowman, Capt. Wood, ar. rived at this port yesterday morning from Bonaire, and brings advices to the lith ul The stock of ealt on hand at that place when Capt. W. sailed ‘was 45,000 barrels. The Madison Avenue Baptist church, corner of ‘Thirty-first street, was yesterday dedicated, with appropriate exercises, to the worship of God. The dedicatory services were conducted by the Rev, Dr. Hague, the pastor, in the presence of a large and highly attentive congregation. A synopsis of the Doctor's sermon, with a description of the boiiding, are given in our report this morning. ‘The cotton market was excited ou Saturday, and the epeciilative feeling previously noticed continued. The paler footed up about 9,000 a 1),000 bales, about 6,000 of which were sold in transit, Priges cloged at higher ud we now quote middling uplands at 120, Flour was dull for common grades of sbipping lots of State and Western; white and extra grades were in steady re- quest aud firmer, with a fair amount of sales. Wheat opened with a firmer appearance, but closed dull, while sales were tolerably active, chiefly for export: Owing to the firmness in freights, corn was heavy, with moderate sales, and closed at easier rates. Pork waa Grmer, with sales of mess at $16 50a $16 624, $11 50 for old prime, $12 50 for new do., and at $18 for clear. Sugars were steady and rather firmer; the sales em- braced about 300 bhds. Cuba, part at 55¢c, 6c. Coffoe was steady, but sales were light. Freights were quite steady, with moderate engagements, including wheat to Liverpool, in ship's bags; at 115¢d., and flour to London at 3s, 6d., with fair engagements of provisions to both places at full rates. The News from Washington—The Propo- sition of the Border States. The Committee of the fourteen border States, composed of Messrs. Crittenden, of Kentucky, chairman; Harris, of Maryland; Sherman, of Ohio; Nixon, of New Jersey; Saulsbury, of Delaware; Gilmer, of North Carolina; Hatton, of Tennessee; Pettit, of Indiana; Harris, of Vir- ginia; McClernand, of Ilinois; Barrett, of Mis- souri; Sebastian, of Arkansas; Vandever, of Towa, and Hale, of Pennsylvania, at their meet- ing in Wasbington on Saturday, adopted the following plan of amending the constitutioa,by a vote wanting only that: of Me. Sherman to make it unanimous:— " pit Recommending « repeal of atl the Personal Liberty ceo tants aa ts phe we ‘i 2 Tato Mirena qacPacrae eee 3. That the constitution be so amended as to prohibit any interference with slavery in any of the States where it now exists. 4. That Congress shali not abolish slavery in the South- orn dockyards, arsenals, &¢., nor in the District of Co- lumbia without the consent of Maryland and the consent of the inhabitants of the District, nor without compensa- tion, 6. That Congress shall not interfere with the inter State slave trade. 6. That there shall be a perpetual prohibition of the African slave trade. 7. That the line of 36 degrees 30 minutes shall be run through all the existing territory of the United States; that in all north of that line slavery shall be prohibited, and that south of that line neither Congress hor the Territorial Legislature shall hereafter puss any law abolishing, prohibiting or in any manner interfering with African slavery, and that when any Territory con- taining a sufficient population for one member of Con- grees in any area of 60.000 square miles shall apply for admission as a State, it shall be admitted, with or with- out slavery, as its constitution may determine. There can be no doubt that these proposi- tions, in the absence of better ones, would prove acceptable to the North generally, and if submitted to the vote of the people would receive three-fourths, or probably five-sixths, of the whole vote of the country. The border States have the greatest interest in the present controversy, and the most urgent desire to set- tle it peaceably. The representatives of those States, too, appear to possess more statesman- ship than their colleagues generally, as these propositions plainly indicate. It is true, indeed, that a caucus of republi- can members was held after the border com- mittee had agreed to the above plan, it is said, and repudiated it; but it does not appear from the report of their proceedings that they have gone so far; on the contrary, they carefully avoided committing themselves to anything by adjourning without taking a vote. Although there was a full attendance, only two or three of the most ultra republicans spoke on the question, and the language of some of them was very violent, and not very select. Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, was one of the speakers, and his language was exceedingly violent, and bordering on the blasphemous. Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania—who was going to lead eighteen millions of men to march upon the South—also spoke, declaring hostility to all and every com- promise. But the fact that no vote was taken on the propositions of the border States shows that the republican members generally are not prepared to reject every offer of compromise and conciliation. It is very probable that the plan of the bor- der States will be laid before Congress to-day, together with the President’s special Message with reference to South Carolina, and the result will prove how little the pre- sent Congress can do towards rescuing the country from the dangers which threaten its destruction. It will be observed that the pro- positions combine a variety of compromises and suggestions, emanating from different sources—those of Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Rice, Mr. Adams, Mr. Robinson in our State Legis- lature, and others—and thus they may stand a better chance of being accepted than any one of the original propositions of which they are a combination. Should these measures come before Congress to-day the people in every section of the country will watch the proceedings with earn- est attention, as the fate of the Union may de- pend upon the spirit in which they are met by the republican members and the extremists from the South. The Senate Committee of thir- teen, and the House Committee of thirty-three, have both failed to advance any measure by which a settlement of the difficulty may be ar- rived at;.and it now remains to be seen whe- ther the recommendation of the border States will be accepted by Congress as a compromise with which both sections of the country can be satisfied. We have our fears of the result. It would seem from the action of Congress thus far, that the settlement of the question rests with the people themselves in constituent con- ventions assembled ; and, after all, this will be the only way left to adjust the difficulty now impending over the Union. Discorpancy oF Repupiican Vikws ON THE Present Ontsts ano Its Remepres.—Elsewhere will be found extracts from the addresses of the incoming and retiring Governors of Massa- chusetts to the Legislature of that State. They present a marked contrast in tone and breadth of views. Whilst Governor Andrew regards the claims of the South as unworthy of serious consideration, and to be decided only by an appeal to the sword, Governor Banks is willing to concede even points of principle ia order to restore peace to our unhappy country. The tone of the one is haughty, contemptuous and defiant, whilst that of the other breathes a ten- derness and forbearance which bespeak the true patriot and the Christian. The patriotism of the new Governor carries bim no further than the boundaries of Massachusetts; that of Governor Banks is bounded only by the limits of the Union itself. Both republicans, they betray, in their different manner of viewing the dangers impending over the cowntry, the strongly conflicting opinions which divide the party, and which must soon end in its total dis- ruption. Itis@ pity that in this emergency the retirement of Governor Banks into private life deprives Massachusetts of his advice and guidance. As itis to her evil influence and teachings that we owe our present troubles, it is to be regretted that one of the few statesmen whore moderation and patriotism might have conducted her into the path of repentance should be withdrawn from her counsels, and that a narrow-minded sectionalist like Governor ndrew should be galled to fill his place ‘The Innovations Which Have Drifted the Country Away from Old Landmarks— The Remedy in the Present Orisis. “When my eyes,” exclaimed Daniel Webster, “shall be turned to behold, for the Laat time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored frag- ments of a once glorious Union.” The sublime, colossal thought which was commingled with and beautified every sentiment of the great “expounder of the constitution,” was that the musical cadences which once fell upon the souls of Americans, rising to heaven in Cassan- dra-like chant in favor of national unity, in the farewell address of the Father of his Country, ought to find their re-echo in every pulsation of our future history. Buta half a dozen years have passed since Mr. Webster died, and the flag of sectional discord, which he lived to see unfurled, has triumphed, and threatens to carry desolation to every hearthstone inthe laad. In place of “indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any por- { tion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble. parts;”” instead, as George Washington counsel national Union, watt for’ its preservation with jealous anxiety, and discountinsmcing- whatever could suggest. oven asuspicion that it can we abandoned,” by slow and small de- grees the people. of beth North’ and’ South have permitted “the main pillar in the edifice of their independence” to be undermined, until “the result of the common dangers, sufferings and successes” of eighty-seven years seems about to crumble into dust. The cloud that has engendered a tempest, raging more furiously every day—out ot which the calamities of civil war, national bankrupt- cy, commercial and financial chaos, general distress, and vague, horrible foreshadowings too fearful to contemplate may emanate—was, only thirty years ago, not larger than a man’s hand. It was almost imperceptible in the sunrise of our country’s prosperity. Nobody thought about slavery as a public question. It was understood that, at the time the consti- tution was framed, it had existed throughout the length and breadth of the land, and was a part of the common law of the Union. Bonds- men of Massachusetts and New York were held by the same tenure that slaves are now owned in South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Flo- rida and Louisiana. No Fugitive Slave law was needed, because the requirement that “fugitives from labor” should be delivered up was equally obeyed by all, and was no more advantageous to the master in Georgia than to the possessor of negroes in Pennsylvania and Connecticut. Slavery was a portion of the basis upon which the constiation-résts. Not- until twenty years after its ratification certain Northern States insinuated the right to exclude staves from the common territory. It was but a whisper, and excited little attention, Then the right was assumed to confiscate the pro- perty of Southern citizens sojourning at or in transit ‘through the North. About the same time sprang up the Colonization Society, and in ayear or two its bastard offspring, a small committee, headed by Thompson, Delavan, Lewis and Arthur Tappan, Garrison, Hale, Hallock and others, demanding immediate slavery abolition. They were laughed at as crazy, but were the legitimate fathers of the mischief that has befallen the Union since. This brought the country up to the period of Texan annexation, when a new epoch was inaugurated. In 1847 an unprecedented agitation upon the subject of slavery was excited during the pro- gress of the Mexican war. Extreme grounds began to be taken by North and South with reference to the States that might, at future times, be admitted to the Union. Par- ties were split into fragments, and heads of cliques began to look out for ele- ments more vital than the old differences between whig and locofoco to administer to their strength. Nearly at the same instant Southern fire-eaters took up Calhounism, and Northern demagogues anti-slaveryy which had gradually leavened the rural districts of the non-slaveholding States, and fuel was heaped upon the fire by Mr. Wilmot, in his famous un- constitutional amendment to an appropriation bill, to the effect ‘that as an express and tunda- mental condition to the acquisition of any ter- ritory from the republic of Mexico by the United States, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory.” This was the cloven foot, for the first time openly, boldly, aggressively dis- played. It was the “irrepressible conflict” in limine, ready to march over “the rice fields of South Carolina and the cotton and sugar plan- tations of Louisiana,” so soon_as it should pos- sess the power. ‘State acts began to be passed soon after, impeding the right of reclamation of fugitives from service, which the constita- tion had explicitly guaranteed; next, an active system of propagandism was inaugurated for the purpose of preaching a crusade against the social institutions of the Southern States. The pulpit was desecrated, and the press prosti- tuted, to incite to murder, insurrection and rapine. Last of all, with the downfall of whig- gery, under the auspices of Mr. William H- Seward, and with the expressed object to raise him to the Presidency, a sectional party was created, in order to consummate the acts of aggreesion which had been carried so far. This party has succeeded in electing a Presi- dent and Vice President of the United States, who, although not the New York Senator, ap- pears fully prepared to “finish the battle,” and fill up the measure of disasterto the country. Yet it can be demonstrated that, in spite of this disastrous result of the labors of politicians in the non-slaveholding States, three-fourths of the population of the North are conservative, Jnion loving and prepared to restore the rule of the constitution throughout the land in its fullest pristine integrity. Out of very contemptible begianings—almost an involuntary abandonment of constitutional landmarks—the evil has grown which has cul minated in an aggressive political propagand- ism of abolition in the North. Fire-caters at the South have contributed their full share towards the mischief. The Rhetts of South Carolina, and the Wendell Phillipses of Boston, who regard the Union as “a league with hell and a covenant with death,” are the only con- sistent extremists who can boast that they have “labored for twenty years” to dissever the bonds which fasten it together. The real work has been accomplished by temporizing politi- cians, who have sought for momentary local success in catering to the appetites of a deluded populace, but have falsely calculated upon be- ing able to control the storm ere it should prove destrugtive. Goveraor Pickens, ex- Speaker Orr, Howell Cobb, and a host of others, were originally Union men. At heart they may be so still. But they have aided, for selfish purposes, in unchaining a giant in their section of the confederacy, as Seward, Greeley, Chase, Sumner aod kindred spirits have done here, which they can no longer control. It was an easy task to loosen the rock from the summit of the mountain, but they cannot stay its down- ward course of destruction. Revolution, like Saturn, devours its children; the Gironde de- atroys the nobles; Jacobins eat up the Gironde; the ultra-Montagne swallows the Jacobins, and a final reign of terror witnesses a bloody anarchy, which is the logical but always un- foreseen consequence of a false principle un- chained. So it will be in the United States, unless the people intervene to save the country. They still hold the power in their own hands, and a pause of hesitation would appear to have intervened, just on the verge of civil war and national destruction, which augurs favorably for an array of the conservative: national, sentiment, dguinat the wns, North paid South; who have ‘been | We have’ more than once had occasion to the country, 815,000 of thove for the Pr elect were whig” and sonservative; 1,267,500 were cast for Douglas, 836,500 for Breckin- ridge, and.742,500 for Bell; so that a solid mass of 3,681,500 people may be regarded as array- ed on the side of concession and the preserva- tion of the integrity of the nation, while but fifty thousand over a million were, even on the 6th of November last, to be considered as siding with the principle that “the Northern conscience is irreconcilably opposed to slavery, because slavery is wrong.” And while the Northern popular voice has pro- claimed, by a majority of three and a half to one, its abhorrence of abolitionism, the shrink- ing of a majority of the Southern States from the mad excesses of South Carolina proves that, if reasonable guarantees for the South are granted for the future, the attachment of majority of the inhabitants to the nion will avert the dangers of the crisis at which we have arrived. In fact, in the clear, unmistakeable, demonstrated love of five-sixths of the population of the United States for their natiye land rests our only hope of a settlement of existing difficulties. Nei- ther abolition fanatics and persecutors nor fire- eating mobocrats and logocrats can quench the patriotic fire which was kindled during tho seven years that achieved our national inde- pendence. The ashes of expiring fossilism in Congress cannot smother it, nor can it be extin- guished by either the aggressions of South Carolina rebels or the Faneuil Hall haranguers who have driven them frantic. It is the great vox populi which Daniel Webster represented, and which was indellibly grafted into the na- tional heart by the words of our first President. Let the people, therefore, speak. Let State conventions in the North and the South ap- proximate the wishes of the different sections, and amendments to the constitution be adopted which shall correspond with the exigencies of the time. The possibility, nay, probability, that “the constitution might be changed by an ex- plicit and authentic act of the whole people,” was recognized by Washington. He appealed to it as the future remedy against disunion, on the basis of “ the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government.” Let his voice be listened to. It behooves the people of the South to give the key note, and to make known their wants. They will insist upon the recognition of the property rights of their citizens everywhere ; upon the needful stipulations which intolerance has hitherto denied; upon full liberty to carry slaves into the common territory, and upon the recognition of universal toleration of opin- ion respecting slavery as a social institution in the several States of the Union. We believe that the people of the North and West will re- spond, instantly, to these rational require- ments. There will be no issue of parties. In State conventions it will be the people only, who, “like the voice of many waters,” -will overpower and drown beneath a deluge of re- probation the anti-Union heresies which infect the republic. New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey will follow the leading of the South, as surely as light follows the sun, and a contagion of Union healing fire will sparkle once more, from height to height, from the banks of the Connecticut river, at least, to the Gulf of Mexico, which will be the final con- demnation of the encroachments upon the con- | stitution which have imperilled the prosperity of the confederation for the past few years. Exposure or THe CaLUMNIRS AGAINST THR Commercias Inteorrry or THe Sovra.—One of the most unfortunate features of the present feud which distracts the country is the disposi- tion manifested by the republicans to impugn the commercial honesty of the South. {n this spirit they have attributed as the principal mo- tive of the secession movement a desire on the part of the slave States to repudiate and get rid of their debts to the North. There is nothing like figures to disprove charges of this kind. The following table, com- piled from the circulars of the mercantile agency of Dun Boyd & Co., shows the num- ber of failures in the free and slave States re- spectively in 1860:— 06,990 43 ‘$16 008,271 without insurance, bad rusting out, &c.... 665 204 Liabilities of foregoing. $12,047,178 $2,630,300 Failed from dissipation, extra’ ‘agance gambling, inattention to business, &e.... oe 216 a2 Liabilities of foregoing........ $4,233,231 $1,282,500 Failed from speculation out ide of legitimate business, Overradin , &e 1415 464 Liabilities of foregoing 175,267 = $10,106,271 Swindlers... 0+ bez 114 Liabilities of forego! $7,546,007 $2,319,300 Compremised their debts at an average of about 30 per ¢ 562 9% Likely to pay in fall. eee 110 49 Liabilities von BE mo 5 082 $1,614,262 liability to each fai a wee. seewere ~ sees $24 612 $15,910 From the above it will be seen that the slave States not only do pay their debts, but pay them better than any other section of the coun- try. Assuming, as’we are entitled to do from this table, that there are two and one-third more stores at the North than in the South, we find that in the free States there has been one failure to every sixty-one stores, and in the slave States only one to every seventy-one, making a difference of about sixteen per cent in favor of the latter. If we take the liabilities fa a criterion, we find their amount at the North over four times that at the South. In the bor- der States the comparison is unfavorable to the South, there being in Missouri, Maryland and the other border States one failure to every forty-nine and one-half stores; but this arises from the fact that in those Sta‘es the Northern merchauts preponderate. ‘The years 1857, 1858 and 1859 show far more favorably for the South than 1860; but there is enough in the exhibit of the latter year to silence these groundless charges of commercial dishonesty and a desire for repudiation on the part of the slave States. Napotcon and the Pope—One of the Coming Events in Europe. More and more, as we watch the career of the present Emperor of tho French, we are led to respect the consistency of his conduct and ac- knowledge his title to be considered “ the cleverest man in Europe.” His last important decree is still fresh in the public mind. In it he extended the functions of the Senate and legislative body, so as to give the people, not only in theory, but in practice, a voice in the government of the empire, while, by providing for the publicktion éniationso of ‘the dobiatos: iu the Monier and ail the otfier jourtiats in Fiance, he gives the key to, the liberty of ‘the press. This pélley approaches méarer to ¢on- ‘tijutiondl goveriment than any former mea- sure emanatiiy’ from the present dynasty, and is quite in accerdance with» the ex- pressed views of Louis Napoleon in his Idées Napoléoniennes, published. twenty .years ago. He is a man of the age, luxuriating in enlarged and liberal aspirations, tend- ing to the promotion of: representative order, and his ambition is to rule over a free nation. These reforms prepare us for another event as yet only in embryo. We allude to nothing less than his taking upon himself the position of Father of the Faithful. It may at first_sight appear somewhat droll to find a Pius the Tenth turning up in the occupant of the Tuile- ries, but on a second view it will be found that his powers in that character would be little greater than those exercised by the sovereign of England, who has the appointment of all the bishops and supreme control over the national church. If Henry the Eighth was fit to exercise such functions, surely the present Emperor of the French, whose domestic rela- tions are 80 much more creditable, is qualified. It cannot be for a moment doubted that the empire, by this combination of ecclesiastical and political power, would be strengthoned beyond calculation; so that any wag- gish irreverence which might possibly arise towards tho tow Pontiff would soon suh- side. We should see a few cartoons about it in the comic weeklies, and that would be all. The system could not fail to work well where religion was always at the command of the go- vernment. The clergy would look to the Em- peroras their spiritual superior for support and advancement, and the Emperor would be freed from what hitherto has been a stumbling block in the way of his, foreign policy. Re- ligion, by becoming purely national, would be revitalized throughout the empire. Of course he would expect, in carrying this project into execution, to confront the opposition of the Catholic party, the French bar, the legiti- mist and Orleanist body, and, perhaps, even re- publicans and free thinkers; but the consum- mate tact and ability of the man would over- come this, however compact and devoted, just as he has already often done the most scemingly insurmountable difficul- ties. The opposition of the clerical party would alone be worthy of consideration, and that party is now so weak in France that its influence would be insignificant. The tem- poral dominion of the Pope is opposed to the Italian sympathies of the French people, and this is a point greatly in favor of the course the Emperor has marked out for himself. The loss of the French church would be a grievous one for Pio Nono. With the loss of his eldest son he would lose also his best missionary; for dur- ing the past century the French flag has been almost the banner ef Romish proselytism, espe- cially in the East. But such a loss would only be in keeping with the gradual decline of Ca- tholicism during the last three hundred years. It commenced by the apostacy of England and the decadence of Spain, by which its mastery of the seas was terminated and its chance of colo- nizing the world gone. The Romish reli- gion was in its germ when the bar- barous nations of the North surrounded and menaced the old Roman em- pire. From that time on for a thousand years it was h’ghly u-eful, and the source of an advancing civilization; but the world is strange- ly altered now, and the Papal power has been eclipsed by a civilization brighter than that which it originated, and very soon we shall see the Pope sink into a mere nominal and power- less chief at Rome. a Notwithstanding the immense benefits which Napoleon III. has conferred upon France, and the rapid strides she has made in material pros- perity under his rule, it is more than probable that with his death his dynasty will expire. Such a result can only be averted by the father living till his son reaches manhood, and by that son having genius of his father, and the same tact in application. The people of France are, both by nature and habit, revolu- tionary, and it is only by his ceaseless activity and constantly keeping the political ball roll- ing that Louis Napoleon maintains the throne of France for himself. If he were to lessen his vigilance and subside into repose he would meet with the fate of Louis Philippe in less than Gy* years. Meruoroutan Taxation ror 1861.—The Comptroller's report for last year, pre- sented to the Common Council at their final meeting, represents the taxation, as estimated for the present year, to be on the increase by over a million and a quarter of dollars—the total amount to be raised being $11,052,648, while that of last year was only $9,758,507. The taxes for 1861 are divided into the amount levied for the ex- penses of the city government, which is $6,608,793; for county expenses, which is $2,335,219, and for State taxes, which amount to $2,108,635. The amount of property as- sessed for taxes is not yet complete ; but inas- much as it was valued at five hundred and seventy-seven millions last year, wo may cal- culate that its assessed value this year will be something over six hundred millions of ¢otlars. What its real value may be before the tax books are opened, will depend upon how +he present political difficulty is settled. If seces- sion and civil war are to come upon us, all this property will be depreciated one-hal?, and three hundred millions of assessed property wil bave really no value at all. Springtiold: “Pepriso SS CABINET MAKING AT SPRINGFIELD. @ur Springficld Correspondence, Sruurnip, Dee. 30, 1860. Second Visit of Edward Bates—Arrival of General Came- ron, of Pennsyvania—What His Coming Means—At- leged Tender of a Seat im the Cubinct—Will he be. One of us Members? de., de. As predicted in my last, a second visit of Hou. Edward Bates, of Missouri, to the Presideut elect is now being paid. Mr, Bates arrived last evening, on half-past ning o'clock train from St.Louis, for the purpose of spending the Sabbath with his Presidential friend. Last night and early this morning various rumors were in circulation as to the object of his repeated appearance. Some claimed to know that he came to make known the result of a fort- night’s reflections as to the position he was to select im the Cabinet—the choice between the Secretaryship of the Interior and that of State being left to him. Others asserted, with the best show of probability, that be had an appointment, made during his first visit, to meet certain Eastern politicians. And so it turned out. The noon train (rom the Fast landed among us no less a pee- sonage than the greatest of Peunsylvania wirepullers— the renowned Gea, Simon Cameron, accompanied by Mr. Sanderson, of Harrisburg, one of his most faithful henchmen, _ The wnexpected arrival of :the General was somowlat ~ ofa stunner, not only to your correspondent, bat. to the ° (majority of tbe politioal sctiemers. and inteiguants af | days ago. fle waié cuppoved—nay’; seriously believed om the very best -authority—te have Beon offered a place panong Mr. ‘Linooth's: donstitutional- advigers. ‘The | umi- Vorsal tepression was that he had promptly and giadiy Accepted the flattering tender: What; pier ‘Came- | ron’s sudden apparition mean’ Was the Keystone State to be rewarded for the republican laurels it had won so gloriously by a double reprecentation in the Cabinet? Am altogether improbable inference. Had Wilmot, after all, been only summoned hither for consultation? A hardly more tenable supposition. Had he declined the proposl- tions of the President elect and recommended the ap- pointment of the Pennsylvania Senator in his stead? A possible, but not very probable contingency. There was, indeed, a puzzle that bid fair to allow of a solution with the aid of future events only. An apparent bit of diplo- macy of which unsophisticated “Old Abe” was not thought capable, A seeming antagonism of facts difficult to explain. Mr. Cameron having been in town only a few hours at the time of this writing, your correspondent does not feel warranted to state anything beyond the palpable facts connected with his visit and the multifarious conjectures indulged in by gossipers as to the import of his advent im this latitude. He is, however, confident that he will be able to furnish “full and reliable particulars” in big next. Shortly after the General's arrival he repaired to the private dwelling of the President elect, in company with Mr. Bates, who had evidently looked for him’ alt morn- ing. Mr. Lincoln, who was kept duly apprised of the Progress of his Eastern visiter's journey by telegraph, and immediately notified of his presence in town, waa awaiting their call, and received them with his customary artless Western heartiness. The trio forthwith entered @ retired apartment, where they are said to be still engaged in close congultatioa at the present moment, In reference to the subject of their deliberations, sur- mise, of course, is all that has as yet transpired. It ia stated, on the one hand, that Cameron came to reiterate in person his reasons for declining to serve in the Cabi- net, toa place in which he is believed. to have been in- vited more by mere courtesy and formality. than other- wise, and with a full knowledge of his unwillingness: to All it, Per contra, it is claimed that. Wilmot actually backed out to make room for.Cameron, and that the authorized disclaimers, heretofore periodically dis- seminated through the agency of the latter in regard to imputed aspirations to a portefeuille, were mere shams, Put forth while secretly intriguing to get rivals out of the... way, and intended to impress the powers that are to be more strongly in his favor, though on hia assumed disin- terestedness and reticence. Again, it is asserted that his object is to learn the views of the President clect as to the propriety of gotting Pennsylvania ready for the ow seemingly inevitable bloody conflict between North- ern maintenance and Southern defiance through special enactments during the coming session of the State Lagis- lature. These rumors are al! given for what they may be onsidered worth. But although your correspond- nt is as yet without positive information on the fubject, be ventures to express the unshakes conviction that Mr. Cameron will not occupy ascat in the Cabinet. He may be mistaken in this. But ‘f 80, the error will be excusable, as it is based on the well known rigid adherence to honesty of both purpose and means. of the President elect, and the presumption that be, a8 a well informed politician, cannot be ignorant of the character of the agents employed by Cameron ia promoting his political fortunes. ‘The developements of the next twenty-four houra will doubtless dispel the fog now surrounding the premises, It is reported that both Mr. Cameron and Mr. Bates will return to their respective homes in the course of to-morrow. Srrivorm, Jan. 1, 1861. More About Senator Cameron's Visil—Contradictory State- ments—Reported Confirmation of His Appointment to the Hoax—Mr. Bates’ Portefewille, dc. ‘The fog in which the object of Senator Cameron's visit was wrapped has cleared away toa certain extent since my last. It is now certain that his journey hither was Prompted by the consideration of his claims to a position im the Cabinet. But although it is positively known that he came here for the purpose of settling his account with the President elect, the precise manner in which this was done bas not yet transpired. Mr. Lincoln's friends them- selves do not seem: to agree as to the result of the negotiations between the distinguished Poansyiva- nian and the dispensing powers. Quite a number cling to the. opinion that a tender of a seat was made to Camerom a8 a matter of mero formality 8 non-acceptance having been intimated in advance, amd tbat the trip out-here was undertaken. by him witha wiew to a personal explanation of “the reasons of bisde- clination, and to present the clains of hisfoliowors. They _ also express the belief that Mr. Wilmot’s acceptance of a place in the Cabinet was conditioned on the previous re- fusal of Cameron to serve, and that this being now off- cially announced, the former's appointment was the more certain. A majority of those that move about the State House is, however, evidently impressed with the idea, on the other baud, that Mr. Cameron did not come here to decline, but to accept, and that his selection for the Se- cretaryship of the Treasury may be considered a fore- gone conclusion. They assert that Wiraot had waived am appointment in favor of Cameron; that the rather posi- tive declarations heretofore made as to the latter's unwillingness to figure in the @abinet wore um authorised, and that he was not only willing but anvious to be clevated to a like posi tion. They further appear to think that the know- ledge of this desire, and its all bat unanimous enderee- ment by the republican leaders of the Keystone State, mado its fulfitmont all bat imperative on tho, part of the Prenident elect, in viow of the deciaive infichce of the supporters of Cameron, exercised im the Chicago (ba- vention Now it may bo that the koy to Uncle Sam's empty cash box has been actually offered to Mr. Cameron. It may be that the bud and violent eppositioa made te hin Appointment bas been quieted down by the proxsise to some leading rival of the United States Senatoralaip to bo vacated by him. But your correspondent, althaagh Appearances are vow against him, still adheres to dhe be- lief embodied in yesterday's letter, He still remains persuaded that Cameron's visit was made for the pur pose of consultation om the condition. af the country, and securing the share of the fo deral spoits demanded by hie friends, amd not of receiving the offer or secepting the past at the hood of the Treasury Department; and this not foom a presumption of an infailibility of opimion, bah Troma firm conviction that Mr. Lincoln is deverminedk to con struct a pro-eminently pure Cabinet—to salect his con. stitutional advisers from among publéc mon. free from ali taint of corruption, and to scorn the thougsa of surrounds ing bimselé with characters whose. political puccess. has been achieved, not By uncommon, talents, comprohensice acquirements and waswerving honesty of purpare and means, bul mainly by the prestige and judicious uso of wealth. Again, Whe writer is ing\ined to think thad the ante: cedents of Mr. Lincoln furnigh little ground for the supposition, that in the chorsiog of the uasterial for the important offices within his gift, he will act in more s conformity with thone party rules and usages ac- ng bo Whiob Fery the ev nit not capacity, date the principal qualdercions for oMice. Nor dose