The New York Herald Newspaper, November 24, 1860, Page 6

6 — NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1860—TRIPLE SHEET. ~~~ NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, EDIIOR AND PROPRIE*OR. OFFICE N. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND NASSAU BTS. TERMS, cash én advo hk of the sender, NH. Ghen. THE DAILY HERALD THE WEEKLY UE) @ opy. oF $8 per annum it tx conte Hy 0 sp Pack: BAL ALL LNTTENS a us correspondence. We do not every day; advertisements in Fawity Henan, and én J epatch | No, 348 Volume xxv AMUSEMENTS THIS BVENING. KIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Loviss pe Licwenoutss Regotag Fix, | WINTER GARDEN, Broadway —Goy Manwerura— Loan oF 4 Loveg—Acup Fouty--Rexpscvous BOWERY THEATRE. Bowery.—Sratoiwa & Boones | Kguxsteias Teours. Afternoon and Evening. WALLACK'S THRATER, Brosaway.—Soupien's Covur- | ems—Boap 10 Ruin, | | LAURA KEEN®’S TH! FOU ND Tas THKowe: Sauvecien'’s Davonser. BL No 624 roadway —ficar TuomveT—Nowau Canina | as to another for conspiracy. On the other hand, if be did really marry Mrs. Beardsley, she will be liable to the indictment for bigamy. The case is fall of mystery, and causes considerable excitement. Question ef the Day—Who tion, and The most serious question now before the people and government of the United States is that of assembling @ general Convention of all the States, for the purpose of considering existing evils and providing remedial mea- eures, That euch an assembly baa become a neces- sity po man can deny who rightly contem- plates the alarm and spirit of resistance and revolution which recent events have awakened | in the South, Whether theee feelings have or bave not sufficient cause is not now to the point. They exist, and there is every reason to suppose that they will not only continue to exiat, but will increase, until a remedy ia found. Practical statesmen must deal with things as they are, and not as they should be. The alsrm of the South arises not from the election of any one man to the Presidency, but from the constant advarce in its hold upen the people of the Northera States, that has been exhibited by the fullacy that “slavery is an evil ond a crime.” They see that the constitution provides no shield for the States possessing the institution of slavery for the in- ferior race, and they foresee that, when the THEATRE FRANCAIS, 585 Prosdway —Exprarow Le Piowr ov—La Peova—Le Youn at Le CouTam—A La Bas rue, i NEW BOWERY YHRATRE, Bowery.—Sxcccusn’s Davontes—Scnooumasree—Hanvsome Jacx—-Dowe Gini oF Gunoa | BAKNUM’S AMERICAN Reening—AZTAC CHILDREN —L: Bie , Brosawny.—Ony and Ovwiositigs £0 —Kosm ees" | BRYANTS! MINSTRELS, Monnanies’ Hall, 473 Brosdway.— Boxcesgues, Soacs, Dano ac —Usen Ur HOOLEY 4 OAMPRELL’S MLN@TRELB, Nibio's Batoon, Broadway —Erurortan 80! Daxeas, Bumiesquas, &o.— | ve Dsauisne CANTERBURY MUSIC HALL, Dances, Bukunsaues, 0, 863 Broadway.— S807G8, Woon’s Mrestuets ix Ersto. LIBRARY HALL, Newark. BLACK EWAN. Piaw SomGs, Danchs. SUmLERQUER “TRIPLE SHEET. tarday, November 24, 1660. The News. The Africa, which left Liverpool on the 10th and Queenstown on the evening of the 11th inst., arrived at this port yesterday. Except the an-, nouncement of the arrival of the Arabia at Queens- town on the llth, there is no news | than the close of business on the 10th. The ad re two days later than those received by the The news from Italy is important. or Emanuel had formally a scepted the sovereignty of the Two Sicilies, Giaribaldi's dictatorship ceased: | and his Ministers resigued their funct | King of Sardinia entered Naples on the on the %th Garibaldi quitted the city for his home | in the island of Caprera. The investiture of Gaeta, the refuge of the King | of Naples, continued on the land side the Sardinian fleet had opened its fire on the y, the | French Admiral havieg received instructions to withdraw his interference. It was reported that negotiations were going on for the surrender of the fortress to the Sardinians. The force of the royalists had become much reduced, and it is stated that the commanders of the foreign fleets had advised the King to leave the city. The inauguration of the new Lord Mayor of Loa- don, Mr. Cubitt, took place on the 9th, with the asual ceremonies. The grand banquet in the evening, at Guildhall, was attended by the princi- | pal members of the Cabinet and by the Ambassa- dors of France and Sardinia - the other representa- tives of European Courts being absent. The | tive | Northern States obtain a great representative majority ia the government, a roused but blind | conscience on the part of the Northern people may impel it to commit the same great injus- tice to the weaker Southern States that a blind | enc wildly excited conscience in Eagland forced the British government, against the ad vice of many of its most sagacious statesmen, to commit towards its West ludia colonies, It is not thatthe whole of the black republican party is ready to do that great social and poli- tical evil now; that party contains many who absolutely reject the idea of doing so great a wrong bow, or ever, and this fact makes more feasible today, by a convention fresh and direct from the people, the engrafiing of such amendments upon the constitutioa as shall forever guarantee the Southern States against any possible aberration on the part of the tederal government. The queetion as to how this convention should be called and elected we deem to be equally clear. In a free and popular representative government like ours, it is manifestly within the ecope of the legislative and execu- powers, when they concur in the neceasity of the people considering any want or excess in their constitution of gcrerpment, to call a convention for that par- pose. This concurrence is expreased by the as- sent of a majority of the two federal legisla. tive bodies and the approval of the executive. But when the fathers of the republic established | the constitution, they contemplated two other possible contingencies than that of calling a national convention by the simple concurrence of the two branches of government, which might be exercised at any time. These two contin- gencies were— First, that the amendatory clauses might become to all so evident that their pase- age by a vote of two-thirds of both houses would be possible; and, second, that owing to the inequality of population in the several States, and hence their numerical power in Congress, a few of the larger States—less than two thirds of the whole number—might exercise the power belonging to a sim French Minister and Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell made speeches on the occasion, the | substance of which is given in our compilation of the news. The Prince of Wales had not reached England when the Africa left Queenstown. There was no material change in financial and commercial affairs. Accounts from Africa state that the slave ‘trade was very active on the Windward coast. The Ame rican ship Lauretta is reported to have left Why- | dah on the 28th of September with 600 slaves, and | the American bark Buckeye a few days previously with a cargo of slaves. Ry the arrival of the pony express we have ad- ‘om San Francisco to the 10th inst. The an- | ment that California had gone for Linco'n is | confirmed. The Sonora left San Francisco on the 10th, with 304 passengers and $820,000 in treasure for New York. The markets were without change. | The financial pressure on the Southern banks | continues to increase, and the institutions of | Charleston, Augusta, Trenton and Pittsburg sought relief yesterday in a suspension of specie pay- ments. The Legislatare of North Carolina yester- | day legalized the suspension of the banks in that | State. The President and Vice President elect helda levee at Chicago yesterday. Some three thon- sand persons psid their respects to them. A strong southeasterly storm prevailed last night. Between nine and ten o'clock a portion of the roof of Firemen's Hall, Mercer street, was carried | away. There were also several trees destroyed in Washington square and the Park. A house in Sal- livan street was partly woroofed, and a chimuey blown down in Bleecker street. } A meeting of the Councilmen's Committee on Streets took place yesterday to hear parties in reference to the hackneyed subject of widening Catharine street twenty feet on the we: and extending it from Chath im street to section of Canal and Mulberry streets. mopatrances, signed by about one hundred persons were presented, in opposition to the petition favor ing the measure. Many parties were hetrd on both sides of the question, and the comm’ a journed, promising to report at thelr opportunity. The Centra! Park Investigating Committee mot again yesterday at the Astor House. Mr. Jul Kelleraberger, Civil Engineer, presented a report on the condition of the Park. Several witnesses were examined. An account of their testimony and Mr. Kellersberger's report will be foun! elsewhere. In the Court of General Sessions Samuel Levy, a jeweller in ¢ hatham s‘rect, was tried and convicted of receiving $1,500 worth of nilks and velvets, the proceeds of a burglary on the premises of Henry Trowbridge & Co. The ver dict was entirely unexpected by the defendant, who procured several Chatham street ‘‘aqr tioneers” to prove an alibi. Levy will be sen tenced next week. The Burch divorce case is beginning to excite considerable interest. Yesterday Miss Faony Burch contioned her testimony. A report of the | evidence is given in another column. The Beardsley divorce case was resumed at | Brooklyn, before Judge Lott, yesterday, when Dr. Mahan, the party to the alleged adultery with the defendant, was again placed on the stand, where he remained nearly the whole day. Some of the | details of the evidence are too revolting for publi. | cation. An attempt is being made to prove the person Dr. Mahan married was n Beardaley, bat a single woman, a compan hers. If this be proven, Dr. Mahan, who has o his enbsequent marriage with another w Will be liable to ay indictment for bigamy, as well nc | inter Two ree rlay nan ple majority in Congress, and, by re- fusing to call a national convention, usurp the power to oppress the smaller States. Heuce the enactment of the fifth article of the constitution, the first portion of which is per- missory, to meet the first contingency we have just cited: and the second portion is mandatory, in order to meet the second contingency. Between these two lies the natural power of a popular representative government:— ARTICLE V.—AMENDMENTS. The Cougresa, whenever two thirds of both houtes shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this soo stitution, or, on t appiiention of the Legis'atures of two- thirds of the eoveral States, sball cal! a convention for Proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be ‘valld, to all intents and purposes, as part of tuis constitu ton, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the ‘States, or by conventions in three fourths thoreof, as ‘one of the other move of ratification may be proposed’ by the Congress. There is something pecu'iar in the present condition of public affairs and the public mind, which should operate on Congress and deter- mine the manner in which a National Conven- tion should be constituted. Already, since the Presidential election, there has*been an im- mense revolution in public opinion, and this | revolution will steadily extend as coming events develope themselves. It is evident that the South is earnest in its alarm, and, except- ing the fanatics, the disposition of all men is towards peace and its guarantees. This bas swept away all old party distine- tions snd organizations. There is now no democratic party, North or South, and within six months there will be no black re- publican party in the North. Bat the State governments in the North were elected before these political orgavizations were broken up, and hence they form an expression of an old ‘state of the public mind which does not now exist. Therefore, in calling a National Convention, Congress should determine that the delegates to it shall be elected by popular vote in each Congressional district, and not by the Sate Legisiatares. By this means we shall obtin in that body a true expression of the public mind after the existing evils had become developed and apparent; while, it the election of delegates is left to the State Legislatures, the Convention will represent the pubiic opinion as it was before the results of the recent Presi- dential election were known. Since that day we have lived half a century of political life and developement. Toe Test or tux “Tneerxessimix Cox. FLicy "The idea of Mr Lincoln and of Mr Seward, that this Union can only be per petuated by making all the States free States or slave States, is the test question of this crisis We can all see now that Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward are both wrong—that the Union can only be perpetuated by the recogni- tion and maintenance of slavery in the slave States, and in the support of the constitutional rights of slavery to Jarger extent than any extent to which they bave been admitted here- tofore by the North. We should now like to have the views of “Honest Old Abe” on this old idea of his, that “a bouse divided against itself cannot stand.” Does he now euppose that the abolition or full recognition of slarery aa an element in the Unton entitled to protection fa y to preserve the Union? Upon this feene the whole country is very anxious to hear from Mr. Lincoln Decessar ‘hs Kingdom of Italy a Fact Accom- plished—The Crowning Act at Naples. The Africa brings the news of the con- tummetion of the last formalities which upite the destinies of the Two Sicilies with those of the rest of Italy. On the 8th Gari- | baldi, accompanied by the Ministry, pre- sented Victor Emanuel with the plebiscite, which the King accepted, and thereupon issued his royal proclamation declaring the fact. Thus, from the Alps to the southernmost point of the Neapolitan kingdom, constitutional insti- tutions have asserted their supremacy, and the popular voice of Italy has once more exerted its proper infiuende in the choice of a ruler. To the patriotism and firmness of three men—Cavour, Victor Emanuel and Garibuldi— this, the greatest event of our time, is due. The reverence and admiration that we feel for the berolsm of the latter must not detract from the share which the two former had in bringing it about. It required a patriot minister and a patriot king to clear away the preliminary obstacles which stood between Garibaldi and the liberation of Southern Italy. But for the courage and diplomatic skill of Cavour and the generous daring of his master, the ex Dictator would not bave found the ex- pulsion of the Bourbons from Naples a matter of euch easy accomplishment. In risking the conquests already achieved, in order that the people of the Two Sicilies should not be left out of the grand scheme of Italian unity, Victor Emanuel and his Minister are entitled to a de- gree of credit almost as great as that which is due to Garibaldi himself. The seizure of Um- bria and the Marches, and the speech delivered by Count Cavour in the Sardinian Parliament, were steps as bold and involved quite as much risk as the conquest of Naples. But for the de- cided tone of the declaration conveyed to the Emperor Alexander by Louis Napoleon, pre- vious to the Warsaw conference, they might have provoked Austria to assume the offensive: with a fair chance of being backed by Russia and Prureia. The manner in which Garibaldi transferred bis authority to Victor Emanuel amply com- pensates for the momentary aberration which induced him to listen to the arguments of the Mavzini party. As will be seen by our advices, it was done frankly, cordially and without the smallect reservation. All the obnoxious ap- pointments made by him had previously been revoked, and to mark his entire faith in the ruler whom his heroism had given to the people of Southern Italy, he entered Naples in the tame carriage with the King, and in a speech subsequently made to the Hungarian soldiers he gave full expression to the feelings of devotion and confidence with which he regarded bim. This duty accomplished, like another Cincin- natus, be retired to his farm on the island of Caprera, hia last visit in Naples being paid to the English Admiral Munday. So impressive a spectacle as this has not before been witnessed in our day. It takes us back to the grand old claesic times when men valued power merely for the services which it enabled them to render to their country. For the present all fears of a collision with Austria would appear to be set at rest. The instructions given to the French Admiral at Gaets, and which it will be seen were near leading to an attack upon the Neapolitan fleet, have no doubt convinced Garibaldi, if he was not before satisfied of the fact, that his pro- jected attack upon Venice must bide a more favorable conjuncture of circumstances. It is evident that the French Emperor is not at all satisfied with the turn events have taken in Southern Italy, and that it would require but a emall inducement to effect an entire change in his policy. Under such circumstances Count Cavour is too saga- | cious a staterman to push matters farther at present. He knows that time will effect for Venice what the sword has accomplished for the rest of Italy. Austria is too heavily em- barraeeed to be able to keep up her present enormous armaments, and before many months are expired it is probable that she will herself propose some amicable arrangement which will restore the Venetians to the great Italian family. The Roman question will, we fear, prove more difficult of adjustment. Louis Na- | poleon seems to have designs in connection with it, which will render French interference 1 | back a little, all will be well. In the meantime, as sore a blister as ever to the Italian people. Tur Heraty axp Tie Pantc.—If the enemies of the Naw York Hearn are to be believed, itis more powerful as an engine of mischief then all the rascally politicians, speculators, stock jobbers and despotisms of the world combined. Whether this party or that party is defeated in a great or a small election, it is the Henan that bas done the work, either by sup- porting or opposing the defeated party. If, from bank ipflations, excessive stock jobbing, kite flying speculations, bank and stock embez- zlements and forgeries, and universal stock gambling and extravagance, a Snancial revul- sion comes upon the ceuntry, the New York Henan has done it all. We have now to meet the stern demands of a political crisis, which has been gradually coming upon us for many years. We have been endeavoring to present it to our readers in ite true character, extent and threatened consequences, when, lo and behold! the Henatp bas created a panic. In the same way we were charged with creating the panios and explosions of 1837 and 1857, when we bad no more to do with either of them than « ship passenger has to do with a destructive etorm of which he has given warning from rome knowledge of the signs in the sky. But let us all be comforted. The Chevalier Webb, a Wall street financier, who obtained cne diploma from the old United States Bank and another from the general bankrupt law of 141, tells us that this “panic is dead,” that “the political and pro slavery | mongrel died on Wednesday, at five P. M.,” and that on Thursday “his funeral was one which produced very general rejoicing.” This is good news; and it must be conceded that the late combined movement of our city banks for the relief of the money market has done much good. We hope that the worst is | over, but we fear that itis yet to come. We shall not feel perfectly safe until we shall have safely paseed the secession ordeal of the ap- proaching Sonth Carolina State Convention. If we can hold that fiery and warlike State instead of charging thie panic to mere party revenge or tothe Herat let the republican party and ifs organs address themselves earnestly to the pacification of the South, and we may weather this pani Tard names and violent abuse applied to political adversaries will dono good. TYe crisis is too serious for such nonsense, Now and Then—1770, 1960. Doctor Franklin, when examined before the Parliamentary Committee relative to the repeal of the American Stamp act, was asked what was the temper of America towards Great Britain previous to 1763. The Doctor replied, “The very best in the world. They submitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid in their courts obedience to acts of Par- liamept. Numerous as are the people in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing in forte, citadels, garrisons or armies to keep them in subjection, They were governed by this country at the expense only of a little pen, ink and paper; they were led by athread. They bad not only a respect, but an affection for Great Britain—for its laws, its custome, its manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increased its commerce,” If we go back ninety years and re- view the political history of the colonies without prejudice, we shall see that, from the smallest and most apparently insignificant causes, the respect and love which our fore- fathers bore toward the old land was changed, in lees than twenty years, to a feeling of the bitterest enmity. The earliest encroachment made upon the rights of the colonists was in 1761, when the enforcement of the act levying duties upon sugar, molasees, Xc., was attempted by means of “writs of assistance,” which em- powered the Kings officers to search for arti- cles eupposed to have been emuggled. These writs were often served in a violent and illegal manner, and many complaints were made to the home government. These remonstrances were unheeded, and the commanders of British men: of-war were authorized to seize and confis: cate veesela engaged in contraband trade be- tween the ports of these colonies and the West Indies, thus almost annibilating our com- merce with the West Indies. Of the same cbaracter was the Boston Port bill, which stirred up Hancock and Otis to sound the first notes of rebellion. The colonial Assemblies claimed the sole right of imposing taxes upon their fellow citizens, and sent remonstrances to the King embodying the cardinal principle—“taxation and representation are inseparable.” On the other cide of the water it was claimed that the monopoly of the colonial trade was inherent io the British crown. Thus the direct issue was raised, and the quarrel brought to a culminating point in 1765, when the Stamp act received the royal asgent. The first Colonial Congress assem- bled in October, 1765, and adopted a Declara- tion of Rights, a Petition to the King, and a Me- morial to both houses of Parliament. The resist- ance of the colonists to the Stamp act was so violent that it was repealed; but in 1767 tariff acts equally objectionable passed the House of Commons, and Commissioners of Customs were sent out to enforce the new laws. Between this time and 1772 the colonists poured in re- monstrancee upon the home government. A few English statesmen—Pitt, Colonel Barre and other clear headed men— endeavored to stay the coming storm, but without effect. The Kiog and his nearest advisers looked upon the colonies as naughty children, to be chastised into submission. It must be re- membered that up to this time the idea of sepa ration from the crown was not entertained by any considerable number of persons in the colonies. There had been riots at Boston, and a collision between the townspeople and the British soldiers; but the same scenes might, in deed, have been often enacted in Eogland. It was not until 1776, fifteen years after the ‘writs of assistance” were first issued, that the repre- sentatives of the old thirteen colonies declared that they were, and of right ought to be, free and independent States. The colonies had | been literally bullied into this course. The home government, boastful of its superior strength, its wealth, its army and navy, sneered at the respectful remonstrances of the Ameri cans, and, as the Declaration says, epurned them from the foot of the throne. Then, during seven long, weary years, that despised minority stood up, with arms in their hands, battling for their rights, and freedom’s battle was won at last. All this may be a twice told tale; but it will do us no harm to take the most familiar exam- ple of the great historical fact that under con- stitutional governments the minority is never #0 weak as to be utterly contemptible. And if we look at the attitude of the Southern States to-day and compare it with the position of the colonies ninety years ago, we may discover a valuable warning to the black republican jour- nalists who are doing their best to drive the cotton States into open rebellion. The cause which led to our War of Indepen- dence was indeed trivial compared with that which our Southern brethren have for diseatie- faction. Our forefathers did not go to war with George the Third because they objected to paying a few pence duty on their tea and sugar. They took up arms upon a matter of principle, to resist the encroachments of an in- solent majority and the tyranny of unfriendly legislation. The South stands in a similar atti- tude. It is not @ mere tariff matter, as in 1882, this impending crisis of 1800, The re- publican leaders have declared, over and over again, that the election of Lincoln would be the commencement of the “ irrepressible con-- flict,” the iseue of which is to decide the great question as to free and slave labor. The cot- ton States cannot go on without slave labor. ‘The moment that their present system is broken up, ruip and desolation await them. The de fiant attitude of the black republican party ex asperates the South beyond meaeure. It is not the mere matter of money that agitates the South. The large landed proprietors know one of the most powerful nations on the face of the earth, and to triumph at last over appa- rently insurmountable difficulties. “ We draw, then, this inference from our own history. The black republican party occupies the same position to the South as the home government did to the colonies, with the difference that the South bas much more cause of complaint than the colonies ever had Like the people of the colonies, Southern stateemen have exhausted every possible means to induce the North to respect the rights which the- federal constitution guaran- tees to the South. Already, as in 1760-1776, one generation of Southern statesmen have laid down the foundation for their successors, who have now resolved to finish the work. Like the British government, the Northern States bave enacted laws aimed directly at the con- stitutional rights of the South;,and like the colo- nies, the South has protested in vain against these obnoxious statutes. Now, supposing that the radical section of the dominant party carries the dey—that the irrepressible conflict does begin in earnest— that the Personal Liberty bills remain on the statute books—that the South is filled with abo- lition emissaries—that negroes are run off or incited to rebellion—can any one doubt that the South will recede? Will it be denied for a moment that the South has mere cause for such 8 course than the colonies fer separating them- selves from the government of Great Britain? Ard, again, is any one so foolish as to believe that the South can be, as Webb sags, “whipped into submission.” Do the black re- publicans who talk such nonsense remember the eminent bravery of Southerners in every war which the country has waged againat a foreign power? No, the South could not be conquered had we an army and navy equal to those of Great Britain. A united minority is infuitely more powerful than a majority which is made up of discordant and contending fac- tops. We put these views before our readers in all candor and sincerity. The time has arrived when we should look our troubles squarely ia the face. Men of the North have been too long the dupes of miserable politicians who have presumed upon the generosity of the South and studiously attempted to’ disparage our fel- low citizene of that section. The black re publican leaders have sown the wind, and the whirlwind is at band. Tue Foxe Arts wv Naw York—New Bemp- 1nG 1roR Tuk AcapEMy or Dxsicy.—Notwith- standing the disturbance caused in financial affairs by the political dangers impending over us, the art season opens under peculiarly auspicious circumstances. The impetus given to enterprise in this line last fall has resulted in the investment of a large amount of capital in new galleries, and in the importation of foreign pictures. Two important collections have just been opened—that of Mr. Derby, ina fine marble structure especially erevted for the purpose, and that of the French and Flemish schools at Goupil’s. In the one the history of art, from its earliest Christian developement down to the present day, may be studied by the aid of works chronologically arranged, and marking its different stages of advancement. In the other can be analyzed the peculiarities of two of the most esteemed of the modern schools, in the productions of their best artiste. Besides there we have the purely German school, represented by the International Art Association, and a number of emaller cellec- tions, chiefly in the hands of the print sellers, which comprise works of undoubted merit, such as the “Cinderella” of Van Lerius. It would be no exaggeration to set down the value of the foreign paintiogs exhibited here and for sale this season at half a million of dol- lars. This estimate is confined to this city alone, which is far from monopolizing all the valuable pictures imported into this coun- try. Many of these find their way to other parts of the Union, where the taste for art col- lections is rapidly spreading amongst those who can afford to indulge in such expensive Inxuries. In the meanwhile the patronage thus bestowed on foreign works, so far from hurting, is bene- fitting greatly native art. It is natural that it should do so. Competition cperates asan in- centive to ambition in this as in every other pursuit. The more good works our art- ists see, the better they will paint; and the more extended the opportunities of comparison, the more the public will appreciate genius, native as well as foreign. The proof of this is to be found in the fact that there is scarcely a painter of any merit amongst us who is not in {he enjoyment of a fair income. Some such as Church, Kensett, Durand, Haatington, Elliott and Gignoux enjoy, socially as well as pecuniarily, positions quite as enviable as those of the leading European artists. The aggregate amount earned yearly by our New York painters speaks well for the taste and liberality of our mercantile aristocracy It cer. tainly is not less than $300,000, and very pro- bably exceeds that sum. In five years more, considering the educational facilities in art which are now being afforded us by private en- terprise, this amount will be quadrupled Peo ple who own fine houses are beginning to under- stand that a good picture is a greater evidence of taste and cultivation than fine furniture, or than gaudily decorated apartments. It is curious that whilst private enterprise is doing so much for art, the National Academy should exhibit euch little interest in the general movement. It is content, year after year, to hold its exhibitions in the dingy rooms | In Tenth street—to occupy a place on the walls very well that the effect of black republican | enocesses at the North is to encourage abolition emisearies, who stir up the slaves to rebellion. | And there are many prudent and sagacious men in the South who have made up their minds that if the doctrines of the Helper book are to be assumed as the platform of the next admriffistration (and as yet we are without evidence to the contrary), the very best thing that they can do is to prepare them- selves to protect their lives and property, and, as the first step toward that end, to organize an independent government. They can find warrant for their course in the action of the fathers of the republic. Like the men of 1760-1776, the people of the South have not been in haste. The secession party in the Gulf States is no new thing. For more than twelve years it bas been growing in numbers, and, since 1850, the State rights organization has been steadily increasing in strength The population of the slave States is larger than that of the old thirteen; and the old thirteen maneged to carry on a seven years’ war agalast of which is considered by artists of repute as equivalent to entombment. The lesson given the committee by Eliiot last season should bave shamed them into taking steps to remedy the complaints caused by the crowded condition and bad light of their rooms. A little exertion would place them in a location where neither of these inconveniences would be felt, and where thay could concentrate under one roof their library and private collection of portraits, now huddled away in a small house in Thir- teenth street. They poseess at present about sixty thousand dollars of fanded capital; and with this to go to work upon, they might soon raise a fund sufficient to erect « building equal to their requirements. If each member of the Academy, for instance, would paint one import- ant picture in aid of the fund, taking two years to‘complete it in, so as not to interfere with his other avocations, the sale of the whole would ¥ soir od all that is needed. We recom. | mend the en; ion to the consideration of the | Executive Committee of the Academy. If they | really feel an interest in the progress of art, it | is time that they should manit eat some practical | evidences of it ! ‘The Man im the Red Shirt. As every eae ant ite revolution; 90 évery revolution has its Alstinctive outward type or symbol. Man delights ii * *gn, and shrewa Politicians seize upon this hun.“2 weakises arouse the enthusisam of the pecole upoit s which worsbips only beauty and success. Buo- cess makes beauty. Thus we have no doubt that the green turban of the prophet gave the law to the belles of Mecca and Medina, as the ecarlet petticoat of Victoria was adopted by the beauties of Belgravia and the queens of Pa- risian salons. Scarlet is, indeed, the favorite heroic and patriotic color. The flag which has “braved a thousand years the battle and the breeze” is blood red. The lilies of the Bour- bon gave place to the tricolored cockade, and that, becoming wholly ensanguined, was ewal- lowed up by the bonnet rouge. Our colonial flag was a pine tree on a white ground; but that being altogether too pacific, Congress ordered that the armies of the Revolution should muster under the red, white and blue standard, which has waved over many a blood-stained deck and hard fought field. The color of the blood which was poured out fn the defence of Ma- genta’s bridge and on Solferino’s incarnadined heights suggested Yo some clever Frenchmen new dyes, which have become all the rage with the ladies of the M’Flimsy persuasion, And now we find the favorite color of the sons of Mars turning up in a new and curious phase. The attention of all Christendom is fixed upoa a man who constantly wearsa red shirt. This man with the red shirt is the foremost historical character of the century. This man with the red shirt, by name Joseph Garibaldi, has or- ganized and nearly carried out one of the great- est revolutions that the world has ever seen. This man with the red shirt will be accounted among the great captains. The poet will sing of him, the painter will reproduce him upon caa- vass, the sculptor will immortalise him in marble, the dramatist will place him upon the mimic stage, the historian will delight in dwelling upon a character so strong, eo noble, so simple and so good as thatof this man in the red shirt. He will go down to posterity as a man who was brave as Julius Cwsar, prudent as Wellington, original as Napoleon, unselfish and patriotic as Washington. And this red shirt of Garibaldi’s, is it not already famous’ Is it not now the rage all over the Continent? Upon all the promenades of the great cities, the dainty Boulevards, the fastidious Champs Elyseés, the red shirt is pre- dominant. The red sbirt causes the old heraldic emblems, the griffins and the martlets, the lions and the unicorns, the crowns and tke sceptres, the noble’s coronet and the baronet’s bloody band, to pale their ineffectual fires. The red shirt is found in the cabinets of emperors, the boudoirs of queens, the council chambers of kings, the drawing rooms of nobles. It bothers the diplomats, perplexes the politicians, confounds the aristocrats, delights the liberals, astonishes the old fogies, and makes the friends of freedom and progress clap their hands and rejoice with exceeding great joy. The red shirt will become the popular garment of the day, and will have a great political as well as a marked personal significance. It is odd, too, the origin of this new type of liberalism. When the Prince of Wales visited this city nothing astonished him so much as the display of our red shirts. As many as six or seven thousand of our firemen marched be- fore the future King of England, each clad in the scarlet vestment which has become the recog: nized uniform of the Department. When Gari- baldi was at work making candles on Staten Island our red shirted fellows attracted his at- tention. Their costume was strikingly free and easy—their bearing that of men who feared nothing, and who would die in the last ditch to maintain their freedom—so he adopted the red shirt as the symbol of the faith that was in him, and with that and his good sword he bas cut the Gordian knot and slain the monster which has been preying upon Italy more than a’ thousand years. And now, when he is a great general, and has kingdoms to give away, does Garibaldi abandon his red shirt for a gaudy uniform, covered with embroidery, and stars, and ribbons, and all sorts of stuff and nonsense? No. He knows better than that; he ia still G. Garibaldi, a soldier fightiog for Italy and wearing a red shirt. Another year, and we may find him at work in his vineyards at Capri; but there is no obscurity for him. The man with the red shirt cannot hide himself away; he belongs to the world. The red shirt will go down to posterity with the bonnet rouge, and even our own dandies may be obliged to aesume it, or elae be out of the fashion. What will the codfish aristocracy, which turns up its dainty nose at the firemen, think of being com- pelled to adopt their uniform. The bare possi- bility of the thing makes us shudder; but they may as well be prepared for the worst. Tuk Rervsticas Party ano tHe Socruaay Disexton Exctrement.—Some of the republican party are laboring to clear it of the responsibility for this existing Southern revolutionary agita- tion, by chargisg it all to the sectional election- eering policy of the democratic party for the last four years. Thus it is said that the democratic orators and democratic presses have dinned it into the ears of the Southern people from day to day, week to week, month to month, and from year to year, that the abolition of slavery root and branch, peace or war, has been the sole capital and object of the republican move- went— that every republican is an abolitionist, &c., and that all attempts to disabuse the There ie some plausibility in this de- fence; but, put to the test, it hold water. The official proceedings of republican party, the speeches of its the republican party movement for the univer. ral civeulation of the Helper book, against all teachers and preachers of republican priaol- ples in the Southern States; but thi vigilance under the circumstances, no dispassionate maa