The New York Herald Newspaper, December 19, 1860, Page 2

2 ‘land «inew of the country have ag much a’ stake °s 8 pohticians and citizens of towns. : the people at the ballot box seleet men to redoct their sentiments in a convention of Southern States, and complain, As one, I cannot believe our trou yond remedy, aud 4 x. therefore, » Wisdom of the entire South assemble to devise tome ao for their » pent 1 Steps having been taken to provide fo nts itself for the assembling States, no good reason pre of the Legisiat Many good reasons present them Selves to me wiry it should not be called, "Our Treasury ie nearly exbausted, and debt is accumulating upon us. port for the week ending December 1, $70,614 54 in the treasury subject to The current expenses of goverament hh, which will exhaust the trea ‘There are already in cir ts, bearing ten per cent in- ne being issued to the Rangers. nas tO pay these is out of the ss to reimburse Texas . Which is still pd States Treasury A number of the Rangers be paid, whieh will exhaust the whole amount pa bi U drawing interest. Were the Lrgislature to , the expense incurred would ne- iefer the payment of Warrants, and cause them ‘The Rangers have already been from ten to twenty per cent of aud nothing but absolute necessity suould to submit to greater loss. @ the funds im the. tre there is nothing whic! t but account of State legitimately ap- United States bonds belonging to the tapart for the bevefit of the railroad interests ern Texas. nnd upon whieh its citizens depend to have commenced. To 1 from that object would ruin them, We would, have to go in debt, and throw our paper into in the present period « ; 4 depreciation to the Rangers hasmet. ‘The po! ted as a State ebt, except w sary for purposes of ¢ ‘paid, the pr the people must suiler ‘Another importat ling the Legisiature i that they do not really ntiments of the people on this question. They were not elected upon it, and besides their whole relationship to. the people has been changed by tho passage of a new apportionment Bill. which went into operation April 13, 1860. New ve and Senatorial districts have’ been created upon the basis oY the last census of the State. It isa matter of grave consideration whether the members of the eighth Legisloture did not provide for the expiration Representa of their respective terms of oftice at that period. Many @f the counties would have more weight in the Legisla- tes them to. Many of them would have the present population that is interested im the © Texas shill uke in reference to the momen- tous question ef Union or disunion; and those who pro. ak tor the should come direetly from them. the Executive desirous of shifting responsibilit from hinise lf at this trying period, he would at once call the Legislature; but being satisfied that the public inte. Tests do not require it, he will endeavor to perform his duty. to the people ». He bas ale Teady a » who have petitidned him for a call of the Legisiature that he would mot stand in the Way of the ‘will of the people that th t when satistied that it was their desire ve should be called; but he cannot re- of a few counties as the will of the <stion now is will Texas act a disereet p with the other Southern states in 4 which shull take into consideration the sntfer through the ps of unconstitutional laws in some of the Northern st calculated to deteat the exe- eution of the Pagitiv ve law, and all other causes which hove disturbed the harmony which should exist between the two sections of Us niony When such vention assembles the aatesmen of the ‘will be in its counsels. ‘They will look at the questions Ke men who owe ts and posterity; delibera- nant feelings to precipita ire South into revolution, will besi- tate to take such a step, but make common cause with all The Southern States m the endeavor ‘to preserve the equal rights of such States im the Union.”” ‘The question is now before you, fellow citizens Rely- ing upon your s 1 patriotisin, I place it in your ha The people must nthe government by Patriotic effort, proceeding from a conviction of right and duty, Orgy will full. When yuu aud hnpu of wrongs im to rash or tinpolitie with Texas quences of f r julge- ment sbould ace et them be appeaied to in the name of brotherhood and State comity te reed der their action. Let us depend on reason, SAM HOUSTON My Drow ‘View in your If holding’ 4 for each State inently critical ¢ ight and proper which has preserved wi * of k of oar aha happiness without th earns twill these or any efforts spirit from that w ed Doth of the extr ed, the prospoct w ion. B ditferent e aniny uire into the ¢ which have p fon of things. The recent trt uumph of a powerful yal party, in an election ior he two highest ott ~ goverament—with its Sandidates taken exclusively from its own section, voter! for exe! by its own section, and with tical creed avowedly antag . the other great division pnecoearily awakens both ansi- =f nee. t firet time ua political tempted or ventui annals that such a upon, and argues, ree of temerity and to say the least, an ex®raordinary Beediessness on the part ef those whe have made the experiment, in of the selemn and not unfriendly Warnings which were addressed to them. It net th individual cleeted, whoever he m @ctional combination which danger and the offence is toh ur cont which « rights and liberties Jeaxt, in sme confeierat is w peration and blindnes There are few, if any acknowledge (hat th: United States. if Dinestly and faithfully letter and epirit ry desirable g i the rights wt | the parties to it are entitled jpon a loyal and upright fulfilment and indigpensable condition on ) be maintainer the States in the common Territorias mmnutity 1 int ‘ sorter fundament which, however Various quarte equivocal securities f @ecurities be demax and digaitied tat flexible firmness—vot with bluster and dewunciation— cannot doubt that they will be yielded by a large majo. rity, if not by all, of our co-States, If any should refuse them, by that act of recusancy they will renounce the ‘authority of the constitution iteelf, and pat themselves virtually out of the pale of the Union, Such terme of settlement as those here briefly indi ible, in their details, of more or toms de would, it satisfy the views of Slates determined, Tina, whe e > Yo FO out of the Union, in spite of eve concession, and to drag as many @W her sister Blates ae she o after her hat swooeee her policy of coereing other States into disunion May have remaine to be seen. But ft may, not unreasonably, be presumed that Georgia, who did not recognise her dictatoral authority in 1882 and in 1861 ‘would still prefer her own platform, lad down with so Anuch wisdom ‘With one or two of her former patriot with an adjustinent, rec * of the South with the preservation of the Union, the probability i that her neighbors, Ala Bama and Florida, would be equally #0. But, whatever might be the decision of theme States, here can be little doubt that Maryland, Delaware, Vir inia, Kentucky, Tem , North Oure Miswsiri, Goasinns, Arkatean, Texas, and, it is to be hoped, Mia Biexippi also, would cordially unite in euch a plan of ad Jortment These are the nateral allies of Virginia erisis of the republic, Bhe can neve: from Mery lan, Kentucky, Tes Hates which immediately surround he the has so many common interest Tate and vital character. And wher that in one half of her territory she is a Western + having for that portion of he in, her natural outlet to the ocean by the river Mississippi, she ie, by that cir eumstance, os well as by the largenutiber of her children ‘Who now poople ite magnificent valley, linked by the ties of kindred feeling and a» common destiny to those flow Fishing avd prosperous States which have riseu to such Magic wealth and power upon ite fertile be It |e alae to be remarked that the wr ling Stat « Of the valloy of the Mississippi, by their position on the Danks of a great stream assigned by Providence as a com ‘mon avenue of commerce for themectves and other erful communities inhabiting ite upper parts, and Eeving dissimilar domestic institutions, cov ld never light ly regard a severance of the Union by euch a line—an event which would bring with it to them inevitable con. fiicts and the danger of national controversies and wars, fan is abundantly proved by the history of the river when ite mouth was by an independent and foreign Power While these States, therefore, are sensiively ative to whatever affects the security of (ioe Commering matita tions, of jeoparde their equal constitutional rights in the Tn ite ready at all times to make every macrifoe $0 defend them, as the states commonly called the bor te flave States aleo are, they are yet not smitten—any mor than these border States—with a passion for disunion for He own sake, or dimposed to rash into it heedlossly ani wanecesmari|y Let, then, the States 1 hare mentioned—reinforcat, fe to be hoped, by Georgia aud her two veighbors—unite | after the 4th of | terms —iorever but | upon no power in themsel NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1860.-TRIPLE SHEET.’ ‘in their demands upon the non-slaveholding States, sud say to them frankly and plainly, but soberly and kindly, that the time has come when the authority of the constitution, which is the bond of union between them, must be recognized, or that union will inevitably perish; that there must be no lor State lation, in the guise of “personal liberty” laws, to nu! nd set naught a solemn and unequivocal compact written in the eoustitution; that there must be no at tempts, covert or open, by Congressional legislation to assail or undermine their domestic institutions; and that their full and perfeot equality under the constitution, as co-states of the federal Union, must be loyally acknow ‘edged and faithtully respected. A¥ these were the terms, well understood on all sides, on which they came into the Union, so they are the only terms, consistent T justice, or self-respect, on which they ean emuain in it. sonableness of such a demand, urged mh earnestness and dignity which the «ccasion imports, cannot fail to be beaded, if not by ell, by the major or most important part of our con- federates, Venusylvania and New Jersey, ever loyal and true to the Union—who have stood firmly by their southern brethven in the most trying periods of their history, both before and since the adoption of the consti- ticn—Would, | um persuaded, feel and acknowledge its = Jersey hin’ already en her answer, in advance, to such an appeal, by her vote in the Presidential eleo- ugh Pennsylvania yoted differently in that t be bor in mind that there were issues supposed to be involved in th jon affecting the pecu- lar interests of her industrial system, which, doubtless, mainly miluenced her vote, Whene' iskue shall be distinetiy presented on the preser , by her good faith and loyalty of that Union, of which it is her proud cst bowst to be regarded as the keystone, no one con- erent with her history can doubt’ Where Pennsylvania will be tound. Ner can | doubt, when the day of solemn decision shall arrive, that the powerful Northwestern States—taken out of the Side of Virginia, whose ehildren are still widely diffused among their bold and enterprisi ig Dopalation-— bordering, as they do, on Pennsylvania, Kentucky and M uri, as wellas on Virginia—and having a common interest with the slavebolding States occupying the banks of the Mississippi in the use of that mediterral channel ot intercourse and trade, will rally with those States, cordially and frankly, to a” Union of equal rights, of justice and fraternity. When we turn our eyes again to the eastward we can- not doubt on what side will be found the imperial city, the centre ot American industry and commerce—in her- self a sovereign power—with ali her vast connected in- terest and dependencies, If to the internal questions Low agitating the State of New York—many of them deeply affecting the rights and interest of the city—be added the supreme one of a dissolution of the Union, it is hot an improbable event, amid the revolutions of empire, that we should see the Southern portion of the State mprehending the city, separate from the rest, an tormed into a new and independent State, tinally adhe ring to the central States of the confederacy , slaveholding non-slaveholding, with those of the valley of the Missis- sippi. These cx beer tk if, unhappily—owing to the centrifugal and jarring ten rs sometines manifested by the States at the extrem of the confederaoy—our present glorious Union should be broken up, the States occupying the central belt of the continent from ocean to ocean, including those of the valley of the Mississippi, would still holt together, and keep alive, with befitting dignity and power, the ancient name and proud traditions of the United States of America, and perhaps, in the end, win back to the told those who inight temporarily have strayed from it. it ail events, I see no reason to despair of the early suevess of the work of conciliation inaugurated by your proposition, to the entire extent of the States I have enumerated, if it be prosecuted in the right spirit; and when harmony and a good understanding shall have been re-established among them—the great central States of the confederacy—what rational motive can be felt by a few isolated tes, whether at the North or the South, to stand aloof in sullen contumacy or unprofitable dis- content? have lately seen auspicious indications that reflections such as these, with a reviving spirit of nationality, are making daily progress in a quarter of the y where the antagonism to Southern institu- us bas been hitherto the strongest; and I will not yet abandon the consoling hope that the present troubles of the country, by bringing more clearly to light the dangers which ‘threaten us, may end in placing the con- stitution and the Union of our fathers upon more solid and lasting foundations than ever. WM. C. RIVES. Hon. Alxaxper R. BoTecen, House of Representatives, Washington. LETTER OF LUCIUS Q. C. LAMAR, M. C., OF MISSISSIPPI. Wastuxcrox, Dec. 10, 1860. My Drak Su:—Your letter, of the 4th instant, request. ing me to give you my “views us to the best method of concentrating the efforts of all the friends of a real and bona fide resistance in Mississippi, and the South, to k republican rule,” is bef ne. Apart from’my ed friend, the relations of their representat uniform kindness and ¢ from the portion that form my unmediate consti‘ uenta, an (he necessity feel for frank and open hearted cou munication with them, are additional reasons for com- plying with your request, ‘The result of the recent Presidential contest has int ed a dangerous, pethaps a fatal wound, on the contidence of the Southern States in the integrity of the federal gov- ermment. I have not supposed that the federal Executive would ma the support, or inspite contiverce and gall the peoples of the Union. The framers itution did not anticipate that we should al- fi President. ions will often utice, necond pect to the ties and demagogues may 601 ching or misleading the popular judgment in favor of an unworthy candidate, There is, in our consti- tution, important ehecks upon the Pt ntial power, ani the tenure of atiee is net so long as to enable a vi- sisted, to do irreparable mischief, even in cession of that power. The people of the South iy the nature and functions of the federal They do not need to be taught that its hes them ample and eftie of exeoutiy istration, unconstitu. incumbent, and of even the fundamental law as may, a of service, be beyond their control. The character of Mr. Lincoln and his political bs (eXeept so fir as they represented that armod rine Which mchaces our peace, and was contigved for our degradation and dishonor) has not formed with them the subjeet of either inquiry or interest. The stern protest’ which has spontaneously leaped from. the hearts of the Southerp people, simultaneonsly, and yet without any concert, fee from’ revolutionary exresses or party recklessues#, indieates « thorough knowledge of the real nd depth of the grievances inflicted upou the nd shows a political maturity im that poople ade- qui ve the proper remedy and firmly it. Let vs look at this event in its mildest as; ated from the sectional hostilities in which it originated, and apart (rem the purposes whieh it was designed to ac: complish. It is the first step towards the subversion of American representative liberty. There is, os you know, a Northern and Southern theory of the conetitution, the latter regarding the United States, federacy of States, s0¥ , independent, and 1; the former regarding it as one political communi- ql ty—a consolidated republic, in which a majority of the people govern under the formas of the constitution. theory n 1 ther y be adopted for the purpose of my argument. ake of argum st important), be distribu pation. This isthe point from whic Iiberty starts, and to which it must rete central anthority must derive its nutritnent, draw its foree from ali the parts of the entire bod society, «0 that, by their reciprocal independence, can counteract the tendency of any one part to usurp the sovereignty of the whole, Tt is required that all the parts shoul! seek and contribute to timate rule in common: ate if any part, whatever be their number, in- ated from the rest, as#umes the common government over the others by virtue of a prerogative which it arrogates to itself ax its exclusive possession, the result ty bot liberty; it i* tyranny unmixed. Test the recent Presilential eleetion by this principle. The North- ern States—or, if you prefer the expression, the Northern Je—have usurped an entire branch of the govern- t, to the exetusion of the Seuthern people, Ido not b to be understood as saying that the Southern people have been de 1 of the privilege of depositing their Yallote and ha them counted with all the formatities: of law. My proposition ie, that the principle, not the form of representative government, has been Violated, ‘The poliey of a conquering Power has ever been to dis gulee its grasp upon the liberties of a people ander the ramenest Of external forms; not to startle the people by any striking alterations, but cheat them by respect for usages and enstome inte acquiescence im the contrat which it covertly assumes over their publi ‘The Greek republies retained all their forms cipal government—the freedom of legislative judicial proceedings unchanged—while all Greece lay the feet of Philip, a subjugated nation, This ia the r ton which the Southern people, if they quietly submit to this election, will sustain to the Executive Departinent of the ‘umenton the 4th day of March, 1861. They will Live under a Chief Magistrate whose power touches them at every point, penetrating into their States, their towns, cities, villages and Sn ae nts and family relations—a Chief Maypisinate in no part by them, but over them, by anmdher idely distant from them in lewality, and still more prssioms, prejudices, it , civil and Se an tans are geographical The obligation to submit aad {ive ume a Chet Magistrate thus elected one Presidential term, implies the obligation to do so under an iniefinite number of The right of the North to place the Exrcw Live Department in euch a relation ta the Southern people, in rodore the right Co place ail the departments of the government in that relation. But would (hat be representative liber- ty? Liberty does not exist where rights are on one side end power on the other. To be liberty, rights must be armed with vital powers, A cannot be free who do pot participate in the control of the govern- ment which operates upon them. If it ia irresponsible to them, if they cannot contribute to the check upon its operations, they are net a free people, jects, dependent for their rights and interests ‘*, but upon the moderation aud justice of irresponsible rulers, or upon those revolu- tionary remedies whieh constitute no part of the ma chinery of civil society, Such will be the condition of the Southern if they remain in the Caion until ireh next. eine observe that it is & matter of no importance to the people of the South whether Mr. Lincoln was elected according to the forms of the constitution or ind) of those forme. Had ne been appointed by the Governors of the Nortuorn neither © of the wishes, interests and feelings of the entire South than his election has actoaiiy me wie! When one of the vital principles of @ political | eyetom has been destroyed, society, in all its elements, ia thrown ‘into disorder." In’ thie eleetion the democratic chapent of cur goverument hares the fate of the repre sentative idea, Mr. Lincoln is elected by a minority of hearly & milhon votes—the South being thus subjected to all the terrors of a passionate democracy and the tyranny of aseltich oligarchy. It may be said that this is a mere temporary displacement of the political rows, and that anotyer Presidential election wil , and re- store the harmenious operation of our political system. But our people cannot shut their eyes to the fact that this revolution in the government only manifests and er- bodies a mightier moral revolution, which has for titty years upheaved the bosom of Northern society—a revolti- tion which has never gone backward, and whose very law is progression. They cannot but see in this election the sword of empire drawn by a fanatical majority see- tion, in a contest which cannot be declined,and yet on the wsue of which the existence of the minority section is staked; that it is a movement impelled by a fanati- cisin, whose footsteps have never been seen in volun- tary retreat; that it is a victory secured by the citizens ot St whose Legislatures have solemnly recorded their nopation that no oath shall bind tham to ob- serve the constitutional compact in respect t« slavery. ‘Yhey are convineed that this anti-slavery fanaticism is rife at the North, and that society in all its elements is sureharged with ‘the deadly poison; that it infects their literature, pervades their jurisprudence, is the animating spirit of their theology, is taught in their academies and schools, and they behold the party which represents this spirit entrenched (by overwhelming majorities in all t tes save one) in the departments of the federal government, armed with the sword in one baud and the porse in the other. According to the theory of the constitution which pre- vails at the South, ours {8 a confederacy of independent and equal States, A confederacy of itself, in the absence: of any express stipulation, is an implied reeogrition of and frienciiness to the subsisting institutions of its various members. 2 this election the non-slarholdling States have seized upon the pnwers of a common gowrnment, with the declared parpose that theze States shall not continue part slaveholding and part nowslat ing. There is no proposition better established than that the overthrow of the civiland domestic institutions of one people by an nal or foreign Power is, in effect, a conquest and gation of the former. The Southern people are I ¢, long-suffering and averse to rash innovations; e the alternative is presented of a change in their political relations, or an overthrow of their political institutions, they will not hesitate. Such an election (in view of all the circumstances at- tending it), in my judgment, not only justities but im peratively demands of the Southern States to take mea- sures for their security. I believe this sentiment is en. tertained from Mason and Dixon’s line to the Rio Grande, and that hundreds of thousands in the Northern States who have opposed in vain the unrelenting hostility of our persecutors, regard it with approbation. There is of course a diversity of opinion as to the ex- tent of the measures to be taken. There is a large class in the more northerly of the slaveholding States who will be content with measures of vigilance, and who look to a reorganization of parties whieh will modify the action of the federal government, or insure the overthrow of the party which has suceeded in the present election. ‘The friends of the constitution and the Union in the North- ern State, they think, compose a larger class than the Presidential election indicates. They have a natural dis- like to what they deem extra constitutional or extreme measures, and are willing to abide the issue of the election. Ithink that in the more Southern States the time has passed when parties can command confidence. They rather fatigue contempt. A second class fully recognise the existence of an arrogant and contumelious 1 of their obligations by the New England States sconsin and Michigan, in relation to the law for the extradition of fugitive slaves, and that self-respecttre- quires that notice should be taken of their measures of nuilification. ‘They are ready to make a demand for re dress, and to put it in the power of these States to take measures to place the Union on constitutional founda- tions. They require time for consultation among the Southern states and for a change of sentiment at the North, 80 that before resorting to the extreme measure of disunion they shall tmve exhausted every other remedy. A third class—considering the long agitation that has eXisted upon the subject of slavery, its fatal effects upon the society of the United States, and their conviction that there will be no suspension or pause in the agitation, and that the conflict is indeed (foe ble, and arises in the antagonism that exists in the po- litical and social ideas of the two sections, and that the predominance of the anti-slavery idea in the politics of the Northern States, has been and will be sutficient to prevail against the opposition of the entire South, even in combition with their friends in the North—are in favor of secession. But considering all the evils that belong to any disruption of the government, and appreciating the value of the existing Union, are willing to return to it with loyalty, if they can find adequate guarantees for their security from further collision and strife. This class would expect amendments to the federal constitu- tion, so that the conditions of slavery in the States and Territories. and in all. places of federal jurisdiction, be placed beyond cavil or dispute, and that the slaveholding States should mutually guarantee their own rights, so that in the event of the renewal of another slavery ‘itation the remedy will be plain and adequate. There is afourth class af energetic, resolute and high spirited men who consider the federat government a failure, the con- nection of Northern and Southern States as unnatural, and the independence of the latter’ a supreme good—these are fur immediate, unconditional and even ab- rupe secessiom. “This class is diminishing in numbers and intiuence, and the fourth eines is increasing. This class is dominant in one State, commands perhaps a majority in ene her. and is very influential in all. Vt 3s ‘possible that all the classes which favor some action would be it to act in coneert if they only understood one sopinions. In my judgment this long continued corous agitation. whieh has divided our churches, under political parties, diminished and embitter: ed the intercourse of seciety, umftted Congress for the performance of the functions imposed by the constita tion, the incendiary dispositions manifested in its course by the representative men of the northern States and the habitual attack upon the foundations of ou society by m ving public stations of igh ity, have estranged the majority of rh people from their Northern connection, an id prefer a Union among themeelves, other cand nal. ‘Thatis, if aSouthern confedersey co ormed without war, violent change in existing conditions, the popular mind would receive uo shock. ‘The people would anticipate more of security and bappi- es than in the present Union. ‘The corruption of the State and municipal governments North; the magnitude of their cities, and the consequent disorder and crime and disparity of condition among the inhabitants; the increase of heterogeneous populations; their red republicanism, intidelity ant) Christian ideas, the intemperance and’ violence and indecorum of the Northern clergy. and the anarchy of opinions upon all questions of social interest, and the want of any sound ablic opinion, furnish strong evidence that souncr oF ter socigty there will experience a general overturn, But the dftrust of Northern institutions and the dislike of Northern manners are not active or stimulating emo- tions, and show themselves rather in the want of any anxiety to disturb or restrain this movement. If the formation of a Southern confederacy, to extend from the Delaware or the Susquehanna to the western !ine of New Mexico. or to melude California, wore adopted, I believe a large majority of the Southern people would be rejoiced, T believe that the patience of the people with New England and some of the Western States is exhausted. In my opinion it ia the duty of all the members of the Southern States, in Present emergeney, to maintain a large, Wberal and magnanimous course of conduct to one wnother, “To be subject one to another is the lesson ‘of wisdom in this conjunction of affairs, Jt is not neces. wiry for me to declare to what class of those T have enumerated I now belong. for I shall not enlist as a par tisan of any opinion, in any part of thie contest. I shall resign my own opinions with facility whenever I can per- cvive that good can be acoompliched. What I desire to have, what I desire to represent and co-operate with, it the sound and deliberate opinion of the people of Mitts. cippt firet. and theu of all the Southorn States after a cane did, impartial and deliberate review of the whole subject, and having reference to all the responsibilities, to them. selves, their ancestors and their posterity, But 1, it my duty to say that 1 think aequiesconce ener 2 he Seudh, tn the Folia ff the late Presitentiat . is fraugh? with more danger to the safety of her sie ty, the abe tity tnatat the freedom elt: eae chon re atid @ny vie her andl the pronty 1 Plane of Upen the stability of slavery in the Southern States, as an institution of society, government and perty. entitled te the reeognition and protection of the federal geverument at beme and abroad, and the right to carry our pr upen the yperty commen Territories of the Union, and to enjoy it there Without har or hindranee from any quarter, Iam pres pared to advise firmness. Believing, as T did, that a vast majority of the Southern people prefer anuion of the Southern States to the existing connection with North—providing such a resalt could be seenred without radical changes in their funlamental system or shock to existing condition&—1 submitted, for the consideration of the Legislature ot our state, the to which your let. ter refers, It t# intended to avoid the periis that attend transitions from dismemberment to reorganization, and alse the evils of provisional governments, ‘The leading feature of that plan is the adoption of the present government, either bY ageneral convention of the Southern States of by commissioners appointed by. their authority, who shall provide that the constitution of the Thited States shall remain in full force and effect amon the States withdrawing. that the laws and decisions: courts whieh are now of force in the republic of North America under the authority thereof, shall be i as 4 body of laws for the federal roment about to be all treaties United States of Nerth America and foreign governments anterior to the date of said ordinamee, unti! such treaties are changed of altered, of are disregarded by such mas Tpubrevone ¢ tion with this government about to be established. As the first step in thie direction Tsubmit for your considera. tion the ordinance which T think the Ne of Missiee ppt should adopt in their Convention of the 7th of January — fackson, purenan act ot the Gene: ed, &e., &e. a fet to enable the enable tl western part of the Misaissippt Territory to form ‘a constitue tion and State government, and for the admission of #uct Stave into the Union om an equal footing with the origi Sines; and, Whereas, of the 10th of August, 1817, the people of Micste sippi, by a convention called for the purpose, did form for the mae 8 constiiotion and State government, am ordi. nance thr id convent to become a member of the federal equal footing with Hl he With December, 1817, by resolution of tha on of the Untied tates the poy Mississippi became. member ot the a rema\ th there and nthe Senescrdees erees, fer sufficient Causes, in tl pinion of this vention, the sid federal Union should be dinacted. se Best Sheretore ordained, by the authority of the prone of ™ pin Convention assembied, that the ordinance of the 1th day ef August, 187, by which the State or consented fo become almember 07 the Tederal rw Litteclase of is ret th siyplire 8 of thervia con. Wised, awa be divested of oil the reptrainie snd teen oe, tracted in favor of the said federel Union, and from hence. torth be a free and independent State Sieg. Be Wt further croined, That the State of Miesiasipo hereby consents to form a fedetal tinlon with the States? or Delawanr, Marriand, Virginia, North Carolina, south Caro. Hina, Georgia, P ine ser, K eri’, Alsbama, Latsiana, Arkanens, Tee fentucky ond Missouri, and the Tersitry Dt New Territory west of Arknnans, under the hited States of America, and accord Of the comet tution of the United | States, adopted September 12, 1787, saving and excepting such parts thercol se embrace other portions than the Siates above named. See. 4. Be it further ordained, That the laws enacted by the Unived States, under the said ‘constitution, from 1749 until this Cenvention, aud all treaties a of the: ot made Suir tthe name bet ippl in so far as they are. ie, had not been made until the termination of the first ( of the government develnafter men states, within {he Mints of Mtaneaipyl shall roenatatn ote ts-of Mississippi, aba : and perform the same functions therein, until the federal tae hereby ordained shall be fully organized and esta- bilshea,, See, 5, That all the lations, contracts and engagements: made by the United States of Ainerica shall conlinus to, be bi State of Mississippi and that pro- ipligawon iat re- indi bef he Vision shall be made tor the fulfiment of tha 0 See. 6. That the Governor of Mississippi shall perform alt the ftinetions of President of the United states, under this constitution, within the limits of Misaisaippt, until the organt- ation of the fe Union referred to in the second section of this ordinance, Sec. 7. The accession of nine of the States mentioned in article two ts requisite to give this ordinance effect, and for the estal tof the constitution between the States ratl- fying the same, rc. & ‘That it shall be the duty off the Governor, imme- diately after the event described Iv ne last preceding arte ragressional diatricte, ihe election of elect org of Presidentand Vice President at the same time, under eh ree tattons, except as 10 time, as are con rat the plan proposed aims at no change in our form of }, but seeks to protect existing forms from destruction. Wt "proposes to give us our old glorious constitution in vigorous operation, strong enough to suppress domestic violence and repel foreign invasion, safe, in the affections of our people, from the attacks of fanaticism, and sectionalism, and black republicanism and red republicanism, all combined, It gives us all the laws of the old republic, and those grand decisions of the judiciary, which have grown up around the constitution ‘as part of the fundamental law, and are almost as sacred as the constitution itself, It proclaims to the civilized world that as loyalty to the constitution is the law of our conduet at home, 80 will good faith ‘observance of treaties regulate our intercourse abroad. It gives us the traditions and the historic wealth, colonial and revo- lutionary, of the glorious oli Commonwealth of Virginia. In 4 word, it gives us the Union and constitution as the fathers made them, and separates us from the enemies to both, who themselves have seceded from the constitu- tion, and are indeed rebels and traitors. With great re- spect, your friend, L. QC. LAMA To Hon, P. F. AMissiseipp® LETTER FROM EX-GuvERNOR ELLSWORTH, OF CONNECTICUT. ‘Haxtrorp, Nov. 27, 1860. MygDrar Sin:—T cannot express to zo the pleasure T Dav. mperianeed in reading the speech of Mr. Stephens before the Legislature of Georgia. We hear from over- heated politicians so many gratuitous aasertiens which falsify the republican sentiment of the free States, that a speech of this character, so candid, so bold, so patri- otic andj so full of sober truth, enforced by irrefragible argument, delivered on such an occasion, is doubly re- freshing to my anxious mind, while it is an invaluable treasure to the whole country, Considering the position of Mr. Stephens, I would ratlier have been the author of the speech than'to have been a candidate for the highest office in the United States; although in some particulars, especially his facts, 1 may not agree with Mr. Stephens. I believe the North intend to be faithful and true to the constitution and the laws. If, in fact they are not, and have really violated them go often, the South ought to be able to tell us wherein. If they will proceed to do this, my firm belief is that the North, on being convinced, will cheerfully and readily correct their errors. Decia: mation, however, is not what we want; that does not pro- duce conviction; it has hitherto ouly deluded and excited the South, and astonished the North. We here in New England, live too far North to be affected by words without proof, however much they are reiterated. We want argument—sound argument. We insist upon facts, (as is said to be our habit) and before a successful appeal can be made by South Carolina to our consciences, to the God of armies, to the God of nstice, and to the sympa- thy of the nations of the earth, these facts must ‘be es- tablished, or else it is we, and not South Carolina, that will stand approved alike before God and man, In all kindness I ask, what it avails to apply to Mr. Lincoln, the President clect, who represents the senti. ments of a great, enlightened and conservatir rty, such ingenious and oft-reiterated calumnies? tis there in his sentiments, or in the piatform upon which he was elected, that is false to the constitution of couqiry? and what is there in our own sentiments hos- tile To the constitutional rights of the Southy Mr. Lin- coln cannot possibly violate the constitution nor impair the rights of the Southern States: and no man soberly believes that anything of the kind is within his power or purpose. Let us then, my dear sir, cease, on either side, to utter words in haste and passion which only widen the breach between us, Every day I meet in my walks gentlemen of great ex- celience and intelligence who inquire, with amazement, what are the violations of the constitution which the South complain of go much? I am obliged to say, “I do know, sir.”” It itis the Fugitive Slave law, and I hear of nothing else, let_ me say, if there be any wrong here it should be put right, and I have no doubt it would be, The power of Congress to provide for the restoration of fugitive slaves, is in my opinion not an open question, and I douts if there be a Judge in any of the higher courts in New England who would net sulscrite to this opinion, amd who, if called upon efficially, would uphold any unlawful struction to tt execution. There are, however, sow clauses in the law (wholly unnecessary to it ) which ought to be erased from it, as being excecdingly ¢ y of free and Christian people. ve said, the power is after all given in the constitution, and as a Judge, having been myself honored for many years with ageat on the highest court in this State, L#hould endeavor to de my duty impartially in the Premises, or relinquish my office. If its provisions are correct, it is the law of the land, and the executive of the United States is sworn to see to Me faithful execution. If in apy case its provisions should be pronounced uncon. stitutional, the question could quietly be reviewed by the Supreme by ne ee Vanes ere i If any of our State laws conflict with the act of C rat, they are, of course, mere waste of paper, and Sony tes nullity. upon the people i the gaune thanner as if this ordinance Jongress: in the rae will be Lond to pronounce them a » Thave no doubt that the Personal Liberty bill of this State (so called and I speak more particularly of this bill, for I have n examined the laws of the other States—was passed in good faith by our Legislature to guard against the exer: cise of a power lable to great abuse, and one that is odious to those who are not fatniliar with its sway. Jt is a law to insure safety to free men, and not to thwart the arresting of these who are slaws. Ii these and kindred laws do, by their extreme regulations. as in some of the States may possibly be true, defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave law, they are clearly of no avail, and every Southern gentleman must know it, whenever the fact is proved upon investigation; and certainiy, with all their generosity of feeling, they cannot deny that the North may well be as jealous for freedom as the South are for slavery, We need ask no more. ‘And bow that] am speaking of the Fugitive Slave the are Jaw let me say in all eandor, the South do not duly con. sider how deeply our to personal freedom, and how it disturbs our feelings to see an in- dustrious and inoffensive man, with, perbaps,a depen- dent family, seized and carried away, to serve another without reward, during his whole life. When we see this. we have to repress very greatly our deepest convictions: yet 1 make po question that the power js in the constitution, and that it is our duty to vield to it If slaves are rescued let them be paid for by the State. I fear, however, the Fugitive Slave law is not the real grievance; certainly not with South Carolina and the Gulf States. fer they have not losta hundred slaves from the beginning of the government by reason of the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave law. On the most mature —considteartion can give, I am ied Smuth Carclina looks to a separation of the 0 as making Charleston the rival of! Noo York, and as carrying her and the Seuth at once to an enviable distinétion in all that exalts a nation or a Het it is @ delusion T mast beliewe—a fatal delu- som, from which it is possible she may awake too late, For Thave not one unkind feeling, and I will not re- member any unkind words whieh she or the South have uttered onthe floor of Gongress or elsewhere. I pray God to give vs ail wisdom, forbearance and national sym- pathy. (mee, Mr. Buchanan might have averted these terribie evils: he fn: upon vs, The rejection of Kansas by the Senate of the United States as a free State when they had before voted to receive her as a slave Was agrievens wound to freedom, whieh drove thousands upou thousands into the ican ranke—onough, perbape, to decide the Presi. on. Butt nteresting WM. W. ELL election. Will Ray BO More OM this topic at pre- sent. VORTH, Hon. Jame Durex, GOVERNOR WISE ON THE CRISIS. Ex-Governor Wise, of Virginia, having been written to by a gentleman of Columbus, Ga., to define what he ting in the Union,” replies as follows: — WN, near Norfolk, Va., Dec. 1, 1860, the 224 ult. was late com: band. lnow thank you for it. As to my Po—--~ 3 4 “tighting in the Union,’ it is one of trae poilcy. 1. If a sovereign State is judge of the infraction as well as of the mode and measure of redrese, she may remain n on to resent OF resist Wrongs a well 4# to do so outof the Union. 2. If other States have infracted the Union, not she, the State wronged, is bound to defend the constitution and Union those who have infracted the one and threatened t ther. Logically, the Union belongs to thoee who have kept, net to those who have broken its covenants, iti jt has nationality, lands, treasury, Organizations of army, navy, shipa, dock yards, arsenals, &e. Shall we renounce these rights and posses. sions beraw ‘ong doers attempt te deprive us of other rights? Js it not cowardly to renounce one right to save another? Are these rights not as precious as the mere right of property in negroes’ But, 4. If you secede, you net only renounce the Unien and jis professions, but you fail to unite your own people, be- renourice these rights. Wake a man up to ion and Constitution, and he will stare at But tel! him that the constitution i# ion threated by black republicans, end call bim to wd you in defending both aguinst thaw who would destroy both, and he will act heartily with yon 4. Then bow is this to be done? The third elause of the tenth srction of the first article of the constitution of the United States permits a State to keep troops and ships of War in time of peace, amd to engage in war, when ae. tually invaded, or when in such imminent danger ag will not admit of delay. Now, are we not actually invaded? Is our danger not immitent® Does st admit of delay? May tot a sovereign State 80 decide? 6. And what i# the difference? Will it not be revolu tion and wor in either event? tick to all your rights, renounce save al! HENRY A. wee XiTED STATES ARMY OFFIC Brevet Lient. Col. WH Ws of the United States Army. has resigned his commission, and in the event of the secession of Georgia will command a battalion of vol- woteers in that Stave He commanded a company in the | Forida war, and during a desperate battle, in the early rt of which he had been badly wounded, he was car- Pied around the feld by a soldier, and although bleeding and faint, he gave the necessary orders in a clear, frm voice. At the battle of Molino del Rey, in the Mexican war, Walker was again hacked up ina frightful manner. He ‘was carried from Vera Crug tothe city of Mexico on a litter, and bis health improved on the way, though he pleasantly refused to see company at the various stopping places along the route, He is now about forty-five years old. MAJOR ROBERT ANDERSON, U. 8S. A. This gallant and distinguished officer, who now occu- ies the important and trying position of commander of Fort Moultrie, is a native of Kentucky, and was born September, 1806. On the first day of July, 1821, he en- tered the Military Academy at West Point, whence he graduated July 1, 1825, taking a high position ina large class composed of such men as Alexander Dallas Bache, Col. Benjamin Huger, Col. Francis Taylor, Col. Charles F. Smith, and others, who have been distinguished as well in civil life as in line of their profession. His first commission was that of brevet Second Lieutenant of the Second artillery, July 1, 1826, and he was subsequently ted Second Lieutenant in» Third regiment, dat- ing from the same day. ‘rom May to October, 1882, he was acting Inspector General of the Il!in’ Volunteers, in the Hawk war; and jt is her elect, Mr. Lin n, one of Canty sey Chen troops. Tn Ty", 182 ae was promot rst Lie iy por sl 535 and i837, was Assistant Instructor and Inspector at the United States Military Academy. In 1698 he became “Ad-deveamp to Sajor General. Scott; and in the following year published “Instruction for Field Artillery, Horse and Foot, arranged for the service of the United States.” “For gallantry and successful conduct in the war against the Florida indians,” he received the brevet of Captain, bearing date April 2, 1838, July 7, 1838, he became ‘Assistant Adjutant Geueral, with the rank’ of Captain, which he relinquished subsequently to being promoted to a captaincy in his regiment, October, 84) 1841. In Mareb, 1847, he was with the Third regiment of artillery, in the army of General Scott, and took part in the siege of Vera Cruz—being one of the officers to whom was entrusted, by General Bankhead, the command of the batteries. This duty he performed with signal skill and gallantry, and pe continued with the army until its triumphal entry into the city of Mexico, in September fol- lowing. During the operations in the valley of Mexico he ‘was attached to the bri of General Garland, which formed a part of General Worth’s division. ‘on El Molino del Rey, on the 8th of mber, where he was wounded very severely, his conduct was the theme of ¢ ‘ial praise on the part of hia superior officers, Captain Burke, his immediate commander, in his of September 9, says:—* ‘in Robert Anderson (act- ing tield officer), behaved with great heroism on this occasion, Even after receiving a severe and painful wound, he continued at the head of the column, regard- lees of pain and self-preservation, and setting a handsome ‘example to his men, of coolness, energy and courage.’? General Garland of him as being, with “some few others, the very first to enter the strong eae of EL Molino,”’ and adds that “‘Breyet Major B infantry, Captain Anderson, Third artillery, Sedgwick, Second artillery, appear to have been cularly distinguished for ‘their gallant defence of the captured works.” In addition to this testi to his bearing on that occasion, we have that of General Worth, who particularly directed the attention of the Com- mander-in-Chief to the part he bad taken in the action. ‘For gallant and meritorious conduct in the battle of Mo- lino del Rey,”’ he was oted to the brevet rank of Major, dating from September 8, 1847. October 5, 1857, he was promoted to the position of Major of the First ar: tillery, which he now holds MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF LOUISIANA. GENTLEMEN OF Tite SENATE AND OF THE Horse or Rerreskx ‘TATIVES OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE Srate oF Lovi- 1 have convened your honorable bodies at this unusual time to consider the condition of our present and future relations to the federal government, before the control of that government is lodged in the hands of a party whose avowed principles are in antagonism to the interests, the dignity and the well being of Louisiana. The occasion cails for grave deliberation, wise counsel, cool judgment and manly action, It will be your province to decide whether its im} justifies the assembling of the people, through their delegates, in extraordinary conven- tion, to determine in that sovereign capacity the remedy oper to be applied to existing evils. Never have we ficce wore fe heek oF the protecting care and wise guid- nce of that Divine Providence whose aid and influences it becomes States as well as individuals to invoke. An event bas now occurred of the gravest import to the people of this whole country, but especially to those of the Southern States. Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin, having received the endorsement of the political party calling itself republican—the fundamental prin- ciple of which oan unressoning and fanatical hostility to slavery—have now been e to the two highest offices in our federal government by a purely sectional vote and im contempt ot the earnest protest of the other section, that such election would be considered evidence of a de- liberate design to pervert the powers of the government to the immediate injury and ultimate destruction of its peculiar institution. Thirty years ago the public expres- ‘sion of such opinions as are now entertained and avowed by these two men, in any part of this country outside of w England, would have insured to their utterer swift and ignominious punishment. The representative man of those opinions, chosen as the instrument to effect their practical operation upon the administration of the nation- al government, is now ubout to oceupy the chair of Wash- ington. So great has been the change of public sentiment in the non-slaveholding States of this confederacy upon a question vital to our interests and interwoven with every ramification of our social system. 1 fee] myself oppressed by the magnitude of the issue involved in the action of our State at this crisis. I have Deneld with admiration the beautiful and well propor- tioned fabric made by our forefathers’ hands, of a Union of equals, under safeguards provided by ‘@ constitution to the wants of the age in which it was made, [ have clung with warm affection to the government under which we have become so prosperous and great, and have endeavored to repel the conviction which events have forced upon me, that that government is about to be per- verted to purposes never designed by its founders: that the Union is broken in spirit by the attempted destruc. tion of the equality of the states which it, and the forms of the constitution invoked to cloak the perpe- tration of outrages upon the rights of some of the sove- reignties which formed it. Slavery existed in the colonies in the Revoluti era, and in every State but one when the constitution was formed. Its existence was recognized in that instru- ment by provid) for its representation in the popular house of the national Legislature. The master was pro- tected by an express affirmation of his right ag a citizen of one State to have “aetivored Z to bim his slave “escapmg into another.” To this agreement and compact, sovereign States as- sented: it was part of the bond; it was one of the condi- tions of fellowehip—one of the inducements to the States Saga na pnt are hocea tec ! to be most secure their ad- hesion to a Union all then believed would “insure domestic tranquillity’? and ‘promote the general wel- fare.” In a few years the States having an ungenial mate and a sterile soil found they had no need of slavery as A Ryste f labor, and abolished it within their own limits, They were prompted to this not by considera- tions of mock philanthropy, as is assumed in the hy; critical cant of these latter days, bat simply and excla- sively by @ regard to their material interests, Other ‘States, situated in a mere tropical clime, and having within their borders @ soi) adapted to the growth of pro- ducts which increase the ness augment the wealth of mankind, have retained slavery, because prac- tical experience has demonstrated that it is useful, pro- fitable and essential. While, however, the great law of necessity and adaptatation has the operation of changes in the two systems of labor, wo bave not ignored ™ al social aapect apologized the existence of slavery among ws on the score of inexorable necessity, and shrank from a defence of their peopie for its retention. But when abolitionism, embokdeued by inercasing strength, b to attack our system of labor ae a sin and a crime. the moral and re- Hgious aspeets of the question became the subjects of scrutiny, and the result bas been a complete vindication of our institution. and a correetion of popular errors con- cerning it. We have decided to retain it, and believe that any other a 4 similarly circumstanced will be benefitted by it. non slaveholding States rid of it, and we did not complain. They exercised ‘ir own judgment and gratitiod their own desires by thatact. Bat these States not only determined that would not have slavery themselves, but they have declared that po new sovereignty within the sphere of their in- fluence shall have it, and no new soil shail be worked by it, although the inhabitants shall have car- | the Tennessee line. He worked for several ried slaves, al with the other members of their | ing millstones, and met with no from any household and other property, to their new home, and | party whatever ti! a week age yeste , When he start. shall themselves desire the ex! of the institution. | ed from Looxahomie, De Soto y, for Senatobia sta. This is an intolerant and intolerable assumption of tion, on the Tennessee and M: itpph Rallvond, acren er—an avowal of a reckless resolve to r the rights of Southern citizens, and to deprive us of one of the inherent and necessary privileges which attach to us peporh ex-President, that the South neither woul? nor ough to submit to the election of any one avowing their traitorous policy, has been treated as idle gage: - nade, and a mad and senseless fanaticism has taken pe session of the Northorn mind, as if they designed eith: > to drive us to @ desperate remedy, or, ‘deceived by 0° forbearance, relied on our devoton to ‘the Union'to for > us into @ torpid acquiescence, if not an upmecly sube + - sion. ‘The time was when men shrank from calculations « ( the value of the Union. That has long since passed, an € now thep who, during a long life, have ever cherish L and call vated veneration for the government with an most religious fervor, are driven to the contemplation + its siraptien, The constitution is the only bond « Union. But if it is to be respected and obeyed by Northern people only when it chimes with. their the: retical opinions, or conserves with their wo are practically assigned the position or interiors when ter and rapt the post is volves aro. ual are to be oppressed and despoiled of our property, to be tyrannized over by a hostile govern. ment, and’ ted to submit because the outrage is petrated under the forms of law, then it is better should retire from an association which hag ceased benefit us through perversion from its design. In order, therefore, that the future and pce paliey of the State of Louisiana may receive Lec ‘ul and calm consideration which it deserves, and her citizens may have an opportunity of giving form ang expression to their views in this re; , your honorable bodies to provide for the election of mem~ bers of a Convention, a8 soon as may be proper with due regard socio, to whom shall emma’ meee od responsibility of determining that position, and shap! that policy so far as affects the relations of Louisiana to. the federal government. That Convention will meet, consult and decide without regard to my opinions as con- tained in this message; but I do not think it proper, under existing emergencies, that I, the chief executive officer of the State, should omit the ‘ion of my convictions a8 to the course which our State ought to pur- sue. I bave earnestly desired that a conference or Conyen= tion of the slaveholding States should be held, in order that they might counsel together and act unitedty in this: ve crisis. I still desire that such a conference shalt had, LT caged in point of time. Louisiana ought. not to refuse to meet her sister slaveholding States in council, and there unitedly determine upon a firm demand to be made of the Northern States for the repeal of their obnoxious legislation, and the guarantee seourity of those rights which have dns ape persistently refused, ‘Still, although such a course has seemed oar mind de- sirable, and I had that a practical Practicas ble plan might ere this have been suggested to accom- plish this object, I do not think the action of Louisiana should be unreasonably post under the or expectation that such a time convened. It should meet at once, and determine at once, before the day arrives for the inauguration of @ black republican President. I do not think it comports with the honor and self-re- t of Louisiana, as a slaveholding Statepto live under e government of a black ie President. 1 will not dispute the fact that Mr. is elected according to the forms of the constitution; but the greatest out- its, have beer Tages, both upon public and private ri “4 question rises involves ‘ § rated under the forms of law. Thi nigh above ordinary political considerations. It our present honor, and our future existence as a free an® nt le. It may be said that when this. it was intended to be 5 irit in which it was made, with a regard to the equality of the sovereignties com ‘We certainly are not placed in the position of sul a European despotism, whose only door of escape from tyranny is the right of revolution. I maintaim Tight of each State to secede from the Union, and therefore whatever course Louisiana may pursue now, if any attempt should be made by the federal government to coerce a sovereign State, and compel her to submission toan authority which she has ceased to recognise, E should unhesitatingly recommend that Louisiana assist her sister State with the same alacrity and that, the colonies assisted each other in their struggle against. the despotism of the Old World. If 1 am not mistaken in public opinion, the Convention, if assembled, will decide that Louisiana Will oot submit to the residency of Mr Lincoln. In the temper fof the Nor~ thern mind it is not ible to foresee the course of policy’ that Congress may determine upon, and it is the part of wisdom to prepare ourselves for any xy that it legislation may produce. We are without arms to defend. ourseives: attack should our sovereiguty be assailed, , and it therefore becomes our imperative duty to immediate measures for supplying ourselves with all ma~ terials for war. In the briet ‘od which you are likely’ to remain in session it would practicable to reorgan. ize our militia system on @ sound basis. rder, there. fore, to be preparcd for prompt and judicious action, i recom: a mend the creation of board or to purchase companies commission, whose duty it shall be arms and distribute them to volunteer throughout the State, under a vised by the Board. The Board report to the the first day of the session, It should be men of mi education and experience, Pensire mode of providing for them. "A eral pensive 3 for A ri 1 ition ought to be made bythe General Assembly less than half a million of dollars—to be expended, under the authority of the Board, in the purchase of the best made arms, of the most improved patterns. Even if our relations with the federal government were other than y are, Tshould still recommend the sare appropri- ation; for the State may be said to be almost entirely without arms, as you will find by reference to the report’ of the Adjutant General, which aceompanies the Message. THOMAS 0. MOORE. Exxcutive Orncr, Baton Rover, Dee. 10, 1860, VIGILANCE COMMITTEE IN MOBILE. ‘The Mayor of Mobile bas issued the following prociama- tien Mayor's Orrick, Crry or Monmr, Decemner 8, 1860, ‘The feeiing of insecurity pervading the minds of many, and which bas its origin in the formation of secret and irresponsible associations, renders it proper that I should take counsel with my fellow citizens. If ever there was & period when it was specially incumbent on every citizen, by precept and Bogen eh uphold and maintain the supremacy of the of our State, now most certainly is the time. We are in the midst of a revointion, invoking the sovereignty of our State oppression. If we be it and true, does {1 be a to ify that sovereinty, and make te which have been ordained by that sovereignty? who band themselves together in secret and irrespons{b! aseociations, for the parpose of exercising ers legated by law to the sworn officers of the law. to increase the confidence of ‘the, timid Jn the abi State to preserve order and protect rr find ‘ty? Can that lawlessness pig Bence of safety? Gan that which throws contempt om the law, in that it proclaims its feeb! increase g eftas be i to remedy thove defects, but their administration is not evidence their determination to give such Ww promptly disbanding al! secret and unlawful ° M. WITHERS, Mayor. AN ENGLISH sbarioure? LYNCHED IN “ rw bod oc Tonis oop Dee. 4.) Tespectal A . YR, and, and for several yeats w.recitaner of ‘man was driven from Missiseippy inst ing severe injuries for crime dalleged against him, but of which he declares his entire inno- cence. He was formerly emploved in this eit; werks as a toiiler, in the fm -ythy Mills, on Frante are Hue. and went to Mississippi for en) He rained wer te Pata sod De oto Goats, sade . dress. Miles distant, employing @ negro to earry himself trupk in ® Wagon to the raitroad, rriving at Snatobin after dark, be ded to fook ome freight for Ube as equals. hegro’s owner. and in doing so went into the freight de- 0 long as such sentiments were confined to scattered, | pot. While there three or four persons 1 him nd uninfivential, and demented zealots in New England, | and asked! him where he was going and what he was they excited no other feeling than con! commise. | doing. He told them looking for some freight for Looxa ration, but they have naw permeated the structureof | homie; but they charged him with 4h abo Conies social andl industrial !ife in the non-slaveholding States, and a suspicious person, and seized and threw him ute a and leavened the whole mass. Their gradual jon has been evinced by the legisiation of these Slee Neoriy every one of them has hullified the Fugitive Slave law, and enacted the most str: it penalties against. shy master in recovering his slave. There ate not more than two or at most three, Northern States, T think, that have not legisiated in some manner inimical to the clear 1 marched. under pain of punishiment heavier than that inflicted | hin into the woods. There they <tripped him naked met by them for some heinous crimes, to aid or assist in | withetanding the weather was intensely cold, ond ere shy maoner in the capture of our -nogroes, while the | him @ large number of stripes. the vietim thinks twrs complete freedom of the slave from any from ar- | hundred, with & thick leather beit, sornetiones fat and Test and detention is secured by Personal Liberty bills, | sometimes with the edge. A man who to bea They bonst of annually depriving wa of this ex of | doctor then advise! them to desist, saying that they property to the extent of miltone of dollars. citi. | would finish the job the next ‘then pt him. vens form con.binations to vent tbe emigration of | bark in the freizht ear, with nothing bat his and Scothern citivens with their slaves inte the wneceupied and common domain of the country. The man who is now the President elect of this republic of States has de- clared, ata recent date, that we could not remain as we © ever been, part slave and part free, but that the conflict: between the Northern and systems of labor must end with the downfall of slavery. ‘The election of Mr, Lincoln by the Northern Ne as the representative of these ions, and the executor of snch intentions as are without ambiguity by the public men and political bodies h aftinity with him, shows that Northern m/ poisoned agaivet ue. and that it no longer respects our rights or their obligations. The large majorities given in most of these States for the electors favorable to Mr. Lineal ix an evidence of the universality of this feeling of tw our inetitutions, and of the depth to whi detuaon of =the polar mind has penetrated ‘The wise counsels of the fathers are forgotten or unhoed- ed—the freternal remonstrances of the South, whether made by dual citizens OF sovereign States, are dis. regarded—the warping of one of their own statesmen, 2 : = freight car, which they locked, and then weut up into the vil to tell the story. The negro was alse arrested. and, ag afterwards appeared, was threatened with instant death if he didn’t confers that the man he freight car The had endeavored to him to run off. thinking, probably. ery nse from torture, anid thee but notwithstanding the confersion. be such was the case, ‘wae severely . dot wh + Acrowd of thirty of fort, roed to the ratiroad station, took Stithyman ont mel fan About ten 0° Me ithe au old rug to protect him during the night. Ip the morh ing he wae released and portatted wo i any conte fore cup oF ¢ An armed foreo, styling themselves © Minute then took him into custody afresh, went into: the woods again, made him strip, tied his hands around @ tree, and then shaved Wis head ag close ae they could, The crowd urged him to tell all about hie doings in the interior, and suid that they knew he wae tuiity of exciting slaves to insurrection, had tampered with them and all that. Three or four Said that i he would confess his life shoukt be but that if he did not he would be strang wp. Hy tis time Sinithy. nan was half dead from exhaustion and fright, and be. ieving that it was his only chanee of safety from hang. © ine. he boldly avowed that be had tampered with slaves With « shout the eager listeners seiget him, nit some were fi ing him. An attempt was made to pet a) rope around his neck, but others were go anxious for © ion that the would be executioners failed, | | operat Smithyman was stripped, and liquid tr, almoxt bot envigh to scald, was poured over hie heat, if Se ee ee ge