The New York Herald Newspaper, December 27, 1860, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1860. NEW YORK HERALD. JAuNe a ee BENNETT, GFFICE N. W. CORNER OF PULTON AND NASSAU STS. TERMS, cas) @ advance. Mi ik of the vender, None but Bai THE DAILY HERALD, too cents per copy, $7 par annum. THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Saturday, at six conte ps SS per anmum; the Buropean Edition ev or sent by mail will he at the talis current in New York inte por copy, $4 per annvm to any part of G76 io any F ae Titinont, both to include postae; the Othe ise tithe and Adal of wach month, ad vi "60 per annum. THE } FED EHALD, on Wednesday, at four cents per OR OPT CURRESPONDENCE, conaining tn portant Nolictsed from any quarter of the world; i wort, will be For,” g@- Ove FoRKIGN COKRESFONDENTS ARE Panrigévasuy Requastxd FO Skat all Larreas ano lack. ‘AGne SEXTUS. WNO NOTICE taken of anonymous correspondence. We do not | is retarn rejented communication IDVERTISEMENTS renewed every day; advertisements in- sorted in the Wuuay Huuatp, Faaity Hwan, and in the ‘and Buropean Editions, DN PRINTING exerded sith neatress, cheapness and de- AMUSEMENTS THIS BWENING. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Santa Cuavus Pastivat— Punon axp Jupy—Aunt SaLty—Dissonyina Views, &o. ‘Atternoon and Evening. . WINTER GARDEN, Broadway, opposite Bond stree\.— Bur Van Winkix—lor on Pauux Fuancais. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—! Bavesrauax Teours—Moxstex or St. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway.—Fast Mun oF rH Ovpen Tine, ipa & Roger's Micwax LAURA KEENE’S THEATRE, No. 624 Broadway.— Seven Surens. NEW BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Hxnwx tx Hun- srmu—Foury Tuikyas—State Skcnets. BARNUM’S AMERICAN MUSEUM, Broadway.—Day and Evening—Tux Sea or Icx—Aztec Cuinpaxy—Living Ouri- Osremms, &0. BRYANTS' MINSTRELS, Mechaniow’ Hall, 472 Broad- way.—Buacxsquas, Sonus, Damons, &0.—Jaox Cave, HOOLEY & CAMPBELL'S MINSTRELS, Niblo's Saloon, Broadway.—Erwior#an Sonos, Dawous, Buatusauas, &.— Marry New Yuan. CANTERBURY MUSIC HALL, 663 Broadway.—Sonas, Dasons, Bumixsquas, &c. MELODEON, No. 639 Broadway.—Sonas, Daxons, Bur- <saqums, &o. HOPE CHAPEL.—RBi CRrPi0aL ANALYSIS OF New York, Thursday, December 27, 1860. ‘The News. The South Carolina Convention had several im- portant subjects before it yesterday. One calls for information relative to the condition of the forts in Charleston harbor, another makes citizens of South Carolina all citizens of the United States within her limits on the 20th inst., the date of her secession, while @ third provides for a convention of slaveholding States at Mont- gomery, Alabama, for the purpose of forming a Southern confederacy, under the constitution of the United States. The Convention, in secret session, adopted an ordinance continuing the pre- sent federal revenue officers in their places, and alao continuing the United States revenue and nay- igation laws in force, subject to certain regula- tions. This important ordinance is published complete in our report of the proceedings. With reference to the recent robbery in the Inte- rior Department, but little of general interest trans- pired yesterday. Bailey, the defaulting clerk, was yesterday surrendered by his bondsmen, and committed to prison. It is said that other and equally serious charges have come to light against the accused. It is expected that Russell will be released on bail to-day. In this city yester- day Judge Smalley, of the Circuit Court, granted an injunction restraining the Bank of the Republic from disposing of any of the stolen bonds. There is a point in connection with the Tennessee bonds stolen from the Interior De- partment that should be made clear. There were three issues of bonds from that State, lettered A, B and C, and numbered from one up to the highest number issued; consequently there are triplicate numbers. The list published by the Interior De- partment mentions the numbers, ,but not the let- ters. Hence considerable confusion arises in the transactions in Wall street and elsewhere. It is announced on the best authority that, after a careful investigation, it has been ascertained ‘that the rumors relative to apprehended deficits in the Trearury Department are utterly groundless. @iThe Sonth Carolina Commissioners reached ‘Washington yesterday. What their mission will amount to remains to be seen. By the arrival of the Anglo-Saxon at Portland, ‘and the Canada at Halifax, we have European advices to the 16th inst., and later accounts from ‘China. The news from China is of the highest import- ance. A briefdespatch from Pekin, received in London via St. Petersburg, announces the cessa- tion of hostilities, and an exchange of ratifications of peace on the 5th of November. The Allies were evacuating the capital, and the Emperor would shortly return to it. The Canada brings nearly a million in gold. ‘There had been no change worthy of note in financial or commercial affairs. ‘There was a rumor current at Queenstown when the Canada sailed that Garibaldi had been assassi- nated, but it was generally discredited. The American ship Georgiana, from New Or- leans, was burned at sea on the 20th ult. The crew were saved. The flow of specie from Parope to the United States continues without abatement. The annexed table shows the sums that have arrived since the 16th inst.:— By the arrival of the Tennessee at New Orleans we have nows from Mexico to the 22d inst. Gen. Miramon bad surprised and defeated the liberals ‘at Torbuca, capturing three generals, among them Degollado, and twelve hundred men. The Commissioners of Emigration, at their week- ly meeting held yesterday, passed a resolution that the subject of drafting a bill to be presented to the Legislature for the sale of the late Marine Hospi- tal grounds and the location of a new Quarantine, and the erection of a new Marine Hospital, be re- ferred to the President and counsel to the Board. ‘This was all the business of any public interest that was transacted. The number of emigrants ar- December, 1859, 103,455. The number landed daring the same period for 1859 was 79,070. The com- mutation balance to the credit of the Board now amounts to $7,448 76. salaries of the Judges of the Supreme and Superior : : i &g 2 & 5 i ij z : querrel, was pursued by & crowd, foremost of whom was the deceased, who followed him into , his own room, where the deadly assault was com- | mitted by the prisoner. The inquest stands ad- journed till to-day. The ekating in the Park yesterday was among | the things that did not exist, in consequence of the ice being in an unfit state for use. The boys, how- ever, assembled on the ponds in the vicinity, which resort will soon cease, if the ice be carted away as it was yesterday by the ice companies dangerous holes for skaters to tumble into. In another column will be found a compended report of the proceedings of the Board of Educa- tion last evening. They were somewhat interest- ing. ‘The cotton market yesterday was firmer, with sales of 3,000 bales, closing on the basis of Llc. a 11%c. per Ib. ' for middling uplands. The market was influenced as much from the falling off in the receipts at the South as from the character of the foreign news. The mail intel- | Meenco gives the decline at the ports, compared with | those for the same period last year, of 426,000 bales, while by telegraph the falling off is estimated at about £00,000 bales. Flour opened dull, but under the influence of the foreign news the market became firm, and closed at @ elight advance for some desoriptions. Wheat was heavy | in the forenoon, but it was in better request in the after- noon, with more show of firmness on the part of holders. ‘The wame remark is applicable to corn, which was firmer at the close and more active. Pork was firm for new, with sales of new mess at $16; old do. at $16 60; new prime at $12, and old at $10 26. Sugars were quiet, bat steady. Freights were casier, with ongagements to Liver- pool at rates in favor of shippers, especially of grain. The Great Question of the Day—Is Seces- sion Revolution or Not? We published yesterday two remarkable documents of a revolutionary character—one, “the Declaration of Independeace of South Carolina, done in Convention, December 24, 1860;” and the other, “the address of the peo- ple of South Carolina, assembled in Conven- tion, to the people of the slaveholding States of the United States.” They are both eloquently written electioneering papers, well calculated to precipitate the revolutionary moyement now going forward at the South. They describe, in vivid colors, the anti-slavery sentiment existing at the North, and the acts of hostility against the South perpetrated by various Northern States. But while we willingly give them this praise, we must impugn their historical accu- racy in some very important points, and dissent from the conclusions arrived at as illogical and unsound. It is not true that the United States constitute & mere temporary league, which can be lawfully and constitutionally broken up at any time by one or more States who may feel aggrieved from the action of the other States or the legislation of the representatives of the whole in Congress assembled. The United States are a govern- ment, and the first principle of all govern- ments—as itis the firat law of nature in indi- viduals—is self-preservation. No government can be peacefully broken up—none without revolution. The first form of federation for the whole States, adopted in 1781—while the result of the Revolutionary war was still pending—is described by the instrument itself as “Articles of Con- federation and Perpetual Union,” and the style of the confederacy was “The United States of America.” The preamble to the con- stitution, the form of government under which we now live, was, “We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union,” &c., “do ordain and establish this con- stitution for the United States of America.” There is no article or section which provides for the dissolution of this Union, none that looks to such an event as possible, nothing in the constitution that warrants the secession of a State under any circumstances. For existing evils arising out of any unequal working of the constitution, the instrument itself provides the remedy either by appealing against State or federal injustice to the Supreme Court, or by giving the people the opportunity of amending the constitution; and this was done expressly to prevent physical force revolution and bloodshed—no other kind of revolution being recognized under the constitution than revolution throngh the opera- tion of the ballot box. The people of the thirteen States ratified this constitution, and for South Carolina, which was one of them, there is no saving clause by which she can re- sume the complete independent sovereignty with which she parted, nor has she any more right to set at defiance the laws of the Union than an individual has to disobey the laws of a State to which he has surrendered a share of his natural liberty in order to preserve the rest. The great diffloulty under the old con- federation was that the laws of Congress did not operate upon individuals, but upon States, and there was no mode of coercing States provided for. By the constitution the general government operates not upon States, as such, but upon individuals—upon every individual in every State. Henoe Congress cannot declare war against a State, for that would be the United States declaring war against themselves, but Congress and the Pre- sident can enforce the federal laws against any number of individuals in any State, or any number of States, and their declaring them- selves outside of the federal government does not make them so. The bond of Union cannot be legally cancelled by one of the parties thereto, The act of cancelling itis an act of revolution. The claim of South Carolina, therefore, that in the step she has taken she has acted according to law and the nature of the compact, for weal or wo, into which she delibe- rately entered, is contrary to the well known facta of American history. If she based her act on the right of revolution, then we could understand the logic of her argument, though not the prudence of her course. For the right of revolution is the right of the strongest, and is only sanctified by success. The lessons of history, from the beginning of the world, preach the uniform doctrine of Vu vietis—“woe to the vanquished.” Sout Carolina cannot, there- fore, escape from the responsibility of her act under the shield of law. It will be solely @ question of policy with the federal govern- ment whether it will enforce its laws in that revolution would be more likely to be success- ful. Better far for South Carolina to bear all the ills she can now justly complain of at the’ hands of this government than fly to others she knows not of. Her chief complaint is the nullification, by the Northern Personal Liberty bills, of a part of the constitution which provides for the restoration of fugitive slaves. Now it does not appear that she has lost any slaves from this cause; but if she had it would be a very poor reason for breaking up any government, because +ome of its laws are transgressed or iefied. There might be good cause for using force against force in such a case, and carry- ing out “the supreme law of the land,” which the constitution is, but no cause for dissolving the government. If tho President should Lold that any such laws are constitutional, and re- fuse to enforce the rights of the Southern States, then their constitutionality can be easily tested by the aggrieved party appealing to the Supreme Court; and if the decision should be in his favor, the Personal Liberty bills will be rendered null and void, and the President will be compelled to carry out the laws of Congress, and vindicate the rights of the com- plainant. The principal article of the repub- lican creed is that slavery shall not enter the Territories in future. But the Supreme Court of the United States has already decided in favor of the rights. of the Southern States as regards the Territories, and itis not in the power of Congress or the President to inter- fere with them unless by changing the consti- tution. South Carolina refers to the Lemmon case, in which the State of Virginia is plaintiff and New York defendant, as having been decided against the right of a slaveholder to visit a free State with his slaves and yet retain them. This is a mistake. The cage is not finally disposed of. The Court of Appeals in this State has decided against Virginia, but not so the Supreme Court, to which the case has been brought by appeal. From some of the grounds on which the decision in the Dred Scott case was based, there can be little doubt that the decision of the New York courts will be re- versed, and the rights of the slaveholder main- tained. A slaveholder cannot settle here and retain his slaves; but by the common law, which existed in the time of the colonies and during the confederation, and which now exists, so far as it has not been repealed by the constitution, slaveholders have a perfect right to visit free States with their slaves without losing them, no matter what laws such States may enact to the contrary. Slaves are recognized as property in the constitution, and by the fifth amendment it is provided that “no person shall be deprived of his property without due process of law;” and in the section about the rendition of fugitive slaves, it is declared that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citi- zens in the several States.” So that a citizen of South Carolina, being a citizen of the United States, has as much right to protec- tion of his property in slaves when visiting New York as a citizen of New York has to protection of his property in horses when visiting South Carolina. But the Sovereignty Convention of the Pal- metto State assumes that because the anti- slavery party at the North are hostile to its institutions, and have succeeded in electing the President on that issue, therefore the whole North is hostile, and South Carolina ought to go out of the Union. Now, it is quite true that the republican party are hostile to slavery; but it is equally true that the South has nearly an equal number of friends at the North, who, with the votes of the Southern States, can always keep abolition in check. Mr. Lincoln was not elected by a majority of the people, but by a small minority, and if the election were to take place now, by districts or by a direct vote of the people, he could not be elected. Instead of Southern States, there- fore, going out of the Union for this, they ought to exert themselves to prevent its recur- rence by amending the constitution, so as that the President could only be elected by a majo- rity of the people. Mr. Lincoln’s election was accidental and technical, and is chiefly owing to the divisions and corruptions of the demo- cratic party, which, under the leadership of Pierce, Douglas and Cushing, and with the assistance of Jefferson Davis and other South- ern leaders, abolished the Missouri Compromise in 1854, and gave birth to ( vublican party, and which, with the aeis\sace of the fire-eaters of South Carolina and other South- ern States, split into pieces at Charleston and Baltimore in 1860, and gave the victory to Lincoln and the republicans. It is not just, therefore, to attribute the present condition of things altogether to the North, nor even a share of it to the whole Northern people. For twenty-five years in this journal we have defended the rights of the South; others at the North have done the same thing; and had the South been true to it- self, there were always enough of good men and true at the North to protect Southern rights. At this hour, if the seceding States will only return to reason, they can find more allies than they need in the Northern population to demolish republicanism root and branch, and, in the words of the preamble to the constitu- tion, “establish justice” upon such a basis as that it cannot be shaken for all time to come, a Ex-Govenxonr Woex Goro to War—Our old friend, ex-Governor Wise, of Virginia, al- thongh out of office, is determined that the world shall not forget that he still lives, Through the columns of his special organ at Richmond the hero of Accomac breathes fire and eword, and, like the war horse, scents the battle afar off. The Wise plan of preventing the republicans from entering into the enjoy- ment of the foderal spoils is to seize upon tho capital on the 4th of March next, and thus pre- vont the inauguration of “Honest Old Abe Lincoln.” Wise, who is well known asa cool, prudent, wary individual, the beau ideal of a military leader, is to command the forces to be raised for this purpose. This information we gather from the ex-Governor’s organ, and we neo one very important obstacle in the Governor's way. He, of course, is « patriot, and is ac- tuated by the purest motives; but he is also politician, and mast be aware that his follow- money in the public chest as will buy # stick of sealing wax. Under these circumstances the Wise expedition would not pay. Still the ex- Governor of Virginia is a wise man, and one who commands a certain amount of confidence among the governing classes. If he will issue a manifesto calling for volunteers, and giving them the assurance that after they have taken Washi gton the spoils will pay for the risk and expense of the job, we have no doubt that he will find a good number of adherents among those of the fashionable New York rowdies who are temporarily outside of the State prison. ? The Corruptions and Disasters of the Democracy—And What of the Republi- cams? In the dying agonies of the democracy, as the party in power at Washington, the loath- some corruptions which have brought about its inglorious dissolution are beginning to be revealed to the public eye. The country stands aghast at the sickening spectacle. The publio attention is auddenly drawn from the thickening clouds of disunion and civil war to the details of gigantic frauds among our government officials. But while the discove- ries made in this direction aro of magnificent dimensions, the embezzlements suspected, but not yet fully disclosed, are positively sublime. A million or two of dollars in bonds abstracted from the iron safe of the Interior Department, and squandered by the robbers and jobbers concerned, is a respectable item on the side of losses and leakages; and yet it is but an item in the general schedule of federal delinquencies, if half that we hear concerning them shall prove to be true. Detectives, we are told, are on the track of two or three mil- lions unaccounted for in the Treasury Depart- ment; and it is feared that every department of the executive government at Washington will, if probed to the bottom, disclose an amount of thieving spoliations that will make even John Covode open his eyes with amazement. From what we have secn, however, of the black cata- logue, we dare eay that an industrious detect- ive—like Covode—could easily foot up against the immaculate democracy a bill of a hundred millions of losses and leakages to the federal Treasury since the inaguration of poor Pierce. Bat these enormous democratic spoliations are nothing new under the sun. We have had two editions of the democratic national organi- zation since 1828. The first edition was the Jacksonian democratic party, which, coming into power in 1828, on “the glorious victory of New Orleans,” was pulverized in the political revolution of 1840. The prostration of “Nick Biddle’s monster”—the United States Bank— and the substitution of the “pet bank” system, brought about the splendid sbinplaster infla- tion of 1834-35, which ended in the terrific ex- plosion and destruction of the whole fabric in 1837. In this epoch of inflation, speculation and extravagance, the general contagion seized upon thousands of the federal office holders, and contractors and jobbers of all sorts. Thus it was that, in the campaign of 1840, the dis- covered defalcations, embezzlements and spo- liations of collectors, land office registers, United States marshals, attorneys, Indian agents and Florida war contractors, covering many millions of dollars, literally swept this old Jacksonian Van Buren democratic party from the face of the earth. Next followed a sort of interregnum of twelve years at Washington, under Presidents Harrison, Tyler, Polk, Taylor and Fillmore, during which the democratic party was in a transition state from the almighty dollar to the almighty nigger—from Jackson’s financial, anti-national bank agitation to the agitation of this more permanent and formidable ques- tion of Southern slavery. But in this transi- tion epoch to the democracy, there were some operations upon the Treasury which, in their brazen-faced audacity, will eclipse anything in the way of fraud that has ever occurred under any government under the sun. These operations were such as the Gardner claim of half a million, the Miers claim and the Galphin claim, all of which were engineered through and paid; on the other hand, when Mr. Fill- more went out of office, he left the country quiet upon the slavery question, under the great healing compromise measures of 1850. Upon the faith of these compromises poor Pierce was clected President in 1852, almost by acclamation. Here begins the second, or the almighty nigger edition of the democratic party. Not content with the plain and simple line of duty marked out by the people for his administration, but preferring to cat his cards so as to turn up Jack in the Cincinnati Democratic Convention, poor Pierce took up the almighty nigger in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; and in this both Pierce and Douglas were humbugged to their hearts’ content by Jefferson Davis, Senators Mason, Atchison, and other Southern fire-eaters. But it is enough that that act was the death blow to this nigger agitating edition of the democratic party. Staggering under this fatel blow through the campaign of 1856 success- fully, the life of the party seems only to have been thus prolonged for the most ignominious dissolution. Torn to pieces by its internal dis- sensions, it has been displaced; and its blood- suckers, before retiring, are simply appro- priating all the public funds they can lay their hands upon in providing for the future. ‘This is the universal law in all revolationary changes of governments. The party abdicating take all they can lay their hands upon and carry it off, leaving to the party supplanting them the settlement of their little bills, The republican party will thus come into power with a mountain load of debts, deficiencies and drawbacks upon their shoulders. Under the most encouraging auspices it would be as mach as they could do to straighten up the Treasury in four years. But from the antecedents of this party in their management of State affairs in New York, Massachusetts, Vermont, Wisconsin and elsewhore, we have little to hope from them in the way of retrenchment and reform. They take to the lobby and lobby jobs of all sorts as naturally as ducks and geese take to we may perhaps realize the fear of tho fox in the fable, that to drive away the flies that were gorged with his blood would only be to make room for a new and hungry swarm, that would soon suck out every remaining drop in his veins. ‘The malignant persecutors of Mr. Buchanan say that he now spends his time between pray- The Speaker of the Next State Assembly. The Legislature of the State of New York will assemble at Albany on next Tuesday, the Ist day of January, 1861, under circumstances that demand from the members composing that body «careful and well considered action in regard to the organization of the lower branch of the legislative body.: The developements of corruption and gross frauds in high places during the past year, culminating in the theft and robbery in the departments at Wash- ington—which, from preseat indication, will in- volve the head of almost every bureau at our national capital—have aroused a feeling in the public mind that completely overrides the se- cession excitement and all other questions that have of late stirred the national heart, and awakened all lovers of the Union and the con- stitution to the dangers of the hour. The de- claration of the secessionists, the attitude, of South Carolina, or the cotton States, is second in the public mind to the astounding news from Washington of the official recklessness and frauds of those who are in positions of public trust, Those men who have been counselling together to preserve the Union of the States; and maintain in- violate the family which has so long prospered whilst recognizing the same head, and with like aspirations controlling their actions, now stand appalled before the defal- cation in the Interior and Treasury depart- ments of our natienal government. It would seem as if a black cloud had suddenly appeared on a clear sky, the proportions of which had caused all to tremble before its threatening presence. The indications are that this conta- gion for plunder is likely to extend to almost every department at Washington, and the only course left for the President to pursue is to dismiss his entire Cabinet, appoint new men in their places, and instigate a rigid and thorough investigation. There is no other alternative for our Chief Executive but a promptand decisive action in this respect, to defend his own charac- ter and remove suspicion of complicity on his part. With these startling facts fresh before the public, the course of all the Legislatures in those States where the party that has come out successful in the recent election have control— more especially that of the State of New York— will be watched with more than usual anxiety by the public, to see if there are any symp- toms of reform in our rulers. The organiza- tion of the popular branch of the Legislature in this State is of the greatest importance at this hour of secession and robbery. We see by the several party journals in the State that the Speaker of the last State Assembly is again a candidate for that position. Can it be possible that, in view of the barefaced rascality of the last Legislature in regard to the legislation for this city—a legislative body that has been styled the most venal that ever assembled at the State capitol—in connection with the startling disclosures from Washing- ton, Mr. Littlejohn has the least show for an election to that post of honor? If the republican party wish to convince the public of the honesty of their pretensions, and the fulfilment of their promises to bring the ad- ministration of the affairs of the nation back to its original honesty and justice, they must throw overboard all who have been mixed up with the peculations at Albany. No person engaged in the crusade of the lobby in the schemes last winter can be again placed in power by them without the republican party receiving the just indignation of a virtuous public, not only in our State and nation, but throughout the civilized world. No other party ever had so great a duty before them as has the dominant party of this State at the present time. The question of the selection of officers of the next State Assembly, im view of the pre- sent complicated state of affairs, is one that rises above all party lines, and should be look- ed at free from party prejudices by all who have been chosen by the people as legis- lators. Should Mr. Littlejohn, let him be ever so innocent, be again elected to the post of Speaker, it will be taken as a de- claration that the rascality of last winter is endorsed by the party; that the same reckless policy is to be continued, and will drive from the public mind all hope that a more whole- some and healthy administration will follow Lincoln’s official oath. It is not necessary at this time to refer to the course of Mr. Littlejohn in the last Legisla- ture to prove this assertion, or show that his election to preside over the popular branch of the Legislature of the State of New York will be particularly injurious in the present con- dition of the public mind, not only to the party which elevates him, but to the country at large. It is sufficient to know that the last Legislature left an odium behind it such as was never before known by any legislative body in the State, and that he was one of the leading men in that body, taking an active part in favor of those measures commonly denominated corrupt. Even admitting that his motives were pure and beyond suspicion, the fact of his being con- spicuous in favor of those projects alone should prevent his aspiring to that post of honor at this critical time, much more his election by a party that has just been success- ful ina national contest. We are now at a turning point in our career as a nation; the ship of State that carries the hopes and happiness of thirty million souls, forming the most free and pros- perous nation on the face of the globe, has, during a dangerous storm, entered perilous waters, with rocks and breakers on all sides; the republican party have been called to the helm, and upon them devolves the duty of safely guiding it through the dangers that beset it. The first public act of the party from which we can judge of the probable fate of that noble ship, with its precious cargo, is that of the organization of the next State Assembly in the Empire State. Should the places of trust oecupied by those who were actively engaged in favor of the piratical schemes of last winter be filled by another set of men, wo shall have reason to hope that there is yet a bright future before us. On the contrary, if the same officers are re-elected, it will be taken as an evidence that the confidence of the public has been betrayed. We trust, therefore, in view of the importance of the question, that every mem- ber of the House of Assombly, whether he be republican or democrat, will cast his vote for officers of that body, from the highest to the lowest, in the way that the result will farnish us some hope that we shall safely pass through the present perilous times, The republican party owe their success in s great measure to the desire in the public mind to get rid of the corrupt democratic party. Lot their action in Albany on Tuceday mext be euch as to insure us that they have not been appealed to in vain, Republicans of the House of Assembly, the eyes and hopes ef a free people are upon you. What answer have you to give them? Srocxno.pers.—We perceive that several of the city journals have taken up the question as to how far the public is affected by action of the stockholders of the Academy of Musio in their dealings with the managers and artists. One of the stockholders, fecling aggrieved by the statements of a cotemporary, has put forth a reply, from which it appears that the rent received from the Opera has barely suf- ficed to pay the taxes on the building; that the stockholders have never received a cent of dividend, and that their music has cost them (in interest) nearly one hundred dollars « year. The stockholder overlooks the real difficulty in the matter—the fact that, the house having coat a great deal more money than was expected, a heavy debt was created. Then the theatre was made very unpopular by the secured seat privi- lege, which managers of lectures, concerts, &0., refused to recognise, and which has since been virtually waived for everything except the The Philharmonic Society resolutely kept out of the Academy until the stockholders gave up their places, which was not done until they had lost several thousand dollars of rent. Now, if the theatre had cost only two huadred thousand dollars, as was intended, it would have earned as much as it does now—say twenty thousand dollars a year—and paid te the stockholders a money dividend of six per cent. So it is not the fault of the artists or the public if the Academy does not pay. The stockholders, it is understood, have cancelled Ullman’s lease, and have resolved not to let the building for a year or a lengthened period to any person. They will lease for an Opera © season by the night, at the rate of two hundred dollars for each performance, they paying about one hundred for lights, fire, attendance, &e. Whether or not the associated Italian artists will undertake the management upon these terms remains to be seen. In Philadel- phia the journals call loudly upon the public to support the Opera. It seems that the asso- ciated artists gave a three weeks’ season at the Philadelphia Academy, and that the gross receipts of the twelve performances amounted to $8,222 50; the expenses amounted to $8,185— leaving $37 50 to be divided between 4 prima donna, whose figure is $2,000 per month; a tenor, who rates himself at $1,500; a primo basso and baritone, at $800 each, and a con- ductor at $400. Seven dellars and a half apiece for Colson, Brignoli, Susini, Ferri and Muzio—two dollars and a half per week! Not enough to pay for their gloves. Tho com- pany epent in Philadelphia $8,581—that is, they left in Philadelphia $358 more than they received there. Had the artists received their usual salaries, the manager would have lost over $4,000 by this successful Philadelphia season. It is urged that as the Opera sssiste certain branches of trade materially, the per- sons 80 benefitted should subscribe for season tickets, thus giving the artists a permanent basis. It is quite as true of New York as of Philadelphia that the real cause of the failure of operatic enterprises is the apathy of the general public. When the Germans tried the Opera the first time at the Academy they made it psy handsomely. The last time the public deserted them altogether, and the receipts were not sufficient to pay the rent, orchestra and chorus. It is said now that whatever the stockholders might do, the public would still hold back, and that between the political troubles and the festivities incidental to the season, people have as much as they can at- tend to without going to the Opera. Still the experiment of a subscription, emanating from the right quarter, and pushed by tho stock- holders, might be tried. It would certainly dono harm. With a low rent, no exorbitant salaries, and a moderate subscription, a short season might be made to pay. If half the people who express a wish to hear the Opera would pay for their tickets, there would be No difficulty about the matter. But the Aca- demy being the only theatre where it is con- sidered fashionable to be a member of the Dead Head brigade, everybody wishes to go in free. As for the stockholders, they are not to blame for vilege ; first place by giving it to them If they had foreseen all the difficulty that it has caused they would undoubtedly have taken the course adopted by the Brooklyn directors, who have bought wisdom at our expense. The question, then, as to whether we shall have Opera or not, is one to be decided by the pub- lic. New Orleans and San Francisco support French and English Opera handsomely, while in the great metropolis the artists might starve for all that the public would do to prevent it. Have we really no taste for any higher de- velopement of the divine art than negro mia- strelsy or the slang of the concert halls? Tavrtow Wwev's Fepera Stare.—it is stated, upon what appears to be reliable autho- rity, that Thurlow Weed’s late visit to Springy field was made with a view of ruling the 7ri- dune clique entirely out of the field, so far as tho distribution of the federal spoils is con- cerned. Weed took his slate with him, and Lincoln pondered over the names suggested for the New York offices. First and foremost, Moses H. Grinnell was marked down as Secre- tary of the Treasury. This would be a good appointment. Mr. Grinnell would certainly fixing things for Evarts in the next Legislatare, And finally, the Chevalier Wobb loomed up as & candidate for the New York Post Office. Now we have « word or two to say this Inst proposition. Webb, being warrior by trade and a diplomat clination, should either have a post or should go abroad. He has court clothes all laid away tn lat But the New York Postmaster isa officer; large amounts of money pass his hands, and it is absolutely requisite should be a careful, prudent Now Webb has nover been sbie to his own pecuniary affairs without gotting into © mess, and even with the aid rf Fe HHT