The New York Herald Newspaper, January 5, 1861, Page 4

s 4 P oo at ron ‘African siayo true, Rode S weren.ce know not youn aoe Sathust- ‘ ality of generous . Fanaticis: mer Mlement of maligaity——a spirit that to its object, that wor ‘litt ite band, | sharpen its tonguo' tn wrath, that wuuld bite | not this spirit always born of misappre- ‘ice and hater If Sir Waiter Raleigh found It toarrive at the cxast Gi < a ei hat may truth expect wher mayen s spin, exoited 6 a0 inlacamabio i itch? consequence eon the eee on dither wing have understood cach ‘well and hated each other heartily, and the great lying between, on both sides, thru: misappre- ave not understood each other. ‘nen at length: the subject beoame mvolved with political logislation, ‘a thousand other forces came im to intensify tho fooling, unl og n einer side, inoreasing. tho oxan on either side, - ea ee taal cause, I believe, which mado en A ied i Hi y e Slave law 60 obnoxious to the | exactly contradicting every principle and soutimout in i wi that they interpreted it #8 | our Declaration of In: Saenoe na roversing in its intended to humiliate ; while the le of tie South | spirit, operation and fencies, the theory, objects and interj#@mtion upon Northera Liberty the the animus, whatever ingenuity my have been in the letter, the cxpresston being understeod to be ne of insult, rebuke and defance. And go it 18 that the ‘mags of the nation, inocent of any evil designs, ve become involved m perils ‘hat threaten the waole domain. The question now 15 whether it is possible for ‘mattor to be lifted out from the r of «tlstemper jnto the court of reason. Our power t® mot so much in legislation, conventions and discussions, fori believe it has long been a nations! evil to legislate too much. I be- Fi. E estions of law. tiat should be referred | gponsible, ing and debilitating influence on the rs the highest {egal authority of the country. It is « | dominant race psy uphold it. Slavory is nota new thing token of good that already at the North there is dispo- | in the world; its nature and effects are not opsn ques- look at whatever may have been adjudged in its spirit and latent wo be contrary to faith and law. If there | be sucha return to a reasonable fraternal spirit ‘and temper, by which the great mass of the people shall | ‘be convinced that wing intended and nothing will be tolerated which 1s not right, fear will give place to hope, and apprehension to peace. ’ How is this subject present- ed in the New Testament? Christ und his Apostles lived under Roman despotism. Did they ever made a direct assault upon that tremendous Powert Did they ever excite to insurrection? Never. Christ said, «Ren- dor unto Cwsar the things that are Qvesar’s;”’ and Paul counselled his cotomporarics to be obedientand loyal, and reoo it Limseif by appealing im his own per- gon to its jurisdiction. But aro we then to infer that Chris- tisnity sanctions despotism, aud aims to perpetuate and extend it? Never. Why, thea, does the New Testament make no direct assault upon that ancient despotism: Do you say it would have done no good? Then you ad- it that thoro is such a thug as a Wise Christian expedi- ency. So I bolieve. Would you know what slavery was in apostolic times? Tacitus describes it, and he was cotemporary of Paul. There is no mistaking Paul's words. Those who are under the yoke—slaves—are in- structed in their relative duties, while no assault is made, no attempt to sever that relation, What then? Must we refor to this as a relation that Christianity sanctions, con- serves and perpetuates as oue of our own benign, pator- nal institutions? By no means. The epistle to Phileuoo has been handed down to us a5 part of the inspired ca- non, and I always find it hard to read that epistle, so fall’ of Christian gentloness and courtesy, without a moistened eye. What, then, is to be done? We of the North must cease from all ‘vitupcration and angry re- proach. We must not think of our Southern brethren a3 ‘Oppressors or barbarians, nor vilify nor taunt them, nor goad them as if they were sinners above ail otbers. Had ‘we been born in the same circumstances as themselves, thore is no reagon to suppose that we should have been more humane, or kind or wise than they? We must acknowledge that among them, persona ly counected with this relation, are some of the best specimens of philan- thropy and religion that the world can furnish. On the Other hand, we say to cur brethren of the South—You must not take ground which is untenable. Standing by ‘every right which is insurea to you by the constitution, You ust not force us to join with you a new issue, Yoo ‘Must not give resurrection to questions which have loag been considered settled by the civilized world. And ‘the solomn tramp of the consus instructs you as to the Certainty of prospective changes, you must meet that fact as an appointinent not of man. “You must not for- Swear reason. You must not put the torch to that elifice ‘which we ocoupy and hold incommon, and which we our children and our children’s children claim obs of such incomparable and ineffable advan- Partisanship must be merged in patriot- Se providence is guiding to this result. Sec- ional must give way to intense love for the pope . The whole country is our counter. : There ‘ one part r 43 no wrong tbat can be inflicted on oe pods | | Se eta te Poaniet our oonfate n conceal 1o- racy. ‘i revolution is to overwhelm ug, there must be bonis imperative necessity for tt. Does that exist to-day? How would you define it? What is the wrong that forces us to such a necessity? Ditterences of opinion? Why, men may live under constitutional law with sentiments the most diverse. Thore is a tribunal to which those dif- ferences may be referred. Revolution for what? Tem per, passion cannot displace law. Reyolution! What Memories are associated in our minds with that word, It ‘wes only leat weok that the last survivor of the battle of Bunter Hil died. Surely it cannot be possible that within this short apace of time there should tn any quarter even be thought ‘of another revolution (for what good who oan imagine?) against the very constitution that then was framed. Is our Union to prove only a rope of sand? As the later Athenian orators wore wont to shout in their assomblages, ‘Marathon, Marathon,” go will we rapoat the names of the great men of the past ‘and of tho battlefields ‘whose names have come down to us as a common heritage, And more than all we will eall aloud on the name of our common God, beseeching him not to give a3 up to re- proach. And should Werove that e.fire is kindled that may not be quenched, still we will not let go our bold on the horns of tho altar, but will pray that we may keep ‘8 conaclence void of oilunce, so that in any and overy ex- tremity we may have that sorenity that springs from con- fidence in Supreme direction and biessimg, believing that the day of evil will soon pass We will remembor and obey the command, “come my people enter thou iato thy chamber and shut thy door about thee; bide thyself for a little moment, till this indignation be past."’ Prayer and faith will win there blessi After the storm behold the bow in the clouds and brightness gathering in tho heavons. THE REV. DR. BELLOWS. Fourth All Souls’ (Unitarian) Church, Avenue. A large congregation was present at the services held yesterday morning in Ali Souls, Unitarian church, in Fourth avenue, of which the Rev. Dr. Henry W. Bellowa is pastor. In bis opening prayer the roverend goutloman earnestly appealed tc God that Ie might order all events for the welfare of the country; that he would be pleased to sprond His winge acrose the land and encloso within ‘one embrace all its separate mombers; that our -people ‘would be saved from the perils of civil war, and spared tho humiliation of defeat in the eyes of all the nations of the world, We had rejoiced in the honest pride of our hoarts that the principles of justice and hamanity were prevailing here as they never had prevailed before in the Progréss of the race. It was not in selfish vanity that we thus extolled our nation, even in the presence of the Lord, but because of those glorious principles, those im- mortal hopes inaugurated in our institutions. He blessed God for the trials of our civilization, for the advantages of our Common constitution and for the Union of the ‘Btates, And now in the height of our prosperity, when the nations of the earth were looking with bope and con fidence to us for an example in the midst of their @truggles; when humanity raised her head and thought @he was about to be emancipated from ignorance and Oppression, wo are threatened with the defoat of every hope, with the loes of every blessing. He prayed that fo such calamity would befall the country; that in every section the pride of local ambition would be removed; that the President of the United States would have wis- dom and strength to perform the duties imposed by tho eolemn oath of hix office and the exigencies of the nation; that Divine wisdom would preside over the councils of Congress, and that no portion of our people would cons!- dor another their enemics, but that wo all would be a united brotherhood. As all calamities owed from a dis. regard of the plans and precepts of God, he prayed that the Lord would lead us to know His will and give ua @trongth to perform it; that He would bless both the mas. ter and the slave, and in His own times and ways deliver the land from the stain.and disgrace of slavery. After the singing of a hymu given out by the Rev. Dr, Osgood, Dr. BELLOWS proceeded to deliver his discourse on the crisis of our mational disease, The text was found in Revelations, xvii, 14— ‘These shall make with the Lamb, and the Lam» shall este reel for He is the Lord of and King of vale that are with him are galled and chosen and These words, he said, describe the ctornal oon filot_ going on in the world batweon the false principios the organized \itical errors and mistakes 0 beng the eternal laws of God and is slwaye charged with creating Opposes its progreas—while, really, it is is the on whom wolf is matt —but is destined by God to overcome and oonver® bien. Our institutions, in their lepit H on whom error and wreay mate ee ir; and it remains to bo noon whoth ee hotoeo, the lamb shall overccrne them ‘our country rist’s true heritage, in avs (ti te rt &. ing it in that case we have nothing to far of Lords wnd King of Kiny nd they that Called and chosen and faithful. together, Christian thron, in obe to the proclainstion of the President of thee Uni ee, backed yy Oe pees the Governor York, to fuifil the duties of a day of spvoial bral fasting and peayer, in view of the distracted and cond tion of our country. A proper set for the of our culors obliges wa to join our fol Citizens in the religious observance ef thie day. Hy before and prayer to the Divine Majesty , are always in season; fasting, ae a roll forvico, uever—aad particularly nat when all our vigor and endurance may so shortly be required to ‘the enemies of our national oxistenoe. Bat it wild hypocriey io me to leave it to be inferred that | any of the feolings or opinions, politioal or relizious, are avowed im the call for this epecial fast. | Proclamation of the Prosident assymes that our @rOMEAt AiMiouitics and perils are the resuitof gm eos are in NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1861—TRIPLE SHEET. cia! wickedness on the part of the people at large—of fume recent guilt in our conduct as citizsos—that we have suddenly fallen ruined. I believe, culties bad ad row out of he increasi juman} people at 4 Sed pore eaten desire to" kee the, re aries ments—to the precepts aud realizo opi Ss the moving cause of the agi t threatens the oe. of our Union. I see no evidence ure in the commotion which rocks our government; nor do I believe that vague f torpos pest, ate lel) to for an int ition we do not oxpect, ly to pro- duce but the ordinary fruits of hypocrisy, ‘our present agitation and insocurity, as it has been the causo of all the political trials and griefs of our whole bistory as «nation, t» the anomalous existence in a republican and democratic ent—based Oa re- spect for human rights, ical “equality, universal rey wntation, free speech, public discussion, general for fnitaining and petpetusting the bondage of one vant for mai ini one pection of the human family—an insti upholding and st , in the freest country in the world, the most abject and system of Toaneatic slavery — ‘The cause working of our constitution and our national inspiration. Whatever necessities, accidents or antecedents planted slavery in the nation—however innocent and ble its heirs and it victims may be (and I do not wish to speak of them)—its own ossvntial character is not changed, nor its anomalous position and influence altered. It remains what it always was and always must be, an abuse of the natural rights of man, a denial of real and proper humanity to beings in the human form, astate of war upon its subjects which brute force and nearly ab- solute can alone render succcesful—and of irre- pons: tions, It has proved the ruin of all the ancient and mo- dern States that have yielded to its seducing temptations, until its quality and consequences are stamped by the historic, the political, the social, the religious experience and wisdom of the wide world with fixed, decisive and unalterable abhorrence. And here is this instituted outrage upon Gol and man; upon the spirit of Christianity and the cttsics ant political instincts of the Nineteenth century planted in the capi- tal of American liberty; become the foundation of fifteen sovereign States of this Union; wividing the authority of our Senate, the chief solicitude of the head of the govern- ment, and menacing the downfail of our nationality, if the majority ot the American people do not disown their disgust, retract their reprobation and pronounce property in man not a local and legal fiction, but a national fact and the fundamental and permanent article of our politi- cal creed. In a nation founded on the supposed intelligence of the people, the diffusion of intelligence has become, under ‘this condition of things, the worst injury oue part of the country can commit against the other; iu a nation where labor was to be honored as nowhere else in the world, as the necessary corroliary of universal equality, it ‘has been degraded into a monial and servile necessity in a land of free speech and free discussion; the safety of our institutions is endangered by the utterance of the veriest commonplaces of political thought, and the first principles of Christianity, and no crime is 80 great as humanity and justice. The noble system of government which invites jnto the free States of this Union almost the wholo emigration of mpeg? is a high offence Se ths anomalous system of slavery in the South. Our growth in numbers, intelligence, fs erm our progress and morals, civilization and’ religion—all, in short, that wing to us the respect and admiration of the rest of the world, only indicates the fear, the antipathy and thy jealousy of the slave power. Our purest morals are pro. yunced fanaticism; our most officacious piety, infidelity; our most civilized and entightened communities, hot beds of treason and error. We cannot exercise, develope and enjoy the very principles, ideas, rights and foelings which this free government was estublished to embudy and protect, without imperilling the lives and fortuifes of our fellow citizens in that portion of our country whose do- mestic institutions are based on negro slavery. Our press, if it meets and represents the honest feclings of the civilized world, becomes a firebrand at the South and cannot be permitted to circulate there. Our most ac- ceptable and advanced literature is dangerous to the peace of that community. The most legitimate exercise Of our political rights is, as we are now seeing, the high- est injury and moet intolerable insult we can offer our Southern countrymen. How idle it is iu this state of things to look for any other cause of disaffection, agitation and conilict, than the simple fact that the natural and inevitable progress of civilization on this continent is essentially threatening to the barbarous institution of slavery, and that the only real issue before the country aud the world is this—sha!l modern civilization and free institutions deny themselves and lose their naturo, or shall slavery accept.ita- doom as a temporary and decaying institution, under the rightful censure of Christondom, and beneath the crushing foot of human progress? In pronouncing this the real moral igeue now open, Larn far from saying or allowing that this is tho political issue. There is not a handful of Northern citizens who would consent, under auy temptations or circumstances, to interfere with the existence of slavery in the States. Itis not party power or direct action of ‘any sort, now or at any future time, whic& Uareatens slavery.’ It is simply civiliaation in ite necessary progress which is dooming it to ruin, aa tho steady rising of the gun drives night away. You will observe that I am bringiag no charges against slayeholders—pronouncing no sentence on them. Thoy ar, forthe most part, the innocent and helpless victims of an hereditary system; and their existing opinions the in- evitable opinions of men in their circumstances. It 1s against slavery itself, considered as a terribio social wrong, and a frightful political error, and an essential im- morality, that L bring the accusation of boing the cause of all our national troubles. So far from blaming the slaveholder as such, I hold him to be the most uofortu nate and pitiable of men—the imperilled victim of 1” sys- tem which wrongs equally the boudsmen and their masters, It is tho greatest of mistakes to con- found hatred of slavery with hatred for slave- holders. It is the love of tho slaveholder which inspires our hatred for what is ruining him, as it is God's love for sinners which animates his wrath against sin. There is no proper conflict be- tween the Northern freeman ant the slaveholder. They have identical interests if shey did but kuow it. It is ony between our civilization and the barbarous institution of slavery that an irrepressible enmity exists; aud this en- mity is impereonal—compatible with the most fraternal and the most Christian feeling towards our Southern brethren, I kuow the incroduiousness with which such fessions are received; and 1 do not forget that Jerusa em crucified Him who wept over it, while he coudemned its blindness. But I believe that it will one day be Known to the South, as it is mow known to God ani tho world, that it is love for man, white aad black; love for man, slaveholding or otherwise; love for min, south or north of the Potomac, that creates the ever growing and ever blessed hatred of slavery, which is the ao. cessary accompaniment, in those not blinded by immo. diato interest. of the love of liberty, of Christ, an: of Go4. The real issue, then, isan issue betwoen the Christian Civilization ree ygnized by all the rest of the civilized world, and a false, pernicious and wicked institution called’ domestic slavery, upheld by a minority of var countrymen, in the face of the moral sentiments, ant po Mtical convictions, and Christian scruples of all men be. sides. As to the final result of such an unequal contro Versy—a controversy of opinion and sentiment morely, hot admitting of direct or political interference, nor aiming at any result which is not accomplizhed by 1a0ral suasion and public opinion, but, nevertheless, aim st with tremendous powers of reason, justice, Christian truthand Divine will—there can be no difference of opinion outsi te of the itamediate domain of slavery; and there was, tli vory lately, little difference of opinion even there. Ot the final result, the destruction of slaveholding, with the lad consent of the slavebolder himself, no student of istory, no philosopher, no wise observer of the provi- dence of God can doubt. Tho immediate and practical question for us is, how is this to be permitted to bring itsolf about (for I propose and desite no action to pe Cipitate or even interfere with its self destroying ener. gies) with the least injury to ull concerned—the evautry, the North, the South, the siaveholder, the siavo—ja the present Providential circumstances and dispositions to which’ the nation is brought. ‘There are many of our best and wisest mon who lave come to the conclusion that the only possible corse open to us now tv absolute and final separation between those States of the Union who choose slavery for their frst aud highest good and tho rest of the confederacy. They t unk that the public sentiment of the political mayority will inevitably become more and. more impatient of hs cou plicity of the federal government with slavery, and that the Southern States are justified in their fears taat their Position will thus become more and more uncomfort able. What the slave power, as represoated by its most intelligent leaders, apprehenda, is not the selzare of any uncons:itutional power, or the evactient of any illegal measures by the free States, but the dangers to them proceeding from the growth of their legal power, and the exercise of their constitutional rights, and the embodiment in thoroughly orderly ways of their honest and conscientious convictis They fear the effets of the constitution and the Union in thoir moet legit! mate operation”. And there cannot be the smallest (10s tion, that without the least wish to interfere with siavery in the States where it is eatalishod by law, and without the smallest infringement of the constitutlon, and after the most completo and persistent fuldiment of the Fug! tive Slave law, and every other constitutional obligation, Fenn ho in the greatest — from the public opimioa, from example, from the contagious sympathy, from tho actual and irrepressible moral reprobation of the (ree States, and most of all from their prosperity and their lorious destiny. The steps made necessary at the South 0 defend slavery from those intluences— amely. the ex- clusion of our newspapers—the grenter stringeney of polls tions—a more active jewtousy of all private opinioas a e—and a tyrannical onplonage over all travellers, will only increase this danger by making the contrast bo: tween tho slave and the free States more offensive and intolerable. and candid men at the south say what they Tect-wthat, the necessary and inevitable pro- Gress of Civilization in tho freo States ix the real perl of slavery say, nnd Prom: ng it is the taoxpiable offence of the Nort. They say sagaciously, , “Nomore mock com- isee—ho more impracticable engagements! Slivery live safely, comfortably, perm nentiy, with froo discussion, frec it, free inatitutions—canaot live under the ‘same governmont, in short, which the North Blorics in and can alono endure. Let us peswefully sopa- Tate. We will form a great Golf repubiic, whero your * a ees = ini nae cannot touch tae * Will trade witl ait we cannot any longer live bo the same flag ne 0 same Constitution.” Itt wore Sieeutters tan, @ slaveholdor, and entertained the opi > ay] seem inevitable in that state of society, I The frichttck eat, Would bo the ground I should take. Font east fal unanimity of the popilation of the extrem: wa rn Sta of all the States permanently committed ol “= ees to slavery ou the dootrive of Recession, shows how clearly they agree with us in perceiving that this government cannot go on treating slavery and Lib «tty fas twin children of the constivution: that olthor slavery Or liberty must be nationalizod—either wlaves mist be ttniversally recognized as property in the oripary 8anae of that word, with all the rights of property—or an entire check must be pat tothe -xteasion of siavery ant its tultimate extinction recognized as the pelicy aad hope of che (toro, That they donot expect the first to be graut- ed, and that they are not disposed to submit to the se- cond, #6 sufficiently proved by the fact that they demand the of le secession, Their have been these twenty years as the oaly refuge from intolerable pressure of the preponderant na- tioual sentiment. why not then consent to what CI mand? We know in our hearts that their fears of Northern sentiment, and that in the Union they aro in a Union constitutional action henceforth will consent then to pacific and ami- cable and just of separation’ Are wo prepared to bold them to the Union by tho exercise of porpetual force? Are we enter into a state of civil to war in ona he naa which is hateful to fifteen Btates of the Tsay no. hen it is proved that fifteen States of this confederacy prefer slavery to the constitution and Union ia; when it i8 proved that thoy agree in thinking that they neod new securities for their do- mest c institution, and are not willing that the politi- cal majority, necessarily 0] to the loast oxten- sion of slavery, should govern and tho public polt- cy of the nation; whea it is proved that new oom- promises are réquired by them to stay in the Union— they ought to be permitted to go out of it in peace. They should not be bribed to stay b: vay ty ery yd which cannot be carried out. Thoy should not be se- duced by political trickery into new Complications, des- tined to increase these di ies. Anything more tan the constitution as it is cannot be granted or supported, It could not be recreated, were it to be doe over in a shape even as favorable as it now is tothe slave power. "Bat the peo , in their revorence for its framers and their respect its ago, can be mado, and ‘will be —, fountel to a eee and its vee Any- thing be; it grant slave power, I fear wor bea ewer on Southern credulity, because a political mis- representation of the actual aud growing sontimont of the North and Northwest. , Standing on the constitution, unchanged, and I believe, ‘unchangeable, ready to fuldl all its obligations, painful as they are, for the sake of union and unwilling to yield, however, an inch of constitutional right in favor of @ local institution which we hold to be a carse to its own pevple, a scandal to civilization, and an eyesore to Chris- tendom—determined to concede nothing to the threats or the delusions of slaveholders—I declare unhesitatingly in favor of allowing the slave States to secede, if they de- Le , formally and unitedly prefer and desire to do so. I admit no right of secession. I acknowledge no theory of State sovercignties as coequal with or superior to the national tee ge 3 of the people, It & merely a question of expediency, of the least of two ra. tion, or @ long and bloody civil war. Itis the numbers, the extent, the power of the fiftevn slave States— if united among themselves—which makes it 80 frightful an alternative to enter upon a civil war of indefinite extent and inevitable and unspeakable hor- rors, in vindication of the federal Union; or to allow them eably to retire. I consider separation the least of The thros evils before us. First—War with the nnited slave power—involving, as I believe it would, ruin to the South—frightful insurrections, terrible slaughter of ths people and desolation of their’ property, with universal emancipation as its only blessing. Second—Further oon- cessions to the principle of siavery, which I hold to bo immoral, fata! to our nutional honor and character, ruin- ous to our prospects as a government, and to our duties as custodians of modern und Christian civilization on this continent. Third—Peaceable separation, a serious blow to our national pride and prosperity, but which might end after a shorter or longer experiment, in réunion on @ ba- sis more favorable to liberty and right. But now returns the question of fact. Are the fifteen slave States united and deliberately in favor of secession? If slavery cannot receive new tees, are they—the obligations of the constitution being punc:iliously ful- filled—desirous of going out of the Union? Ihave very gorions doubts of this. From the best of the information Tcan obtain, niost diligently sought, the present mon- strous unanilnity even in the Gulf States is artificial and temporary—the results of misreprensentation, ignorance and conspiracy among a few interested and ambitious political leaders, who, for party purposes, bave in tho recent campaign disseminated falsehoods which have produced conflagration, a popular f ng utterly uncontrollabe by those who kindled it; suc! as that the President elect would, on the 4th of March, proclaim universal emancipation; that the Vice President elect was a mulatto—(lavghter)—and that the victorious Party in the election intended to vio- late the constitutional rights of the slave States. A reign of torror evidently provails in South Carolina, whore the earlier scenes of the French revolution are repeated in forced loans, tu the proscription of suspected citizens, aud in the threatened confiscation of property, to kay nothing of treasonable seizure of the federal structures ‘and functions. If, as is surmised, a few doctrinnaires of the Cathoun school are seizing the occasion of a sectional defeat in a political canvass to further certain long- cherished schemes of local independence; if, playing upon the tgnorance and passions of the populace (the go-called mean whites, who, having nothing to lose. are the most intemperate and reckless material in the South), they are really nullifying the ac- tual wishes and opinions of the larger slavcholders, thought to be conservative of necessity, as property al- ways is, whether in slaves or money—then this alleged. and seeming unanimity, even in the Gulf States, is an ap- pearance and a spectre, that will shortly be laid. 1 sup- pose it to be a great mistake to imagine the present con- flict one between slaveholders, considered as representa- tives of property, aud Northern sentiment. I doubt uot the 400,000 slaveholders of the South are really the siu cerest lovers of the Union in that whole country, and that it is the umbition and jealousy of those who for ifty years have been using the peculiar institution as an eu- gino of their political schemes, gradually making of the non-siavebolding millions of tho South and ignorant, in- flamed and misguided constituency, who aro represented in Congress by new men like Hatnmond and Keitt, who are at the bottom of this dreadful conspiracy. If, moreover, a8 is thought by the wise, the bor- der slave States are favoring the Gulf States only for the arpose of working sufficiently on the fears and patri otism of the North to secure new and more favorable terms for slavery, then unflinching firmness in the North will soon develope their ultimatum, and we shall know whether we have to deal with politicians, factions, sche- mers and couspirators, or with a great and united povple, convinced of the inexpediency of union with us. To this great aud united pouple—when their wishes for separa- tion are in proper and unmistakab! I ee nothing to be said but, “Be nees on your mistaken and de politicians, factions, schemers, conspirators, or to imdi- States attempting secession, of little coteries of States proposing or ing it, I see no dignified, safe, constitutional and Chi method of dealing with them but with all the authority and force of the federal go- vernment. Great revolutions must, In modern times, be made peaceful revohitions; little revolutions must be’ in- stantly quenched. If this Union is to be—I will not sey dissolved—but divided, it must be done by mutual con- Sent, after comparison of views, and « formal expression of the will of the people on both sides made knowa in legal ways. To break it up im caprice, wilfulness and passion, without form of law, and in uncoustt- tutional ways, can never, ought never to be submit ted to; for there is something more than Unien and nationality involved in such proceedings—uamely, the very existence of civil eociety—the sanctity of go- vernment itseif. Those who do not much value tho Cnion at the North value law and order; and they are determined to maintamn it. It must not be aup- posed that it is the enemies of slavery extension alone who have the custody of order and the maia- tovance of federal authority on their consciences. Many who are pertectiy ready 0 let the South co where she pleases, when she makes her wishes known in a proper and orderly manner, will not consent, cost what it will, that the federal authority of the nation shall be trampled upon by any or all the slave States while the compact is in force. It will not & war for or against slaver;—a war between one party and another Party, or one feetion and another section, which Will be precipitated If the federal and coustivutional au- thorities of the United Slates are gravely insulted and despised; buts war W defence of eivilizition against anarchy. at of ew Sel order upon piratical and bar- Darous asta)tanete ow and security —which could not fel «oe auet Bicenty and decisive. Al- ready (he indecsse of the natenal exeective has oblite- rated party Lines eed etited im a new party of order and ‘ination the complete North Hew vast must be the syumpathy ecoretiy felt by all property holders and pa ‘riots in the South with such couservators of all the pre erests of civilization? This party must grow. Ite isue must for the time supercede every other. Aro bation? Have we a government! the constitu. on to be respected by tts own mubjects? These are ques. Hops in my judgment, whieh will be positively aod timal- ly settied, if necessary, with any cost of blood and trea- sure. Settled affirmatively—before the seoundary ques. tions of the Union or separation of the States will admit of dobute and adjustment. Tet us not make a false tsaue with our exasperated and unhappy feilow citizens of the slave Staten about the Union. ° We are uot going to war, [ trust, to force fifteen States to live under a government they hate. But wo wil go towar to save order and civilization, with any faction, conspiracy, rabble, or polit eal party thet strives, io thegal and treasonable ways mnt. to break up the govern We owe it to the intelligence and worth of the believe that they are silenced and tyrannized mob that does net understand nor value their ts and wishes. The sobriety ant aonso of that hi to be heard. They are entitled to the prove: tion of the J government, and to the evidence hat live under @ constitution and an Executive nforcing the laws of the land. We ure not to , until we have made the exporimont, that federal authority would not be obeyed, aud that a dignified do- Monstratien of national force would not restore order and peace. Who knows how the hearts of the real riots and real men, evon in South Carolina, may Ye even now anxiously expecting efficient interference from the geveral government? To assume the woakness, the inadequacy, the unpopularity of the federal power, is to invite contempt, rebellion and secession. | would not harshly judge the Executive of the Union. The vaet re- sponsibilities of his position, the varied means of his in- formation, the contrariant ‘influences brought to bear upon him, entitle him to our utmost charity. We may possibly see in due time that his policy has beon wiser and more patriotic than it . But there can be no difference of opinion on one point. The national govern. ment must bo not merely submitted to, but obeyed, or we are in a state of revolution and anarchy, and in a little while ehall be cutting cach others’ throats, beginning in South Carolina, where anarchy commenced, and ending at Washington, where liberty will be buried in the blood wators of the Potomac, and lapso away to stain the of Washington's grave. Tn the providence of God, and in the natural course of affaire, we have been brought to this crisis, It could not have been avoided. With such an anomalous element as slavery in the constitution, a tremendous trial of its etrength and of the strength of the Union and the govern. meot was inevitabie, sooner or later. It has not come an hour toosven. If we are not strong enough in our contripe tal principles to hold together upon the original compact— if feveral power is inhorently too weak for the 4tate swerk—it is better to Know it now: better to abandon a inion which will presontly, with increased our chitiren’s heads and destroy ORROTS, But 1 will believe in no such werkness until it is pre ‘The government is strong in the hearts and the interests of the vast majority of the | 9 ‘The constitation ie strong enowrh to out jive its one congenital disease, ihe Union ts trong enough to bear even the trem wirying it We want only faith in the o +, faith tn the right of political majorities to exercise thoir leg! mate power; faith in the wisdom of our fathers ; faith in humanity; faith im Chriat aud in God, to carry | ‘us triumphant! this glorious but Caneel er widence of | ‘The ‘offered the closing c prayer. He rn for blessings upon tho Presidsat of the United | ws, UPOL Wosaapesd navy, upon the uation at largo | and upon all new which were knocking at the door Pe eeiber brian wan. pana. and, ts Avother bymm was services were oon- cluded with the benediction. THE REV. DRS. SPRING AND HOGE. Rev. Dr. Spring's Church, (Presbyterian,) on Murray Hil, Fifth Aven: A very large and intelligent audience assembled yester- day morning at Rev. Dr. Spring’s church, to participate in the exercises announced for the occasion. After the usual opening services the Rev. Dr. Sraiwa remarked as follows :—It is with no ordinary feeling that we meet you this solemn morning. Woe do not considor it an ordinary occasion upon which we havo assembled. God's judg- ments are abroad in the land, and it becomes us with one heart and voice to acknowledge His mighty power, His equitable administration, and to cast ourselves upon Lis boundless meroy through Jesus Christ. We come to Plead for a land which is loved—a land which God gave to our fatbers—a land which is sot apart to bo eminently the theatre of His redeeming mercy—a land «which should co-operate with him in sending forth His Gospel to the ends of the earth—a land which ts blessed with the bounties of His providence, and the riches of His grace in the outpouring of his Holy Spirit. Never has the American church, nover has tho American people, seen sucha day as this. Therefore say it is with no ordinary pleasure that we see such a multitude assemblod hore in the house of God to bemoan their own domestic, their own social, thoir public sins, and to implore God’s mercy to turn his judgments from us, Thos whe as- semble here to-day expecting to be amused by some great political discourse will be utterly disappointed. We have no such wish in our hearts. No such language shall fall from our own lips. We come to humble our- selves before God, to implore his great mercy, to beg him to set before us our own sing and tho sins of tho land, but without uttering one word, I trust, from any of our lips of crimination or recrimination, or one that shall haye the tendency to excite one unhallowed emo- tion of a party kind. We come, in one word, before the God of Heaveg to cast ourselves upon him and say to him—“We cannot go against this great multitude of judgements; our hope is in Thee;” and with something like these thoughts I beg you to accompany me while I read the second chapter of the Prophecy of Joel:— ‘Thereverend speaker, after reading the second chaptor of Joel and the ninth chapter of Daniel, commencing with the fourth verse, proceeded to remark as follows:—We have confidence, my friends, in tho God of Heaven and the Ruler of tho Universe as a prayer hearing God. Never has there been a period in the history of His church when His people with, one heart and voice, bowed themselves before Him, when He did not in some way interpose for their deliverance. We know that His wise thoughts and counsels shall stand. We do not come into His court to- day to dictate what measures He shall pursue, what shall be the dispensations of His providence towards the land which we love and which our fathers loved. We have painful apprehehsions and we have fresh hopes, and those hopes rest upon the great fact that the God of Hea- ‘ven is upon the jthronc, Human wisdom seems to be turned into folly ; human strength is weakness; human combinations are a vain thing; but the God of Heaven reigneth—that God who has the hearts of all mon in His hands, to turn them as rivulets of w: are turned—that God who weighs mountains His scales, and tho hills in ‘His balances, and taketh the islands asa very little thing. My brethren, who does not see how vain is the help of man at such an hour as this. That God who interposed to deliver the Jews in so many periods of their history, when it seemed as though it were impossible to ward off the blow, lives still, Do we realize it? Do we realize that God exists and is upon His throne? He that cometh to God must feel that He is, and more than this, that Ho is the rewarder of them that dili- gently seek Him. We bave high interests fer which we seek him to-day. We have personal interests involved in the great interests of this country. We have here higher imterests than our own—vastly, unspeakably higher. God is our refuge and our strength, our pre- sent help in the time of trouble. If I had time, I would like to read to you somo instances of God's spegial intor- positions in answer to tho prayers of his people, which are recorded in His Word, as demonstrations of that swoot unparalleled truth that’the effectual ferveut prayer of the righteous man availeth much, ‘The reverend speaker closed bis remarks by roferring to several instances as recorded in the Scriptures, where, in answer to prayer, the Divine Raler had interposed in favor of bis people. ADDRESS OF REV. DR. HOGE. The Rev. Dr. Hox (associate pastor with Rey. Dr. Spring), in an 6xcoedingly eloquent and fervent manner, addressed the audience as follo I feel it to be a very solemn and awful thing on such a day as this to lead either your thoughts or your devo. tions. My only confidence in thus suggesting anything, in attempting to go before you to the throne of grace is in that good promise—“the ‘spirit helpeth our iniirmities, for when we know not what we should pray for as we ought, the Spirit himself maketh intercession for us with canings that cannot be uttered.” May wo have His lp this ds Tehall strive to stand upon the simplo ground of God's Word: I would not lead your thoughts to- day, for one moment to those bitter agitations of which we hear too much and dfof which wo are begining to feel the bad effects, These agitatious, whether coming fom the North, or the South, I do not regard as the great fival cause of the calamitics with which we are threaten- ed. God may use them as his instraments—he may have instruments of evil. Blind men, men full of passion, of pride and hate—he may take these as the rod of his wrath wherewith to scourge this great country. Itis the old use of Nebucnadnezzar and the Assyrian. I fear, my brethren, that the cause of God's frown which comes down upon the land to-cay |ies deeper than this; that it is a cauxo which pervades almost equally the North and the South, the East and the West, and in which,.whatever be our political sentimoata, we Lave all been gullty. The Scripture especially warns us against boing lifted up with pride lest we fail into the condemnation of the devil. This was the cause of that proud dissension in heaven—dieunion even among the glorious spirits who had gatheres| around the throne of God. One was lifted up with pride, and he infused this fearful spirit into others, and thoy fell into condemuation altogether, God struck them down from bis throme; God dog out the deep chambers of hell, and there they are confined this day under chains aud darkness, waiting for the yet heavier terrors of tho final judgment. And wo stand in that danger, and our have fallen into that snare. We have been lifted ap with pride, and, God means, {t seems, to bring us down to the dust. I hoad pot pot in that qualifying phrase—it seems. Gol dows mean to bring us down to the dust. We must come down. God bag decreed It—a decree of wrath and ter- ror against man's ptide. He will abase them that exalt themeolves, and obh—biessed be his uame—there are two ways of coming down to the dust. We may come down moved by his grace; we may come dewn even as our Lord Jesus Christ himself lay prostrate in the dust, and ory “Thy ail be done.” Oh, brethron, then let us gather at the throne of God’a grace, and humble ourselves that he may exalt us. {f we choose not for our whole land, choose not this blessed alterna- tive of repentance, of voluntary humility bofore the throne of God, then God hath a strong right arm, he hath abigh hand, and be hath ten thousand thunders within his grasp, and be can sond his great armies againt us, 1 speak of hie thunders. If ho begins the controversy, he willend it. Ho will find a way to bring ali men ander to bow down before His Infinite Throue. Wherein has our pride been specially manifested’ I fear that we have been proud of the vory goodness of our God. ud of our most unexampled na. tional history, fuil, lke the history of ancient’ Israel, of divine inporpcatiions We have been proud of the gront om God raised up in answer to mg thom, helped them gu people, We oud of them. We have been proud of the jy that he hath cleared before us, which had habitation of the wild beast and tho savage and which be had resorved to give to a persecuted, fleeing that here they mi have freedom to worship God. We have been proud of the rapidity of our growth proud of the conquests of our arms, proud of tho arts of peace, proud of of the divine e Heaven's boun- We have been [aot A that Union of free commonwealths that have made is mighty land. Oh, how strength and boast and the theme of have it in the song and the our Union and our country in the house of God and itical assemblages. Wo have and He -defy ¥ ill on fe joaven: fe wtill Sut God calls tt Tdointey fate priae has had festations and fearful accompanit . Ithas to break the tables of God's commandm: had other | before thee, oh Lord, ourselves: to idole whhich we have made by our own hands, which our owa intellects, our own hearts and reared. We taken the nam» of the Lord our God in vain. y sounds overy where in the land. ce ae 10 home even the Sabbath day without the liability that his ears shalt De amitten with those awful sounds of profanity and Cursing that make the land reot unter the iniqu ther and provoke the judgment of God. How havo our great mon, our great statesmen been guilty of thie? How does it appear even sometimes upon the floors of owe Congreseional hallet And how do we know thit ¢ private life he half pablic life of (ese mon n Corraptions ant Heaven prov on made also to teem with profanity? Hew fearful daily popes ints our dare not have there. We to read infidelity, athelam and aneoring at this mevting unless it suits a i purpose to at the God of the Puritans, ani at that such blasphemy, blasphomy fills many of out they groan under the weight of thom, that the hand of government is lifting itself, and failing by night and by day, and through the seven days of the week? wit the goverument Takes lel tho. great. servant of sin, detyiug the Lord God of Heaven, desecrating His Sabbaths every Sabbath throughout the year? Oh, brethren, we may demand our mails, wo may bo eager for the news; but if we have by influence, w! © that be positive or negati whether direct or indirect—if wo encour against , Saying we will not remember these Sabbaths to keep thenr holy, this time is our own: it to please our people; we will use it to fill ;, We will do our own work therein and who stood upon Mount Sinai and ut- the nations and w all timo—if we then does it become us to bow down before God and fess that His judgments are my ‘away from us the Sabbaths and to one of darkness, mourning and woe; and it woull be buta. isitation of His justice upon national guilt. Anéthus have we dishonored God bimsclf, His image, His name, and we carry our wickedness still fur- ther when we dishonor God’s representatives. I mean by God’s tatives the powers that be which are or- Gained of God whether they be ational, State, or only family. The parent stands to bis child for tho timo in the place of God, and he is the representative of God, and therefore, a3 heis placed in this tifth commandment, the government thus stands to the nation ia the place God, in some sense the representative of Divine authority, and yet, what is the state of our country In regard to this? Who dos not kuow how parental obligations are cast off—how they are storned, and how our young men and our children are taught, even sometimes by ministers of the Gospel, to rise up no more in the presence of the gray haired, nor bow down te the authority of the parent. ‘They are taugnt before they are old enough to exercise sound reason to be mas‘ers, rs of theit own desti- nies. And then how fearful’ is the dishonor that is con- tinually cast upon the great representatives of the go- vernment—the heads of cur government. Iknow that in a free country like this, where free principles and free speech are part of our glory, that the acts of the highest men in office may be and nitst be fairly criticised. ‘hey are all open to the judgment of the people. But have we not indulged ina ‘prurient spirit of impudence, which turns almost into blasphemy against God when we cause our press again and again to teem with terms of scorn and ribaldry against the great powers that be. We lack teverence,and we need this lessou more than almost any other, and it is that wo learn to revore what is high, what {s sacred, what God has established. These thought, running thus through the first five commaidments, hav9 all affiliation with each other. When we are filled with pride against God we are guilty of all these transgreesions. 1 shall not go over the second table of the Lord. It igyery sure that hoe that hath broken the first cannot respsct the second. And here, my friends, are fruitful causestor the whole judg- ment that hath come down upon us. We may read it all history. We may read it especi!y in those Divine histories in which we are not left to liman influences as to the cause of national decay and datritction. We be- hold it everywhere. Men are filled with pride—they make gods to they cast off the autuority of the great God of heaven; they deny him jn ten thousand ways, and then their hands are soon filed with violence Diced. He that hates God has lost jhe great central spring of life. Love to God is the only pfinciple that can bind men together. There is no union hat is sure but the union that is in Christ, There is no coustitution that can be aneverlasting foundation but the tauih of God's Word and the obedience to his command. There is no government that can stand that does not \eeome a g)- vernment owning the love of God and rendeting homage to him. There is no glory that shall utterly wither -~ kn away, the flowers of the ut fo''the Word ‘of Ged and’ to. his infinte, un- exhausted love. This only shall live and ‘abide forever. And now, brethren, we stand in the awful plight of responsible duty. Wo stand here assenbling as a Christian people under the proclamation of ourPresi- dent, and there are ten thousand atheists and seotbrs in the land who will look to the fruit of such a day aé this, Thave no hope in our fasting—no in our prayng— no hope in all this great and goodly assembly of thepco- ple, unless we lose all other desires in tho dosire for God’s glory. Patriotism is good, peace is good, thd pros- perity of froe institutions is good, and the desire for all these , but there is one desire that must rise higher and to which 'these must become subordinate—a deake for God’s glory. The Rev. Dr. Prom, of Allegany College, then ad dressed the audience. He said that the subject of national sins was one of the profoundest and the most interesting toples in divinity. National sins wore of two kitts, Thoy were, firat—Such as the nation by its lawsor by its govori- ment established or patronized. Second—They were such as by the general criminality and personal behavior tho nation committed against God. This nation had both classes of these sing. They bad legislated the law of God out of its place. ‘One had already been alluded to— legislation against the Lord’s day. They were a nation of covetous people. But after all, their insults to the Son of God was their greatest sin. The unishypent of indi. viduals may be reserved toa very great extent, if they die in their sins, for the eternal world. But nations do not appear before God in eternity. ‘The account with na- tions is sottled in time. Ho had hope that God could gay that the iniquity of the Americans was not yet full, He had hope that he would show mercy; but his hopes were almost gone—their sins had bocn so provoking, and their treatment of the Lord Jesus Christ had been so insulting, he knew not what was preparing. Ho hoped if thoy knew any poor that they would remember them this fast day. If they had nothing else to offer, God would accept the offoring of a broken and contrite apirit. ‘The exercises were then closed with singing, prayer by Rov. Dr. Wilsou and benediction by Rev. Dr. Spring, THE REV, THEODORE F, WHITE, Charch of the Puritans (Congregational), Union Place, Corner of Fifteenth Street. ‘There was a rather elim attendance of the members of Dr. Cheever’s church, in the Union square conventicle, at noon yesterday, to hear the promised discourse from the Rev. Theodore F. White, who has become somewhat colo- brated by his recent Thanksgiving sermon, and by the rumor that bo is the samo clergyman who was dismissed from a living in New Jersey for preach- ing extreme abolition doctrines. The reverend gentleman is therefore considered by the Cheeverites thoroughly or- thodox on the slavery question, and as such fully equal to the task of fulminatiog revolutionary principles, until the return of the chiefest of the apostics. ‘The services began with the singing of tho eighty second peal — Among the assemblies of the great ‘A greater Ruler takes His seat, The God of heaven, as Judge, surveys Those gods on earth and ali thoir ways, Why will ye, then, frame wicked laws? Or why support the unrighteous cause? When will ye once defend the poor, ‘That sinners vex the saints no more? They know not, Lord, nor will they know= Dark are the ways in'which they go; ame of earthly god is vain, y shall fall and die like men. Arige, oh, Lord! and let Thy Son Possess Hia univoreal throne, And rule the nations with His rod— He is our Judge, fd He our God. A_ portion of Seriptare, from the 8th chepter of the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, was then rad and com- mented on by the acting pastor. The text of the day was taken from the 58th chapter of the I 'y of Isaiah, tho 6th to 8a Vorses moiu- sive-—‘Is Ht such a fast that Ihave chosor? A day for a man to afflict hia soult Is it to bow dowa his head as a buirush, and to spread sackcloth and mhes under him? Wilt thou call this a fast and an acceptable day to the Lora? Is not this the fast that IT havo chosen? To locse the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that yo break every yoke? Is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the that are cast out to thy house? When thon seest the naked that thou cover him, and that thou hide not thyself from thine own fleeh? Thon shail thy light break forth as the moraing, and thy health shail spring forth spoedily, and thy right’ eousness shatl go before theo; the glory of the Lord si be thy reward.” The preacher ‘hea’ procecded to dia- course on the text, as follows — In view of the most momentous crisis which has ovor occurred in the history of our nation, we have been sum- moned by proclamation of tho President, to observe this as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, that God may de pleased to remove His judgmonte from ua, and to give us deliverance ae cae distresses. That is abundant cause for an observance, and many and wreighy reasons wh the nation should thas humble t ives before |. no good, or wise, or I man can doubt. The facts and events which furnish thi: neceasi- ty, aro too many @nd too flagrant to nead any extended mention. Indeed, so mighty are they and €o omni it that every mind is occupied with them, and all other things have dwindled into comparative imugnificance. Even the fruite whioh these causes hrve already produced (to ray nothing of the canses themselves), are of the randest significance, while those which are daily ox- sted are of still greater moment. The country is la- ‘under an immense financial pressure es * ral staguation of business, brought about, not so by what the Southorn States have done or can do toward such a result, as by the natura! and reluctance of men to in commercial eatersrlsne While the na- tional are so unsettled by the unreasonable and needlers panic almost all panics are unreatonable ‘and needless) whieh has seized the public mind, and by the dread of still greater disasters before us. great mass of the people of tho cotton Stator are filled with an Le ag ee Mg ot oh are’ seriously coutem| ths dissohut! Union, fant. the testrao\ten of the cali and Coreye friends, lity f not of among. the rel t i é 3 i 8 € & 2 & a Ff | SEs A bel Ht & 58 i ing may feized by rebel torces; of ships-of-war allowed drop into their and of ing robberics of the treasury by high Such are some of the startling facts the counthy to a sense of impend. ; are i i : li high handed and treasousble acts, like a true and realizing conception the country, and also of the propriety as cessity of this day of fasting and prayer and humiliation. his cause, s ‘ag it may appear, is simply a of principlo—a qucstion of justice and injusti and wrong, of freedom and oppression. That ust this aud no more—Iis Luman slavery right or “ust or unjust, a blossing or a curse, a ri; be constitution and uct of Congress, and that ever: national domain should be opened to diffusion of the —_ of the nati civilized or Christian pope rn polluted thus the republic seems to stand at volution and di ization, and brought there by the “irrepressible ict” between human selfishness aud the truth of God. How strange is it to us, but amazing will it seem to other generations to read on the page of history that the greatest, froest, most enlight- ened und Christian country of the world was, in the year of our blessed Redeemer, 1360, brought to the very ve of ruin by the effort to engraft the hora ystem of human bot into the constitution, ie laws, polic: of the nation, end to establish with immutable guarantees on every foot of national territory ? How fitting is it in view of such a state of things that all loyal and Christian men chould humble themselves in sackcloth and should crowd the gates of the sanctuary and unite in earnest prayer, in sincere repentance, and in secking his guidance and deliverance? And if the Divine word, wi is our only rule of faith and practice, contains any in. structions whereby we can come acceptably before him, or can throw any light upon our present condition and duty, with what interest should wo turn to the light and study those instructions. Just for this reason is it that we have tho words which form our text as the theme of our meditation.to-day, because they were spok to God’s ancient people iu circumstances strikingly simt- lar to our own, and contain most ciear and perfect state- | ments of the method in which God is pieased to have men draw near to Him with fasting and prayer, ‘The reverend genticman here reviewed the nature an@ modes of fasts as practised by the ancient Jews, and showed that the cccasion of the fast alluded te by the Trophet was the sin aud wickedness of Israel, and their violations of the law of God. They had become a nation of gross idolaters, worshipping the idols of all the heathens round about, They had also degenerated into a lewd and impure people, and were guilty of the most abominable forms of licentiousness. But probably their most heinous crime was oppression. ‘That no such thing ‘ag slavery, in the full and proper meaning of the word, and as it existed among other nations and now exists tn the United States, was recognized by the law of — has been abundantly proved; but this did not prevet their opprescion. The rogulations that existed between servant and master under the Jowish law were then pointed out and explained, the preacher remarking on the great advantages which the ancient system possessed over the former. ‘This is a brief exposition of the text as relating to the condition and conduct of the Jews, and thut it is full of the most useful ivetruction to us, and is specially ppl cable to our present condition, is very apparent. similarity between ourselves and God's ancient people has noted ever since we had a being as a mation. Like them, we were pilgrims and strangers from a land of bondage, and were ied by Providence to found a State in a promised land. Like them, we were led of God and sought an asylum where we might worship Him. Like them, we have been most signaily blessed in all temporal things, and bave become a great end mighty nation. Our institutions, like theirs, have been fourded on the truth and the pure religion of it, and on us, as on them, a ro- markable measure of spiritua’ mercies have been bo- stowed, and of us, as of them, it has been true that as long as we kept the commands of God no that has been formed against us has prospered. them, too we have been our own worst enemies, and are now suffering the righteous judgments of God in conse- quence of our departures from Him? Indeed, this sin of covctousness is the great general sin of the nation, and is tho cause or the occasion of almost every other. ' The tremendous curse aud horrible crime of slavery is but one of its fruits. Every man knows that slavery is —_ sustained and def because it is profitable. In fact, every slave ou our soil may be described as a human mcrilice bleeding on the altar of the ‘almighty dollars." 4n€ this fact is a mighty one to determine who are real slavelolders in this. We are a nation of slave- viders. Nor is the parallelism exhausted hero, for we ave been exceedingly hke them in the manner of our siming and the kind of our offences. We have not, in- deed, bowed down to blocks and stones, nor is this at all cesential to idolatry. The Chinese and the Hindoo deny that they worship idols as euch, but the unseen deity throvgh the idol. But our nation have shown themseives ready to abandon the true faith, though attended by the most overwhelming evidence, and surrender themsolves to almost every. form of infidelity, ekepticism, supersti- tion, error, irreligion and deluston. The votaries of Mor- monirm, spiritualism, Universalism, rationalism, Swe- denbergianism, frecloveiem, Fourierism, Pantheism and all the other vagaries of the imagination, are the exam- ples and the evicence. The Word of Go: declares covet- ousnets to be idolatry, and if so wo are, in sober earnest- ness, a nation of idolaters. It is no exaggeration to say that the people of this land are to a greater degree than any other le the followers of Mammon. No nation on eerth, not eve the ancient Jews, have ever been more governed by the love of money than our own, or moro reacy (0 make every sacritice for {ts procurement, even the sacrifice of every principle of honor, of morality, of humanity or of religion. The “almighty dollar,” a term invent by ourselver, has become the synonym the world over for the god of the American poopie. Nor i# soch an imputation august. It is within the sobercst tounds of truth to say that if we were a nation of idol vorshippers, and had thom fixed at the corners of our streets, they would pot receive one-half the homage or worship which is paid to the shrine of the doliar, or to add that mere souls are sacrificed annually in this jand to the molock of Mammon, that are crushed by the wheels of very juggernaut on earth, or that would supply ail the hecatumbs of human beings offered to every idol on the glabe. the Jews, too. we are a nation of and deceivers. Falsehood and deceit are the rule of commerce, of speculation, and, above all, of politics. It may be gravely doubied if any form of chieanery, or in. trigue, or deception, was ever invented which has not beon practised by the government of this nation and its agents: during the past four years, and, indeed, for very many years. Like the Jows, too, we are a nation of oppressors. general progress of the race for ages in civilization and enligltenment, the amoliorating influences at work in society, the vast resources and the mild laws of our country, together with the influence of religion on public sentiment, have abolished somo forms of oppression softened the rigor of others, so that we cannot be said in all respects to be oppressora as the Jews were, or as many other nations are now. ‘There is doubtless remain- ing much grinding of the face of the poor, and many very harsh ard unjust exactions are made by those who havo Ae a ree hag others in their power. Much jon, too, is caused by wrong and arbitrary pubise opinion, and the power of prescription and ostracism bas not often becn greater than at present, and in this land. It is beyond question, too, that many most unjust and oppressive acts have been committed by the federal ment, expecially in their blind and inseusate crusade to force slave coustitutions on unwilling People. But all these arc lost sight of ead stk into insignificance compared with the gigantic and fernbie and wen defying system of oppression and barbarism and crime which is cursing the lant, destroy- tog tho clemente of our power, making our very sume to stink in the nostrils of the whole ervilized a1 semt-barbarian world, demoralizing the nation, pervert- ing public sentiment, causing infidelity, making a reproach of the Gospel, preventing the spread of religivn, pro- voking the wrath of God, drawing down on us Flis most fearful judgments, and bringing our nation to the verge of dissolution and destruction. In this respect our con- dition is strikingly similar to that of the Jews, except that there is literally no comparison between their guilt ours. Let me not be understood as solely to slaveholders and the people of the Southern and a8 denouncing them a6 monsters of wickedness, while we of the North are innecont and free of responsibility. We phy lactoriaa, even tho titude we assume, are too Theat - er Nor let me be ‘© speak in terms of exaggeration, or to misrey sin and ovil which we are considering. 1 words of truth and toberness when | 8a} it take into the account the light and Knowledge ageous, eason, humanity and religion, #0 compact, 80 organic, nd adapted with ench cdmiritte skit’ and feos ws? enuity to its horrid mission, aa American evush ‘i many and so unmitigated are its enormities that no words can be found whereby to © the system. The nearest h to inthe of John Wesley, “The sum of alt yillanies:” and this is literally true. Slavery is a synonym for crime and abuse which ever has or can be com- mitted by men. Tt moans robbery, treachery, crucit malice, man stealing, murder, rps, ndultery, torture, chila rednle vichousten of fst oie Fen t . stealing, oy n Ta ea inds and wives, barbar government, | tem, the virtue, the breeding of mon unless all their alloged grievances are admitted and their’ | and'women for the auction biock,'snd every ottier con domands ited without regard to reason or justice, | celvable sbomination. Yea, it is infinitely more, it ia an and one State has already, by eolomn act, declared tho Ht Cannot live excopt it diffuse itaelt Union dissolved, and herself a freo, sovereign and inde pendent nation; while, beyond a doubt, if the moet com. Plote concessione and subtniesioy are not made, certrin of her cotton raising sisters will go and do likewise, Farthor, this reboliions State hee pot herself in an at- titwte of defines toward the Overt acta of treason have already b gene, and civil war, with «!! ite horn ‘uest apon the land. ‘And what is f may at aay time mora sarions (han “}Like tne cholern the plague, it spreads from Stato te State, from Territory to Territmy, carrying poison, dis. ease, misery and death in its track, cursing every apot to which it comes, and even spreading its banoful influenee far beyond its borders. Its spirit is the pureat incarna- tion Of selfishness this side of the bottomless pit. Tt is heceseartiy an absolute despotism, at war with all {roe in. stitutions, with all popular government, and with every element of liherty, “Bvery Aopartmont and officer of