The New York Herald Newspaper, December 10, 1860, Page 2

2 tall dimes. And yet this philosophy, so dishonoring to ‘Canst and his ip, is moulding the character of our y men and women. [t comes into our sehools and ‘mingles with the very lifeblood of future ions the sentiment that Christ and his Apostles held back the truth, and suffered sin to go unrebuked for fear of the wrath of man. And all this to maintain, at all hazards, and in the face of the Saviour’s example to the contrary, the unscriptural dogma that slaveholding is sin. But it must be observed im this connection that the Apostles went much further than to abstain from preaching against slaychold vebolders to the communion of the chureb. masters ae text wre knowledged as “brethren, aud beloved, par takers ot the benefit.” If U Testament i8 to be received as a faithful history n was ever rejected by the apostolic church upon the ground that he owned slaves. If he abused his power as 4 master, if be availed himself of the authority confer by the Roman law to commit adultery, or murder, or cruelty, be was rejected for these erit tas he would be rej now for similar erin ni any Christian elutreh in our Southern States ats abused or neglected their children they w «4, uot for having children, but for not treating them properly. And so with the slaveholder. It was not the ning of slaves, tthe manner in which ho fulfilled the duties of his station that made hin ject for churet discipline. The more fact that he Slaveholder no more subjected him to ¢ mere fact that he was a father or a husband the recognized lawfulness of the relation that al p ‘ulating the reciprocal duties of Uaat relation are cepts r based. These precepts are scattered all through the inspired episties. S$ uot One eomIMAad oF exhortation LO emand@pate the sha The Apostle ¢ that for the present ncipation would be no real bl bim. But the master is exhorted to be kind siderace, and the slave to be obedient, that so th preserve the unity of that church in which there distinetic ween Greck or Jew, male or female, bond or free. hh, if ministers of the Gospel in this land or aye bad but followed Paul as he followed Christ, and, instead of hurling anathemas and exciting wrath against slaveholders, had sought only to bring both master and siave to the fountain of Emanuel’s blood; if the agencies of the biessed Gospel had only been suffered to work their way quietly, as the light and dew of the morning into the structure of society, both North and South, how different would have been the position of our country this day before God! How diferent would have been the privileges enjoved by the poor black m il, which, i this bitter contesi, has been too m would have been no need to have despised. Then converted our churches into military barracks for col lecting firearms to carry on war upot 9 to execute " er for doing no more abolition 1 soversign Stato law upon’ th to carry ¢ o bind heavy them on men’s § uot with one of their f No need [ while they or pretext aws for ti shall not pt to show what will be the condition «in Uhis country when the Gospel shall classes under its plete douinion jal relations men will sustain in the glory I do not k {cordially em brace the pinion of our c permitted and regulated by the ¢ the Jewish and Christian dispensa destiny of the enslaved, but " cessary process in the nh ism to Christinnity—a wheel in t Providence, by : complisted hing I know, aby ut know it if he would, that and every th ia which’a pa + between the bond sare better fed and and have a better opportunity for uuajority of laboring “people in the the tongue of abolitionism had only the num er of such ta lies would be Fanatici wth is one chief siumbli the way of the South. This is one great grievance that p hearts of our Christian brethren at the day upon. the why such men as South. This, ia a measure, explain: Dr. Thornwell, of South ‘Carolina, and Dr. Palmer, of New ans—men whose genius and learn 2 ety would adorn any state or station— to secede from the Union, They feel that the f the Christian ministry is hindered, and their to dy good to both master and slave crippled, by mstant and the inc ‘ogtma, that s ABOLITION FD CHIMPLY BY MISRKPRESENTATION Having uo foundation in Seripture, it warfare by scripture weapon is ferce and proud, and its fangu: bitterness. Let me prove this by testimony from its hips. quote Dr. Channing of Boston, whose tower of strength to the abolition cause, ¢ memory {s their continual boast. In a work published in the year 1836, I fad the following words:— The abolitionists done wrong, I believe; nor their wrong to be winked at be ne fanatically or with good intentions; for how much mischief may wrought with good designs! They have fallon into te rror of enthusiasts, that of exaggerating their ling ag if no evil existed but that which they Wf no guilt could be compared with that of peing and uphold The of the papers, so far os T have seen them, b 2 bitter and abusive. They have sent fe some of them transported with tery a by the uo < alarm against slavery through the 1 gether young atid old, pupils from schools, hardly arrived at years of di n, the igni exeiteable and to organize these into associat against oppression. Very un happily they preached their doctrine to the colored poo- ple and collected them into societies excitable multitude, minute heart-rending descriptions of slavery were given in piereing tones of passion; and siders were held up as monsters of cruelty and The abolitionist, imdeed, proposed to convert ebolders, and for this end he ‘approached them with vituperation and exhausted on them the vocabulary of ‘And he has reaped as he sowed Such is the testimony of Dr. Channing, given in the year 1896. What would be have thought and said if he had Lived until the year 1860, and seen this little stream, | over whose infant tiolence he lamented, swelling into a torrent and flooding the land’ Abolitiouism is abusive im ila persistent misrepresentation of t principles involved in the relation between master and slave. They reiterate in a thousand exciting forms the assertion that the idea of property ia man blots out his manhood and degrades him to the level of a brate or atone. “Do slavery,” says Dr. Wayland, in his work on Moral wu hh * relation between master and slave is not that and man, but is a modification at least of that which exists between mat and the bru Do not these abo litionist philosophers know that according to the laws of every civilized country on earth a man has property in bis children and a woman has property in her husband? The statutes of the State of New York and of eve: ry other Northern State recognize and protect this property, and our courts of justice have repeatedly aseessed ite value. If a man ts killed on a raidroad his wife may bring suit and recover damages for | ary loss she has suffered. If one man entice ghter of another, and marry her while she age, the father may bring & civil snit for for the loss of that child's services, aud the damage pecuniary compensation is the only redress the law pro- law of Christendom and the vides. ‘Thus the common ou be statutes Of our own State recognize y in man. what does that property, comiet? Simm such ser vices aa a man oF may properly be required to render, This is all that the Levitical law, or any oth law, means when it ays, “Your bondmen shall be your possession or property and an inheritance for your chil dren.” The property consists not in the right to treat the slave like a brate, but simply in a legal claun for such services as a man’ in that position may properly be required to render. And yet abolitionists, in the face of the divine law, persist im denouncing the very relation between master and «lave, “as a modification, at Ivast, of that which exists betweem man aud the brates." This, however, is not (he worst or most prevalent form which abusive spirit awames. Their mode of arguing the question of slaveholding, by @ pretended appeal to facts, ad is a tinaue of mistepreseatation from Doxinuing to as Let me illustrate my meaning by « parallel pose Lundertake to prove the Wick diese oi it exists in the city of New York. in th “ @ the Bible i excluded, or at t 7 recogniged as having exclusive jurtedy t sion of the question. My first appowl law Of the Stair Tebow (here end make divorce « tm enactments whieh wll. ketable and ch of your da ment wife for » stip Pince of other r to quote. Then [ t « our courts, and find that every day some cruel b his wife, of some onnatural pr marders bh some discontent! wife or hoebend seeks the d of the marriage bot. In the next place, | turn to the asylums and hospitals, aud -bow there the mise rable wrecks of domestic tyranny in wiv-s deserted and children maimed by drunken pe in tb, place, I go through our streets and into our tenement houses, and ount the thor bildren, who, amid ignorance and filth om and gal lows. Summing al put them forth as the fruits of marriage in the cit New York, anda proof that the relation itself ts If Lwere a st, and had written @ book to illustrate this sas terme, I would call key I nay nothi that flourish in tea thousand homes, not a word about the multitude of loving Kindnesees that characterize the ¢. life of honest people, about the instruction and ise tbat are training children at ten thousand firesides for usefutness here ant glory hereafter; ali this [ ignore, ly and quote only the statute beok, the newspapers, the records of criminal courts and the miseries of the abodes 1 have not mis And yet am I nota suleder cmgyrrtitas ease” eRagger at on fact falottier and slabderer ot the dere Tt has undertaken fMlustrate ite cardinal doctrine in works ‘of eto’ at then, to sustain the creation of ite (ancy, haa atternntad to underpin it with an accumulation of facts. Thess are collected in precisely the way Ihave deser y-: Crecdaans Hales are searched ‘every wrong enactment collated, newspaper reports and crime a tho part of Wicked masters are awelied, all the outrages thet bare Jowd fellows of tis Comer pn oom porpatat sorty syhom therp n.. tknty, boib North act sat seized eft, cad (b's mone : 3 eatlect » Sue koupels ond eowers ciety is put fort al uxhtoinon on at ‘Segators in the for)», cud mintetere in the palpi 16 the more refined slander that <sontially burburous, and that aly holding had its origin in hell.’’ Lowisiative bodier enact amd re-enact statues which declire (hat atywebotding isno | | heat of it begins to interests, it will not do for us to suy ch neglecind and | agitations of abolitionisi in our national | between man | | to swing over the yawning abyss of infidelity. is such an enormous crime that if a Southorn pad, Captive ond under the broad shield of the constitution, and with the decisions of the hand, shal! of argume Christian people in this ans come wi This Court of the country im bis etly their jurisdiction, and set up @ | government. There are honest people enough in 4 to 8 fugitive slave, he shall be punished withafine the Northern States to prevent of $2,000 and fifteen years iuprisonment ethod m ut bas continued untit multitudes of boast | id other lands believe that slavebolding is the sin of sing, the sum of ali villanies Let me illu: rience ot a Christian fai most kindly ent hors in Awerica strate this stating that the book had been bestowed upon one of the children of the faunily as a reward of diligence in an insti tution of learning. man of Hurce countenance beating a naked woman. ‘The frontispiece was a picture of a ‘The contents of the book were protessediy compiled from the ny dare ifit qu my memorandut ook asser Mississippi ‘of Americans upon the ote iu this place the extracts which L It will be sutlictent to say 13 as a ubject of slavery. 1 made ia that the joubted facts that the banks of the dded with iron gatows for the punish of slaves—that in the city of Charleston the bloody Dlock on Which inasters cut off the haads of disobedient servants may ain the public squ and that sins common dud aurcodked i pro. edly Christi 1 2 ‘Now in my heart {did not (eel angry at the author of that book, mor at the scaoel teacher who bestowed 16 upon his scholar, for in chordy L gave them credit for honesty in the but standing there « su wunong Che martyr memories of that glorious land o which: my y heart had so often made its pilgrimage, I did feel that uand I,and every man in America was wronged by the revilers of their native land, who teach foreigners that hapging and cutting off hands, and beating women, are the characteristics of our lite and mauners. But we need not go to foreign lands for proof that abo- litionistn has carried on its warfare by the language of abuse, The annual incetng of the Amorican anti-Slavery | Society brings th accustomed to laug! the cout! wir doors. We db nal extiiby evi n wh vation comes bay oreh our iudus' ave been ons of fanati- pramere’ that the utterances of that society are the payings of a danatical and. in- Significant honored the midst few our for men who with ti and compose it are offices Tis President is a Chief Justice of the State of New | framed the } dian of ow i te will ch | abuse hav Jemagog | Viotent au | the i wo | woukd be to perform | expecially is pol of | of manhood should prevent me—to exhort and bes them as brethren. | would aseure then that there multitud | batue tiel compact of American tian men and Ww Christ bur if they w wrongs may yet be righted, them not to put a great gulf between us very oppo basis, by 0 ver the land 1 would | among whom ar sted thi ‘The ministers who have thrown over ils doings notion of our holy religion are quoted and magni the represeniative men of the the inan whe stood up tn its deliberations in the » vocabulary of abuse upon vit statesmen who ta, rts aad the guar. r live Joubtle tation and @ not be vt this un North, that 8 wien at A have been Labasive, and (hit newspapers professedly in sts of the South, with a spirit which ean zed ws little tees than a! st, have ¢ scandal m the uost aggraveted and But suppor to be granted- tian meu which b whic preach my w pe id at be my privilege Hege Crom whie here who still cherish the memor d= and couneil chambers w t the end the tens of thousands n, tow pulpit Ds only be ‘Therefor: nd cH tunity for reconciliation upon # revolution whose end no huuan But, then, | ar not presching at the South w our fal cemented this Union of states, and who still stand by constitution to the utmost extrem ity si the thousands | Christian urinisters, some of the brightest ornunent faat then’ y of of the of Chris s whom, while the love of omy heart never Gan grow cold, that atient and hope to the end, all T would bestech off the honorable eye can 1 stand | here, #t one of the main fountain heads of the abuse we have com I stand parties to ) Cbristhke | came to make the first coucesstc The leg: | acknowledged: chief design is to put a stigma upon slevehoidin e will ultima’ | and will b prevail \ gre on and God's blessi unborn will rest upon that part tt, who first stand forth to utter the language of conciliation and protier the olive branch of peace. ‘The ained of here to rebuke this sin repent and forsake it for those from wh islative enactments whieh are ‘Truth ond just eo repealed. e too that the retraction will later it will come. and exhort the guilty It if magnanimous and the lirst provocation in open ond violation of the consitution, and whose must late: but Abolitionism ought to and | one day will change the mode of its warfare aud adopt a ew vocab | and in fre | = has w | gard ction te J trost and pray, and call upon the suppl pentane nay at respeetfal to the consequences. and a better mind, so that 1 t propagate thew principles in deceut and 1 believe in the liberty of uit Edo not believe » or in the pulary. edom of speceh, Wy @ right before é ¢but the law ought to wus words, W fer tterance of libelld » ereate division and st ication, that God would give abolit language. time to come th the press ‘chat any of ehvilized to speak aut pablish what he pleases without re With the conscientious con- llow citizens neither we wor the law thas ‘otect all © ouly unite with me in ionists 111, —ABOLITIONISM URADS IN MULTITUDES OF CASK, AND BY A To this mixed and } LOGICAL PROCK TO UTI LYFIDRETTY On this poiut t would not and will not be misunder- cal fruits It de Jeading advocates has ree | by the principles of freedom. I de net say that abolitioaism is infidelity speak only of the tende in its avowed priuciples a sof the system as try slivery by the Bible; but as I indicated: «i demoustrated in its practi- one of its atly declared, st tries the Bible It insists that the word of God must be made to support certain hutaan opinions or forfeit afl clams upon our faith, That { may not be sas- | pected of exeggeration 00 this point, let me quote from | the recent arrest the “There are great principles in our natare | nag mate | thority of be a revelai fended slavery, or placed’ it on the & lation of husband and wife, parent ward, coived by |. This assumption, that men work of Mr, Barnes a passage which ettention of all thinking meu — us, which can never be set aside b; a professed revelation. If a book o nu from God, by any fir interpre such a book would not the mass of mankind as a Divine apable of sis a may well at God aay au- ring 10 tation de- Ss the re | forehand what is bo be expected in Divine revelation, is the cockatrice’s ogg, trom Whieh in all ages heresies been hatched. This is the spiders webb which have spun out of their own — brains and clinging to which, they have attempted how many When a man sets up the great | (by which be always means opinions) a law of God must be tried— Alas at have fallen in aud been dashed to pieces | nnal before which 8 he supreme tr: hen a man saya‘ 2 our nature even the the Bible must teach abolitionism or [ will uot receive ity he has ut loose from the sheet anchor of ‘True already ‘Abolitioniem says "3 ard, Dut speak in accordance lation might | has been sown broadcast a plentiful crop of infidelity has ex sprung up. cV!oment has been most prevalent pel has invariably declined; and whea beman ature or they cannot be The fruit of sneb pet. Wherever ineiples is jast soot say’ ciples od by the great mass of mankind as a Divine reve- what we of abolitionism In the Commounitios where autisiavery ex- the power of the Gos- the tide of fanati- cist begins to subside, the wrecks of church order and of Christian character have been scattered on the mean no who there earnestly “t Plymou disrespect to New stand by the anci for the truth—nor & t the pity im the land those old pilgrim fathe power of Elias, tt same time ih Ragland—to the good mew fandmarks and contend ‘he illustrious dead whose chorehes, but whe does not kn ch abolitionism has achieved the great strong often thought that ‘ould come back, in the ad a grand celebration rock, they might Weil preach on this text | “If ye were Abraham's children, ye would do the works * | of Abral als is pretation t | They make to be sin. Tal texts, and ascribed to th m. ‘The efleet of abolitioniein upon riking and mourofal than tis It is 4 remarkable Mt Which Christian m der, Uhat in this Shan isin, Ouband and that al! d th stand 1 (0 the most viniew! pe Jo avoid the obvious ineaniiyg apostles of ( h piety and moral courage iwstinctiv e that to be sin which the Bi They denonnce in language and instruct) vald do well to he prominent » b plaw Seriptn <t principles individu influence ly revolt + docs not declare such as the stern | cst prophets of the Law never employed a relation which Jesus and bis apostles recognized and regulated. They seck to institute torms and texts of Clristian commanion utterly at variance with the organic law of the church as founded by its Divine Head, and, attempting to justify this usurpation of Divive prerogatives by an appeal f | God's law yo the dictates of fallen humyn nature, ) Would sef up a spiritual tyranny more odious and insuiterable, because more arbitrary and aneertain m its decisions, than Popery itself, And as the tree is so) have its rus been, kis hot a theory, but & demonstrated fart, that abolitionsm leads to infidelity. Such men as Garri sed, and Ghidiogs, and Gerrit smith, have yielded to the current of their own principles and thrown the Bible overboard ‘abolition preachers will it be the restraints of « Thousands: and do likewise. And stream and regard the authority of Seriptare matters, their influence opon this one aul cvous because they: more Or oe in this sincere and Ey bumbier men who livten to whether jal position, or the grace of God, tbat enables such preachers. to. tow up the the 1 other tis all the name of ia utterance of my deap convictions 1 am only discharging my consciences to. wards the flock over ich | am set the shepherd seeth the wolf coming he is bound to give warning 1V.—ApoLrnonmm 18 TH CHIRP AGITATRS AND THR DANGER THAT Here, as upon the Uy © Afe tons of thor with Vo succomel il party in the late election who do net eymoathize with the prineipl@e or aims of abolitionisin fn these are some beloved members of tiny own foek, who will not hesitate a moment to pat the a Preceding 1 will not Tam not here as the advocate or jal party; and it i no more than ai that [ do not Consider vnds of Christian men OF TR STRIR THAT TESS OCR COUNTRY, be mis. 4 v8 Repud- necessarily synonymous terms voted their approbation opm the doctrine of this discourse And what o still more to the poit, 1 sufficient eviteuee thus the baer who tree je to be the fend Of ti axtion ie among the mone sooma to be “0 emas by an jaeident in_my own expe- | A few years since Ltook from the centre table | ly in Seotland, by whom I had been tained, u book cutitled “ Life and Maw On the blank jeaf was ap inscription, | ibie-Joving men of bis We have if the now admiai . it would or eames fears such & result But, then, whilo this is admitted as a6 matter of truth and justice, it eannot be denied, on the other hand, that abolitionism did enter with all ite characteristic bit- terness into the recent contest; that the result never could bave been accomplished without ite assistance, and that it now appropriates the victory in words of ridicule and scorn that sting like s serpent. Let me give you as ‘a ingle specitnen of the apirit in whieh abolitionisin has carried on ils political warfare, ap extract from & journal which claims to have a larger circulation than any other religious ey: the land. Fra from the New York Independent, of September , 1856>— ‘The people will not levy war nor inaugurate 4 revolution, even to releve Kansas, until they have tirst tried what they can do by voting. "If this peaceful remedy should fail to be applied this , then the will count the coat wisely and decide for themselves ly and firmly waich is the better way to rise in armas avd throw off 4 government worse than that of old Kiug George, or en- dure it another four years and then vote again. Such is (he the love to the constitution and Union of those States with which this religious ele- ment hag entered into and seeks to control our party politics. 7 But we deceive ourselves if we suppose that our pre- Bent dangers are of @ birth so recent as 1856. “As the questions now before the country rise in their magnitude above all party interests and ought at once to blot out all party lines, so their origin is (ound far back of atl party ‘Organizations as they now exist. ‘An article published twenty years ago in the Princeton Review, contains this remarkable language:— The opinion that slavebolding is itself a crime must operate to produce the disunion of the States and the di- vision of all ceclesiastical societies in this country. Just 60 far a5 this.opinion operates it will lead those who eu- tertain it to submit to any saci to carry it out and give it effect. We shall become two nations in feeling, which must goon render us two nations in fact. ‘These words are wonderfully prophetie, and t! who read the signs of the times must see that the pe- riod of their fulfilment draws near. In regard to ecclesiastical societies the division foretold is already in A great measure socomplished. Three of our great reli- gious denominations have been rent in twain by the sim- ple question, ‘Js slaveholding a sinY’ It yet remains to be seen whether the American Tract Society and the American Board of Foreign Missions wil be revolutionized and dismembered by a contest which, we are told, is to be aunnally renewed. In regard to the Union of these States there is too much reason to fear that “we are already two nations in feeling,” and to an- ticipate the near approach of the calamity which shall blot out some of the stars in our ensign and make tts (wo nations in ught us to the verge of this preci ho t enmity between the seed outh until disumionsthat used te ispered in open day light and is recognized as y by multitudes of thinking wen in all sections of Ube land? 1 be before God, that this di ecling, of whieh actual disunion will be but the expreasion and embodiment, was begotten of aboli i tion ism, by ‘n rocked in ite cradle and fed with its nd instructed by its ministers until girded with ngth which comes not altogether of this nd upon the pillars of th fabric to ibs base constitutional questions be contlict of matertal in es in soil and pro in, Were discimsed in the spirit of statesimanship and Christian courtesy, ‘Then such men as Daniel Web: ster on the one side, and Calhoun on the other, stood up face to face and defended the rights of their respective constituency in words which will be quoted us long as the Faglish tongue shall endure, as a model of eloquence and a pattern of manly debate. But abolitionism began to creep upper world, i con stitution and sb: tween the North an terest growing out in. It caine firstas a purely moral question: but very soon its doctrines were embraced by a sufficient number to hold the balance of power between contending parties in many disiriets and States, Aspirants for the Presidency seized upon it as a weapon fo gratifying their ambition or avenging their disappointments. Under the shadow of their patronage, singere abolitionists became more bold and abusive in advocating their principles. The unlawful and wicked business of enticing slaves from their mas- tors was pushed forward with increasing zeal, Men who in the better days of the republic could not have obtained the, stuallest office. were elected to Congress upon this sin, issue; and ministers of the Gospel descended from the pulpit to mingle religious animosity with the boiling cauldron of political strife. Nor was this process confined to one side in the contest. Abuse always provokes recrimination. So long as human nature is paa- sionate, hard words will be responded to by harder’ blows. And now behold the result! In the balls whore Webster and 4 name of American Statesmanship illustr’ ed the memory of classi eloquence, we have heard the outpouring of both Northern and Southern violence from men who must be nameless in this sacred place; and in the land where such slavcholders as Washington and Madison auited with Ha- 1 milton and Hancock in cementi Union which they fondly hoped would be perpet merce and maau- factures, and all our great industrial and governmental interests, are trembling on the verge of dissolution; and as abolitionism is the great mixchief maker between North and South, so it is the great stumbling block in the way of a peaceful settlement of our difficulties. Its voiwe is still for war. ‘The spirit of conciliation and compromise it wtterly abhors, and, mingling a horrid mirth with ils madness, puts into the hands of the advocates of secos. sion the very fans with which to blow the embers of strife into a flame, One man threw a torch into the great tem of the Ephesians and kindled @ conflagration which a hundred thousand brave meu could pot extinguish. One man fiddled aud sang, and made bis courtiers langb amid the burning of Rome—and the abo- lition preacher © feels good’ and overflows with merri- ment When he sees our merchants and laboring men run- ning after their chests and the bread of their families “as if all creation was after them,”’ and snuffs on the Southern breeze the scent of servile and civil war. Oh, ehame—shame that it should come to this; and the name of our holy religion be so blasphemed { Let us hope in Christian charity that such men do not com the danger that stares them in the face. Ii |, who of us does fully nd it? In the eloquent words of Da- piel Webster, * While the Union lasts we have high, ex- Citing, gratify ing prospects spread ont before us, for us and for onr children. Beyond that Lseek not to penetrate the veil. God grant thet in my day, at least, that car: tam may mt rise.’ A kind and wonderful Ovi dence has «© tempered the body of these together, sy bound nd interlaced them with and social «tes, to say nothing of legal obligations, that no member can be se- vered , and especially no contest can be among the members, without 4 quivering and anguisb in herve, and a stagnation tn the vital currents of all one star be Dietied ont from onr ensign, and the mora! ravitation which bolds ali in their orbits will be oo yzed, if not utterly destroyed. ‘The living example of suceeastnl seeossion for one cause, will suggest the same course for another; and unless God gives our public men & wisdom and forbewranee of which the past few years have afforded too little evidence, the dissolution of this Chion will be the signal for the dis of its ments, pese te We sball entire Shen periiote @ sectional the i i le i e st ik i ofdivieion throngs in the land. Abolition what “we of the do though all the people had bowed down image they had set ap, but other men besides claim the regu te other ences will conserved bes: the cause uy whieh they a1 th assume that victory verces ‘cd the smile of Beaven rests. <‘Let not him who putteth on his armor boast as be that pulleth |t off.” the thousands of working- f 258 s i 28 i 3 ia ; i z < men whose snbsistence depends 1 our trade with the South, many of whom have been by abolition de- magogues, shail clamor in our streets for bread, free labor may present some problems which ther this { metropolis can be separated the people with whom her interest and her heart is bound up, and con- tinue to be controlled by a legislative policy against which she is continually protesting’ or whether, follo w ing the great lights of history, she will at all hazards set up for herself, and unbolting the gateway of her mag niticent harbor, invite the free trade of the world to pour ite riehes into her bosom? Such area few of the prob Jems which bring the question of a dissolution of the Union home to us. If we were sure of a peaceful solu tion, at whatever pecuniary or sacial sacrifice, we would hot feel so deeply nor k 80 carnestly. But who knows that it wefaly Where * the surgeon who even one member from this body politic wi the shedding of bloody Where is t teatnan of political economist ¢ho will undertake Co control the parties, or direct the indus- trial ipterests of any one State, amid the confusion and alarm of dissolution’ Lot us not deceive ourselves, The chasm betore us i# a yowning abyss, into whose depths no eye but God's can’ penetrate. Other men may cry “who's afraid’ and whistle to keep their courage up: but [ confess my fears. Through the curtain that is about to rise, 1 see shadows at which the horror of » great darkness settles down upon my spirit and the hair of my flesh stands up. Let 1 to the God of peace, in whoee bands are the hearts all men, to dispel the fearful vision, to infuse his loving spirit into our national council®, to gr mar public men the meekness of wisdom, and to bind the hearts of all the le once more bonds of brotherly kindness. png poner But if we would bave these supplications answered, let us prove our (aith by our works; take the beam out of our own eye, and obey the twofold precept of the text “These things teach and exhort, and if any man teach otherwise, from such withdraw thyself.” After prayer, by the Rev. Mr. Lee, of the Green ave- nue Presbyterian church, and the singing of a hymn, the congregation was dismissed with (he yetion THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES UNION COMMITTEE. We give below the names and political standing of the Members of the special Commitice of the House of Rep- resentatives to whom was referred that portion of the President's Message reMting to the preeent alarming con dition of the country — Al snAmA.— George & Houston, Fifth district. Conser- vative democrat, but a State rights man. Anxansas.—Alvert Rust, Second district. Democrat, and opposed to disunion. In coneequnece of his avowed Princtples in favor of the Union. he was thrown over ‘d by bis party at the last election for members of the House of Representatives: Comsmencey —Orrie & Perry, Fourth dieteiet. A vere fair and moderate republican, but with bo power Cauroasi —Joba C Burch, Second diet iet * Caion demoerat Drea wane —W 1d Wh A national comservis tive demogry : .- ecrge & Hawkins, A democratic seces- aii or teens Years. —leter E. Love, Firat district. Conservative seve rak —Williom M, Dune, Third district. A black William Kellogg, Fourth district, One more it ‘An unadulterated black republican of ‘A Helporite vrancis M, Bristow, ‘Third district. He is Chern oppositionist in Congress, but w district. republ Kear cky seed a8 a ce ihote properly termed « nations Union man, He strongly conservative. ppt, Na.—Sules Taylor, Second district. A national demo cat, and @ Man Who would not wish to dissolve the ‘Uujon if the Southern Stales could by any means be re- red to thei iy —Freeman Ji. Morse, Fourth district, Is only Keown af an endorser o( the Helper book. Very little aecautt 7 Masaacesmas.—Charles Francis Adams, Third diatriet. ‘Ay abolitioniat. He is a son of Jolin Quiney Adams. Mavi aNp.—Heary Winter Davis, Fourth district, For- morls « Kuow Nothing, now a republican. It is alleged thot he gained bis seat in the House by violence and frau rpetrated mainly ny organized gangs of riotous ind yiduas,| kuown as the “blood tubs" and “rosebuds’” of Baltimore, Micuican.—Williain A. Howard, First district, Republi- can, Anew tian in the House; elected to fill a vacancy. Miswsnr—Reuben Davis, Second district. Demo, cratic secessionist, A consistent Stace rights man. NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1860, —— ey ‘Congress to interfere either » The manhood of slavery, eaid ‘oll be puliectod , however, never Cau and never will 60 far , fOr no event in the future 4 inore cer” ‘on a subject of such deep and vital concern to her 8 if uundant co-operation, aad preservation, as to suffer this question to be brought into a little over the doad discussion, — Non. on this sul eeloice that the South it sine qua non on the of the slay 9 J. L. PUGH. forming the Union and entering into the federal 5 bay o age AS the Southern States would , so they must now, or ALABAMA, . hereafter Consider any attempt to interfere with this deli. GOVERNOR WIONBTON'S POBITION. cate subject an aggression having a tendency to produce {From the Gases. revolt and insurrection of the most hideous character." We have beeu permitted to” real two. private Lothar which tat great tate deprecated is upon, ‘us Aud whic rr is us or The confiict’ is at hand { A sectional President has been elected upon the very that slavery is asin and must be ert Empire State, with this re jority, whose alt ig, this great State, this ry submit 4 é ‘and object is to eradicate to this sectional rlavery—or will she join with her sisters to throw off this tyranny: holding the and erect ourselves into a great repub- keys of commerce and regulating the exchanges of the world? make the movement certain, operation, and thus embolden our enemies, our friends. Bat, whether she redeems maintains her renown, of decides to wait far manufactures, aud ia can She may refuse co- and dispirit gression, is for her, and not for us, to decide, State must act for itself. South Carolina cannot falter now. ‘The question is one of honor and political end ence. She can wait no longer. Her people and statesmen have determined to test the rights of the States, re he Misovw.—Jobn 8. Phelps, Sixth district. Democrat ‘and etrong for the Union. a Minsxsora.—William Winden, Second district. Black republican follower. Cew Hastaunk. Mason M. Tappan, Second district. A Felperite republican, Johu Brown sympathizer and 4bo- ist. ag ‘Yors.—James Humphrey, Second district, Brook - Jyn, a quict republican, seldom heard, and but little Kuown. , i ‘New Jxnsey —John L. N. Stratton, Second district, « nild, Union loving republican, i ‘Noes CaxouNa.—Warren Winslow, Third district, a nservative democrat. Om. Thomas Corwin, Seventh district, Chairman, an ‘ultra republican. He was in Congress in 1847, where, in a speech in the House of ntatives, BO that his countrymen would be welcomed in Mexico with bloody hands and hospitable graves. He was formerly an old line whig. ‘OKNGON—Lansing Stout, democrat; on the fence be- tween Union and disunion. Penxsvivasri—James 1 Campbell, Eleventh district. A republican without argument or force. Ruope Istasp—Christopher Robinson, Pirst district. A plain republican without the polish, ‘sour Cxnousa—William W. Boyer, Sixth district. A secessionist, of cour: Air ‘Tensmexr—Thomas A. R. Nelson, First district, A na. tional Union or Bellite. He is # young man and # power- ful debater. ‘Texas.—A, J. Hamilton, Second district, dew willing to fight the battles of the South in the Unio... Viroria.—John &. Millson, of Norfolk, Second district A national! conservative dcmoc Vexmont.—Justin S. Morrill, Second district. Another of the Helperite republicans, and # rabid abolitionist Wiscossiy, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Second district. There probably never was in Congress a'greater political demagogue. He is black republican to the core; eadorser of the Helper book, John Brown sympathizer, and a load roclaimer of Seward's irrepressible conflict doctrines, He is one of the three brothers who have for a long time occupied scats in Congress from Maine, itinois and W coven, ral; SOUTH CAROLINA, OF THE COMMITTER ON FEDERAL BL A- TIONS OF THE LEGISLATURE. We subjoin the report of the Committee on Federal Re- Istions of the South Carolina Legislature, which was sub- mitted to that body last week. It is necessary for us to say that (he Governor's views are stated therein in the strongest language that ch be employed. Another re- port was submitted on the same subject, but want of space prevents its publication to-day. i REPORT. ‘The Committee on Federal Relations, to whom was rex ferred so much of the Message of his Excellency the Go- vernor, as relates to our federal relations, have had the same under consideration, and ask leave to submit the following report:— F Dr. Cooper, just after the nullification contest, in his preliminary observations as to our federal relations, said:—Nor is the contest over. Every year produces reasonable apprehension of some new attack.” From that time to this, the policy of the North has been ag: gressive, The South, to ‘mointain the Union, has been jelding, if not submissive. And now the bold question Li prescutea, shall we yield toa sectional majority—the tyranny of numbers—or assert the rights of the States, and that sovercignty for which the battles of the Revolu- tion were fought, and the Suuth has contended ever since the initiation of the government? In 1776, the colonies formed themselves iito thirteen distinct cuinmunitics or nations, cach ludependent of the other, having well defined limits, territories and forms of government. For the purposes of war, they formed the confederation of 1778. in 1783, as a confederation of States, they treated with great Britein for peace, and were recoghized by Great Britain, and the rest of Furope, as distinct independent sovercignties. The confederation lingered from 1778 to 1787. At that time, nding that it did not work well, the States, the sovereignties, not the people of ‘the confederation, assembled in convention, “to form a more perfect Union.’ They were called as States, met as States, de berated ag States, voted as States, verified as States, and formed a “Qopstitution of the United States of America.”” This Constitution, thus formed, was not rati- fied by the people, but by the people of the several States. ational was adopted in the carly proceedings tion, but was stricken out @@ eXpress_ mo- jon, and the words United States substituted. This alont is sufficient to show that the Gonvention did not represent one undivided people or nation, but indepen- dent communities or States All who take the pains to review the political history of the country, willsee that from the very beginning the REPORT claim bas been substantially set up, and arrogated by the North, that the majority hes the ght to govern with ab- solute sway. Jn av wnion of im lent States a Con- stitution is only needed to protect minority—the ma- jority can always protect itself, The South will soou be ma plese minority in every department of the Gov- erument. The House of Representatives and the Execu- Live are gone; the Senate and the Judiciary will soon fol. low; and now the question comes, shall we dissolve the Union, and maintain the rights of the States, or remain in the Union, and not only surrender those rights, but the institation upon which is based oar civilization and prop. ery? ‘This is the grave issue. This is the great question. pai 4:7 hardly Le pena eg th's ped day, that the government is anytl more than a mere agen- ey, py by the hpgther yen chr 1787 og specific pur. poses greeral policy; whether it 80 contended ‘or not this bas always been the doctrine of South Caroli- na and the teachings of the great republican leaders and expounders from the days of to the present time. The Southern slaveholding States cannot surrender ithout surreudering their ‘ment is reaerved to the States, Any claim on the part of the majority, or the it, outside of the conati- tation, is an usurpation, which should be resisted. Now where is the constitution—in what close—in what word—can there be sound a Warraut cither for the go- verpment or & Majority of tue States comporing ite Union to interfere with the institution of slavery? It is not there. and any attempt on the part of the govern. mentor the majority to interfere with that property is sufficient ground to dissolve the Union, « peaceably, if we can—iorcibly, if we must.” The constitution and the Union are one thing, and whatever act of the govern ment is in violation of the constitution is + dissolution of the Cuion unless (he State impesed upou decide to sab- mit. At last it is bat qeatea ct submission. Hach State bad the sove Fight to adept the constitu. tion and come into the Umon, and se cach State has the sovereign right bef rey of the infractions of the constitu. tion and go out of the Union. Any other doctrine is con. solidation and tyranny. Tf (hese Southera = orthern wealth and agra and sceommodat: rsince 1828 this government bas been H | a despotism, to wh rity tis the South has agreed, if it has not been compelled to sub. mit—the smeller body i¢ absolutely nored, The ajority rules, disregards the claims of jnetice uses to listen to the voice of the South, tramples On its rights, forgets the constitnt nd Uc very arrogance of power, has doo tyrapny which claims the sacrifiee of that property which alone is able to develope our resources ond me intain our civilization. We have felt and complained of this injas tice for years. Since 1832 we have nvide spasmodic eflurte to remedy thie position of inferiority ¢ have appeal ed to our sisters, and in deference to them have for. borne to exercise the great and last right of secession, Tt is no longer a question of time—it i« no longer a ques. tion of forbearance—it i now a question of political ex istence, We of South Carolina have determined to live (ree or die. We can live as a free, independent, happy prosperous people, if our sisters of the South, the cot ton South, will stand by us. If they fail ux, we can live alone; and <we may not be great, we will yet If it comes to the worst, however, we can but die; it is better to at ling for our rights and liberties tham to live a . subject people. live and move at the will vulgar majority who ri of sovereignty and ever been conceded ¥o , be. i Fe iH bh ag 33 } any ep feeling that we are ri upon justice of oar cause, hha known deogers than to submit to Sreecat ttertortty, be hhoving @ We can sustain ourselves, amd confident that those having the same interests with ourselves will not . We have deter and cannot permit us to be sul Toloed fo march right a fo the path of duty, and to re. fume (hat independence and all the sovereignty which we had Leore we formed the compact of Union In 1528, Coorgie, speaking in relation ty the right of station. The theory of our conatit ail powers not expressly delegated to the fi ” ment Delong to | the States. The practice of the government has been | exactly the reverse, and the rights of minority haye hever been considered: in feet, they have been utterly annihilated 1 siste and common history of plunder and rights them be es. For, whether we be successful or unsuc- tial history will record the fact that this resolution to act alone in the great cause ost i Gessful, ianpar State had the let ber str the for which our alone, blame, on her of deliverance and liberty, If we . test we can ying with coutidence upon the concurrence of Y te they, however, having # common interest aggressi ion, determine ‘aud thus imperil’ the geeat ancestors: contended, on be the —coase- ».we will rescue the rest. If we fail, we, at least, will not be dis- we persevere to the end in this great con- but fail. If we submit, we destiny which we cannot escape, and to added disbouor. only postpone a defeat will be Your committee recommend the passage of the follow. ing preamble and resolutions: — Ww 8, the Union of the United States has faited to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for te thi ox vi jn his Message as answering negative, on two grounds—tirst, cion ‘has been delegated to Congress or to any other de- partment of the federal gov. the federal gover the common bly, South Carolina To resume her separati tions of theearth, and to thi secede from the federal Union’’ is again affirmed. as he says, Northern people w the Southern Jong political training under Gen. nistration was but & series of etforts to overthrow Siaie sovereignty, was little titied to prepare him for the prac- ‘This he consequently denies as 4 constitutional right, and, denying it, is forced to meet the question: Are & people wit tyranny? This, as one unbued with the American spirit of devotion to the great and fundamental principle of the right of a people government, he is obliged to anew: right to change government, olution, can be derived from thi rity; therefore, defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of berty to ourselyes and our pos- Resolved, That in the opinion of this General Assem- 01 it is notonly the right but the duty of the State of tation 45 oae of ithe right “to Resolved, That in 1852 South Carolina forbore ‘the ex ist. and LINA PRESS. ercise of this manifest right of self-goverument from cousiderations of expediency.”’ of this General Assembly those cousiderations no longer that in the opinion VME PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE AND THE SOCTH CARO- [From the South Carolinian, Dec. 6.) We publish in another column so much of the Message safe way of extrication, honorabie life. ed tical issue ot secession. ‘this be inciple. {shall tion, can emotions of his with him. He knows distinetly says in bis Message, that a sense of security no | longer exists around the Southern fan from the intempera' coercion that the Sou the ques States. On th alter and al him in Call it be used? very involves doner nd Say of President Buchanan os bears upon the issues of the | day. It is very evident that he realizes fully the difflcul- | ties that epcompass him, and that be sees no elear and Mr. Buchanan has lived an He hus inade his country the object of devotion, unembarrassed by the conflicting requirements of the domestic relation. We can appreciate the trou- heart, and can therefore sympathize th is aggrieved—he inteference of tion of slavery in other hand,” bis any redress agaiust bolish their forms of by recognizing the secession, as fundamental the next question: secession or revo- This we regard positively in the that no power of coer- ninent;” secondly, even if nt possessed the power, it would be unwise to exercise it under existing circumstances. So far, then, Mr. Buchanan and the seceding Southe get along very well, by different roads, it is true tates but understandingty. Now, how are we to avoid an appeal to the sword? Because a desire to avoid this is fairly dedu- cible from his position. He says the forts were purchased and are now in the possession of te goverment. But he does not signify how South Carolina is to recover posses- sion peaceably and without “bloodshed. e, may be settled by - does “not commissioners. give any” practical solution. Again, ‘This, we sup- Bat still he is Very unsatisfactory ou the revenue collection issue. He say nt resign, another may be appot be appointed? What if he Then what? Will revenue cutters be usedy f unfortunately, the present Collector should inted; but what if none can can find no one to accept? Tt will be seen that, when we come down to 4 practical solution of ending dimculties, the Stews sponsil to irees. § are Cheumpass the venerable President. t fon of In constitution, claiming the right to devolves the whole re- the troubles which With the Declara- and the bill of rights ia every State alter and abolish government whenever it fails to obtain the consent of the governed, he is forced to recognise the right of revolution, ae he calls it—of secession, as we call it. With the iinpossibility of preserving the Union by coercion and the impolicy of attempting it, staring him in the jace, he is obliged advise against it. to follow the dictates of wisdom, and With the action of of the re Vermont now before him, from the very position he has taken in bis Message, he must justify in his heart the course of the South. On the whole, obscure and ‘expressive in most of the practical difficulties that must arise, we avoid bi the secession of et see in the revolution and civi the State in & spin war; tof anxiety to and if Congress the same spirit, and meets the authorities and people of South Carolina act with the ture, the country pe each section in peaceal ee a each treating rv each moving, 1 tenor of ita fe to our manafacturing int a nue tariff, ‘gitimate emerge ff ent tfully the right nd firmness becoming the critical june- rom its perils with of self-government, ts of the other, and it internal dissension, in the even id preseilved course. The portion of the Message referring to foreign affeirs, specific and ad valorem duties, the necessity of a higher to protect the revenue and (o secure ate that amount of jcidental ent which uuavoidably results from a reve- are all subjects which no longer concern us in the present Union. We, therciore, have not preased them upon the attention of our readers, nor crowded our own columps with them. the Charleston Mercury, Mesaage From ‘The ouly purt of the President = Carolina is iterested is that the State. His poritions are ane from the 6. in nion: vet, he denies, Exeettive has no wuthority relations between the federal government aod Carolina,” ehould she secedy from tbe Union; nor bas se any power to coerce her. ‘The Uniott rests on Bind Congress he opinion,” and ‘the sword was not ress) 0 preserve it by fores.”’ attempt to re-enact the was in their If, there- Force bill, peseed in 1833, under the recommenda- tions of to Union, he ary by the constitution veto it General eg secession ot not provided for by that justsument. i 6 St Ne their property ates." tempt toe e has been Jackson, he would be compelled a State from the sm event not contem) wa plated the United — es therefore, “the officer in command of the forts bos received prders to act strictly on the defensive.” We infer, therefore, from these positions, that the “of the Union It is due to the re |W | he the He, therefore, did not vote for this bill. ilitary po et an ‘ie said, voted a error in fur Present ny at the United States T Mr. Buchanan to coerce South Carolina after ahe This bugbear, therefore, t# at President and former editorial, the And: was our will not be used by goes out eud. ourselves to cor. we committed with respect to him. that the President Force bill. The President, when wasalor In Ruswia Hence the views he presents in bix Message are in no way incom- patible with any prev reading the tw United state s act of hi asage of n the «hip of tate polities! life. In « President of the » Congress, we cannot forbear the ex] of ovr <ympathy with him in the dittenlties which env roned hin as the bead of a t government « beyond his tho breakers ami which are now shaking her to pieces. We sincerely be- | lieve that he bas earnestly and tr done his best to avert the catastrophe of a dissolution of the Union, He has jailed where we believe no man could have succeed. od. All he can do pow, as & magistrate and a citizen to make the dissolution of the Union peaceable: THE MILITARY FORCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. the report of the Adjutant General of South Carolina we lear (hat the military force of that State | Consists ag follows —Of infantry there 882 comy | forming ninety six battalions, forty.six regi | brigades and five divisions ies ten OF the cavalry there are | fifty companies, forming twenty battalions, eight regi | ments and four brigades. OF ihe artillery there are | eighteen componies, forming two battalions and one regi- ment, Vattalions and one regiment LETTER FROM HO} ‘ashington, since ‘ment, by by satan sole the elect: star ats my lieve much the destruction of jon of Lincoln, and in the is to Spirit of next the Of riflemen there are sixty two compunies, three Saraire ly altar, springing, | the from this gonticman, addressed to a couple of frends: i this county, in which he expresses bis opinions on the rom cond.tion of affairs. These letters were not writ ‘DB for publication, but we are permitted to take the Tet. lowing extracts from them, Governor Winston sayso— 1 have not been a pro-Unionist, per se, for twelve years, sodnere all the (ime looked upoa the ious as & Question After alluding to the discuption of the democratic party in the late cahvass, Governor Winston also says:— But, as you say, Uhat matter is past; the paramgunt and vital questions of the prcscut and future are gow. te be considered, Thave just written to friends, yesterday: nd to-day, that, uesiring 10 jsition ih any movement, Lam compelled, from my fceiings, sympathies, my ante- cedents and a sense of duty to my own interests and honor, a8 well a8 from 4 Bense of patriotic ol re to give my t noquiesence to a contingntion ia & political association, which is inevitably bound to result in our disgrace and ruin. I look upon the position of thone pteet Nyt overt act as a lame 998 impciaet ie. evade are to decide when overt act tha thee be committed, and how? * = © ‘ert acts have been already committed by Northora people in their individual capacity, in all tar private relations, by their legislative bodies, by their politicians in and out of Congress, by their presses, pulpits, Sona, and iadasd. ‘ngyery possible manner. * * * ’ As for co-operation, is butg device of Gomtntices ov nice eee he ak: pi pam Ae og : . My own vie that we should go into coa- and take stops for a separacy, endegvor vo form » Suuthern o letter Gov, also says that we ahowld Im both lotters he reiterates the same Sentiments whigh ‘won for him, whilst inthe Executive @bsir, the eaviable title of the “Southern Rights Governor.” ” THE HERALD ON THE PANIC. Extracts for the Black Republican Mer- fem » Bank Presidents and Journal- {From tho Hur arp of October 8.) We know, then, that tho election of Lincoin will be the signal for Kectional discords; for acts of political rebel lion and scenes of violenee in the Southern States; far widespread plitical, financiol and commercial derange- ments, from which New York—the city and the State—will be the first and principal sufferer in business affairs. These thing# will follow the election of Lincoln as surcly as the pet bank expansions of 1835.6 ware followed by the terrific financial reyulsions of 1837. Soe great a revolu tion in our political affairs as that involved in Lincoln's election cannot trke place without bringing along its traim | of political and financial disasters. [From the Henan of October 9.) We do not now insist upoa the darkest posablits the great political conflict through which the States are passing. We are willing to admit all that optimists can ask a8 to the uncertainty of the course te be taken by the Southern States in the Union in the event of the election of Lincoln, and of the triumph of the great sectional party, avowedly hostile to Southern institutions and to the influence of the South in the national | goverument. We are content to allow this course ckson, whose admi- | to be an uncertainty, for the sake of our present argement, however clear our own convictions may be as to the real drift of events; but we maintain that, viewed simply as an uncertainty, the contingency of armed resistance by the South, or by consideralte portion of the South, to the inauguration of a regularly elected President, involves com "es 80 tre. mendous to the industry and the finances of the whole nation that nothing shart of @ positive judicial blindness can explain the veckless expansion of ovr while system of commercial evediit in the face of such a contingency. Yant this comtim- gency exists, that it is immediately upon us, to be decided, for good or for evil, within a few short weeks, no man in his senses, of any party, will deny. (From the Herat of October 24.] ‘To-day we publish another batch of revolutionary doce- ments, which are of the most terrible import. And the terror with which they ave invested is enhanced by the pr ag fact i Re le of the North do not realize the danger which is nd. They are and selling, and marrying and making merry, ‘it 4 clond darkened the borizon, and as if no calamity were looming up before them. So did the iuhabitants of the buried cities of Hereulaneum and Pompeii just before their destruction. They fiddled and danced and made merry, and pursued their ordinary avocations without a thought of the future, when suddenly they were over- whelmed from the crater of Vesuvius with red hot cia- ders and scoria and lava, and have only been di from their fiery grave’ after the inpse of centuries. We ave on the brink of a social and political volcano, and we are lulled into perfect security, notw' rumblingfsounds Denaatiomea thenanibecsostnah ova proceed from fire. The explosion may take at any moment, and yet we are arte. as unconcerned as if “The apprehension c¢ what i coming: bas already ope- appre! what ix coming has rated on the banks in the South, and if the panic extend there, it will soon be felt in the North; felt in the factories of New England; felt in the commercial cities of he seaboard; felt by the merchants of this city; felt by ’ Tt was in the South that the terrible financial revulsion of 1837 commenced, which shook the North ‘hrough its whole extent, spreading ruin and dismay. If the panic which is now threatened in the South should nerease, the consequences to the North would be worse than they were in 1837. If they are ‘ing for revo- intion, they will of course deem it the most prudent cep their money among themselves and not end it for goods to the North; the chances, therefore, f in business cond @ commercial remud: sion, ‘at the South, will soon carry desolation end calamity ta the North. ° e: bd s ‘The day may not be distant when many of the repeilions tandhant ent eanthaites and factory hands at the North the in a fanatical country. i i But 3 Fs = = ‘| g 3 gE, 3 id # 3 e i ff 8 Hi z, i $32 a 2 ae throbbings of the tide ; i E: i | 33 ij Hy 5F Hi i i 5 z Hi i z i i ab i y the dangers that would fears which must dwell in rounded by Southern slaves, knows i Hi 3 ak l i ES e% the Southern mind, consenting triumph of political theories, warring with the material clements of will produce a state of fear and ruin evitably react upon every interest here. Let and ‘trial interests be warned in time, scenes of desolation thet marked the culminat: of similar contest In 1897 are repeated yo ruin and disma now (From the Henao of October 27.) But long eee hard questions can be solved, monetary panic, from apprehension a "From South to North a commere! cal conrvisiom, will eprend Kast West, and the manufacturing, ‘af and all slipping interests of the North will be ruined, and who are dependent on them for employment will duced to starvation, and the i le comflict with capital will be fought, mot at the South, bus at 0 where there is for more danger of ii “ < H | our i 3 5 Se 3 HE iis ‘ neurretion: ther vide of the line which di the Union. [From the Heracp of Oetober 29. It (the black republican conflict) is aa dos it agaipst our Hf alsa i f i i . é dl il ti ji t i t i t iH i it resnit peacesbly or civil war follows, the result will be equally fatal, the present union and prosperity of the country can acver be cystorcd—a scoossion would settiq.