The New York Herald Newspaper, October 20, 1860, Page 2

2 EE eel in the Unite 4 States, in the prodaction of cotten, tobacco 2,010 409 Jaboring for her in Brazil, 1,000,000 in Cal jg besides large numbers of coolies and cap- THE QUESTION OF THE DAY. One of the Great Problems of the Age. Sts Bearings Commercially, Financially and Philanthropically Considered. ie — Phe Peace, Union, Potvess an! Happiness of Millions bxvolved in its Solution. African Labor and its Relations to Modern Civilization, Ray Ree ‘The most valuable discovery made in the tro- pics of the New World was in the fertility of its soil, within the tropics—capable of yielding, by cultiva- tion, untold wealth to the whites of the temperate latitudes, but in a climate where no European could toil and live. While Spain soon exhausted its me- talic resources and spent the proceeds in devastat- ing wars, the soil remained uncultivated, from which vast wealth was to bedrawn. There only existed one species of labor which could be em- ployed in the developement of these vast tropical regions—to the fruitfulness of which no section of the Old World afforded any paralle|—and this was the servitude of Africans. ORIGIN OF SLAVERY. Slavery was the beginning of civilization in a savage state, where the only means of sustenance were derived from the chase. Prisoners taken in war could not be supported; their captors pos- sessed no means for feeding or maintaining them. Hence their constant custom was to put them to death. This would prevail until their labor could be made available in agricultural or pastorel pur- seits. Hence, when savage chiefsfound they could sell their prisoners to those able and willing to feed them for their services, the spirit of civilization stepped in and rescued them from death. Hence the commencement of slavery was founded in hu- ‘manity and aided the progress of civilization. The Sabor of the prisoners thus purchased, efter pro- @acing necessaries to supply the wants of them- selves and owners, would have a surplus left, whiah would lead to exchanges, and thus lay the founda- tien of commercial intercourse; and its necessities ‘would again call in the aid of the mechanical arts and manufactures. BROLAND BEFORE AND APTER THE INTRODUCTION OF AFRICAN LALOR INTO THE TROPICS OF THE NSW ‘WOKLD. African labor in the New World has formed one ‘ef the most remarkable epochs in the history of man. In no period of his previous existence were Africans subjugated to tropical labor,in no part of the Eastern World did such a vast and rich field exist for its employment. From the date of the commencement of the African slave trade may be dated the beginning of &@ pew era in modern wealth and civilization. Emgjand engaged in the African slave trade in the sixteenth century, in the time of Henry VIII, which was vigorously prosecuted in the reign of Qoeen Elizabeth, It was under her sway that re- galar companies were formed, and a large somber ef vessels were sent out to the coast of Africa to parchase prisoners from the natives and convey them to the Brit'sh West India Islande, ani to her eelonies of North America. The members of the poyal family, with many of the nobility of Eng- Yand, vested their money in these expeditions. And many of her present nobility are indebted for their hereditary wealth to the profits their ances- tors derived from the prosecution of the slave trade. When Sir‘John Hawkins first visited an African tribe known as the Sambos, he found them caani- bale; and the first purchase he made was from a chief who had retained a certain number of prisoners as a provision against future want. Ttisa little curious that one expedition fitted ut for the slave trade under the patronage of Queen Elizabeth's government w: led ‘‘Jesus,”’ and another was called ‘Solomon. The British not only supplied their own colonies with African laborers, which vastly augmented their value and productiveness, contributing wealth to the British nation, but they comtracted to de- liver, under royal charter, a large namber annnal- ly to the Spanish colonies. To understand the immense advantages gained and the benefit conferred on civilization by African Jabor in the tropics of the New World, it is only Beu@sary to reflect upon what the condition of Ea rope, and especially of Fagland, was prior to the employment of African labor, or before the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and subsequent to that period. While much has been attributed to the Reforma- tion, to printing and to the gold mines of South America, the vast material elements of modern Civilization resulting from African labor bave been overlooked. England, when Elizabeth came to the throne, was in a measure without a commerce and without apavy. The grand Armada, which threatened her destruction, would be regarded now of little more fmportance than a fleet ‘of fishing smacks. The city of London was composed of muddy and crook- 4 lanes and parrow alleys for streets, over which the gables of wooden houses vearly toxched each other. Her streéts had no lights, and when people went out at night they had to be car- ried in handbarrows on the shoulders of men, or were supported in their hands, while others marched in front with flambeaus to light their way. The crockery ware of the royal table was little better than that produced by the Dutch pot- teries in New Jersey. Her publi roads were al- most impassable, while her forests and highways were infested by robbers. Her inns were misera- bie roadside Lovels, It required about two or three weeks to make a jouraey from London to Edinburg, or to the west coast of England, The site of Manchester was a bleak common, while Liverpool was little better than a fishing station. Prior to the reign of Henry VII., the grandfather ef Elizabeth, the people of Eugland had, ia their civil wars between the White and Red Ree sta A al St ATE oA A RRs Be tN 5 LAL ALA OE RE TERE RIES LD De LEI ELI PETE TTS EE a aR Rose factions, caused forty thousand of their mamber to fall in battic. The masses were throughout the realm poor, abject and miserable beings, dragged to slaughter by rival and contending catthrgats, seeking to govern by fraud and violence. No man can travel through England without meeting with the evidences of | the ancient poverty of its masses. Few memorials } remain anywhere of their existence a8 @ mass, or a8 ocoupiers of the soil. English wealth, progress, | commerce, agriculture, arts, sciences, with her | Baval power, all pretty mach date from the com- | mencement of the employment of African labor in the New World, and the same may be said of the ‘United Btates of America, France and the Con- (inent generally, prior to the reign of Blizabeth, port if possible, power and worse off than Eng and. ORFAT BRITAIN AT THE PRESENT DAY. an what is the condition of Great Britain to- 7) ever shone upon. The declared value of her exports amounts to about $900,000,000 annually, | colns, constitution or no constitation—we ask, apd the valve of her imports amounts to | what would have been the feelings of the North, about $800,000,000 per annum. And this | ond of Massachnsette especially, in «uch a contin. commerce has been inaugurated by African sda. Borers throughout the tropical world. She, virig al)y, bas 4,000,000 Adicam ayes laboring for her |} for President, end Wm. bama, for Vice President, with a platform She possesses the most extensive com- hostile to the North, merce and the most powerful navy the sun has | the nominees and their measnres on the North, nolens | very, and to-day rests upon the backs of slave !y | a j nation which we now do that of the black repob- NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. createed tatters en ERSe SES z show rather mach obstiiscy and self-will. “Au rice and naval stores. She has about ared Africans in ber West India Islands, And no less than 180,000,000 ryotts and coolies, or Asiatic slaves, laboring for her in the tropical regions of her East India Possessions, The annual exports to her East India Posees- sions amount to $70,000,000, and her annual im- ports from thence to $80,000,000. The progress of the United States from the same general basis has also reached an annual average export of about $525,000,000—more than half and near two-thirds of which are the products of African labor; while her annual imports average about $312,000,000. Abolish African Inbor in the tropics, and what would be the consequenees, not alone to the whites of England and America, but of the civilized world? The praises of Arkwright and of Whitney have been often told in prose and poetry; but what would have been the use of the spinning jenny and of the cotton gin without African tropical la- bor, in the production of cotton in regions where white labor perishes? FREE AND AFRICAN SLAVE LABOR RECIPROCALLY BENEFICIAL, AND NOT ANTAGONISTIC. In the Northwestern States of America white labor is devoted to the growth of grain. Where does it {nd its most constant and reliable market? Answer: In its direct trade with the South and in supplying the New England and Eastern manufacturing districts. Where do these manufacturing communities depend for the best market for their goods? At the South. Then the free laborers of the Northwest de- pend upon the African labor of the South, employed in a climate where they themselves cannot work, for their best means of support. Again: where do the shoe and boot manufacturers, the steam engine builders, the prodacers of cotton gins, sugar mills, ploughs, horses, pork and steam- boats—amounting to millions annually—living in the free towns West and in the free cities of the East, as they are vauntingly called—depend for their best market? On the African labor of the South, Yet all the white laborers engaged in these pursuits are told that the slavery of the South is their worst ene- my, and that they must unite to put down it and the South together. The fanatics talk of freedom, just as though there existed a single white man in the United States who does not enjoy as much liberty to-day as existed in America when General Wash- ington was first inaugurated President of the United States, on the steps of the old City Hall in New York. Such an insane cry only means abolitionism, which, if carried out, is to involve whites and blacks in one general ruin. AWMCAN SERVICES, OR SLAVERY, AS PROCERTY UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. Bot, says one, the constitution does not recog- nise African services, or slavery,as property. How do you make that out? At the time the constitution of the United States was signed, in 1757, there were 41,000 African slaves held in the present free States of the North. The State of New York held 21,000, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Connecticut, &c., also held large numbers of slaves. Suppose a clause had been proposed to be embraced in the constitu- tion during its formation declaring that slaves from that moment ceased to be property, do you, can any one, suppose that New York—holding pro- perty in 21,000 slaves—or that Rhode Island or other Northern States, would have signed it? Not “‘a bit’ of it. How impudent and unjust, therefore, for those States who sold out their negroes to the South now to come forward and tell the Southern people that there is no property in African services or labor, or in slaves, under the constitution. This, too, in the face of the fact that the government has uniformly paid for slaves killed in Indian wars, and has also compelled the English to pay for slaves carried off during the late war, or wrecked on English islands and retained there by violence, when en rome from one American port to another. NEW ENGLAND ON SLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE— POSITION OF MASSACHUSETTS THEN ANP KOW. The movements of the New England States in re- gard to slavery have been of a most extraordinary chai er. During the debates in the Convention on the formation of the constitution, Virginia, with a majority of the Southern States, proposed. a clause in favor of terminating the slave trade in the year 1500. This was opposed by a majority of the New England States—including Massachusetts and Rhode Isiand—who had a large mamber of vessels engaged in the slave trade, or in transporting slaves from Africa to the Southern States, and did not wish their trade to be interrupted. Hence these States proposed to extend the period to 1820. This the Southern States opposed. Finally, the period of 1808 was offered as a compromise, and we find that Massa- chusetts and other New England States, who could have terminated the African slave trade in 1800, actually voted to extend it eight years beyond that period, during which the trade was never more actively prosecuted. Massachusetts became res- ponsible for the Africans introdaced in the South within those eight years. In that time 40,000 were introduced into South Carolina. Does Massachusetts, when supporting the doctrines of abolitionism, repent of having been a party to the introduction of those 40,000 Africans? Or does she propose to purchase their liberation, and send them back to Africa? Not atall. We find that within a recent period she sends one of her lawyers to South Carolina to resist the legality of its ma- nicipal laws regarding the imprisonment of free negroes, made necessary for the protection of its citizens. What did South Carolina do? Ac- knowledge the right of Massachusetts to interfere in her local legislation? No;not at all. Theagent of that State was summarily ejected from South Carolina, What followed! Did Massachusetts at- tempt coercion! No. She had no constitutional right to do so. It is now claimed that the free States collectively, Massachusetts included, have a right to do what the latter kad no power or legal right to do individua lly, Again, we find a Senator of Massachusetts, who grossly maligns and villifies a State into whose bosom Massachusetts assisted to pour 40,000 slaves, against the wishes of a majority of the Bouthern States, is knocked down, end, thongh not Justified by any considerable number of the people even in South Carolina, yet the act found palliation both North and South. What did Massachusetts do? Go to war with South Carolina? No. She went to werk in spreading abroad the dragon's teeth of abolitionism, hatred, discord and ill will against the whole South, and to seek in this cra- sade the co-operation of all the free States to pun- ish the whole South for the acts of South Carolina, or, in other words, to redress the personal griev- ances of Mr, Hoar and Mr. Sumner, to do what she was, sumerically and constitutionally, was unable to perform singlehanded. Let us look at the reversed side of this picture. Sappose that the Southern states had called a con- vention of delegates from Southern States, excla- sively, to meet at Nashville or at Columbus, and bad nominated Lawrence Keitt, of South Carolina, L. Yancey, of Ala- and had numerical strength to force “their We should have opposed such a sectional orucade against the North with the same determi, sone @gainet the South. mained up) rohibitory duties resulted in little Cy yd course, The country made no progress until the supply of cotton be- ~ nv RESULTS OF AFRICAN LABOR IN THE NEW WORLD. The total product of African slave labor through- out the tropics of the New World amounts to the anaual sum of about $500,000,000—the yield of about 6,500,000 slaves, Of this immense sum more than one half is supplied by the African labor of the United States, Perish all this, perish com- merce, perish everything, so that the one idea of negro equality shall be accomplished; perish the whites, and perish the negroes themselves, rather than abolitionism shall not prevail. Proclaim free- dom to the blacks at the South to-morrow, remove the gnardianship of the whites, and you would pro- claim their speedy extermination. Had the negroes of St. Domingo formed a part of the continent of France, in juxtaposition with 32,000,000 whites, in- stead of being placed on an island, who doubts but they would have been exterminated? FIRST ASPAULT UPON AFRICAN LABOR IN THE TRO- . PICS—THE FIRST ABOLITION SOCIETY AND 118 RE- SULTS. The first check to the aid and progress civili- zation derived from African labor was from the fa- naticism of the French Revolution in 1790-93. The first abolition society ever formed was that of the “L’Ami des Noire,” in Paris, at that period. It was composed of fanatics and infidels, just as the same party in the United States is formed at the present day. The Lloyd Garrison of that day was the fanatical Abbe Gregoire. He proclaimed, with the infidels, universal ‘Liberty, Fraternity and Equality,” white and black. And, to prove his love of the negro, he actually embraced a thick lipped African negro who appeared in the Constituent Assembly, and hugged and kissed him, calling him his ‘dear brother.” Madness ruled the hour. And in an evilamoment the National Assembly, which sent innocent men and women to the guillotine in the name of ‘‘liberty, fraternity and equality,” proclaimed 400,000 brutal and savage blacks in St. Domingo free, while there were only some 20,000 poor and defenceicss white people on the island to resist this infernal horde let loose upon them. The result was that they barbarously and indiscriminately massacred them in every form of fiendish cruelty barbarity could invent, while the torch destroyed their d well- ings and desolated the island, Its chief butcher of women and children, and who poisoned the wells to destroy the French troops sent to subdue them, Touistant L’Ouverture—the bloody wealt 812 cut off thisresource ag an export, The oined in the war of 1812 on principle—that is, to protect Northern shtps from search and the seluure of sailors by British craisers. while some of the New England States, when it had commenced, opposed the war. After a contest of three years the States emerged from the struggle in poverty and bankruptcy. Cottoa now sold at 18 cents to 25 cents per pound, and was as good for export as so mach gold, while the exports of Northern growth, such as breadstufls, were cut off by the English Corn laws. ‘The exports of cgfton, therefore, not only aided in paying off the obligations of the Revolutionary War, but, toa e extent, paid off the immense debt contracted during the last Britain, amounting to from $100,000,000 to $200,- 000,000. Not only so, but they contributed to off the debts contracted on account of the war. While cotton has thus sustained so largely the financial resources of the government, it en- riched the manufacturing and commercial classes of the Northern States, as well as contributed, by its home market for breadstutfs and ee to enrich the agricultural free labor of the West. CONCLUSION. To preserve these great interests of whites and blacks, to saye our country and its institutions from’ the revolution threatened by the madness of infidels, fanatics and traitors, demands that every patriot should rally in their defence sustaining the constitution, and the equality of Btate rights, and that Union guaranteed under its broad man- tle, now and forever. Our Ric! ond Correspondence. Rictmoxp, Va., Oct 18, 1960. The South Determined to Demand an Amendment of the Constitution—A Convention to be Called for that Pur- pose—Secession in the South—Supprsed Collusion Between Douglas and Lincoln—Douglas Endeawriny to Raise Funds in Virginia—O. Jennings Wise for Oongress— Death of Commedore Skinner at Staunton, in this State, kc. de. The conceded certainty of Lincoln's election has led to acomplete chavge of policy on the part of the Soath. Iostead of an effort to obviate black republican ascend ancy, attention seems now to be given to the means best ca tea to protect Southern righis and Southern in- te under a bleck republican régime. Of all the meens to this end which 1 have beard discussed that of an amendment of the constitution seems to be regarded the most feasible. So far as Virginia ie concerned, neither seecasion nor disunion ts regarded with aay favor, since they ofler no hope of remedying the evils which the South apprebends from bieck republican misrule. What is looked for ts some sure and permanent guarantee John Brown of. bis time—Wendell_ Phil- | jeasnet the “irrepressible coniict”” doctrine originated lips recently, in New York, called a by Lincolp, and subsequeatly re echoed by Seward. This hero greater than Napoleon or Washington. | ig found only in an amendment of the present federal And to-day this abolitionist and his infernal pack of bloodthirsty fanatics would, to accomplish their insane purposes, not only sacrifice the interest and happiness of the blacks at the South and of the whites at the North, but see the whites of the South, of all ages agd sexes, slain in cold blood and their houses given to the flames, rather than their hellish schemes should not prevail. Some sixty to seventy years have rolled over since the bones of 30,000 whites have been bleach- ing on the tropical hills of St. Domingo, and the monuments of desolation were made to blacken its valleys. Yet what has become of the ‘‘equality and fraternity” of the races? The blacks of St. Domingo are still an unequal race. The material prosperity of the island has never been and never will be recovered. While the insane “liberty, equality end fraternity,” claimed by inil dels and fanatics in 1793, nowhere exist in France. An Emperor rules with an iron will. Then what did the first Abolition So- ciety, L’Ami des Noire, ‘the friends of the blacks," accomplish? The massacre of 30,000 white men, women and children, in all the forms of barbarous cruelty. Thatis all. And what more than simflar butchery can our abolitionists accom- plish it left to carry out their insane crusade? THE SECOND ASSAULT ON AFRICAN LABOR, AND WHAT BECAME OF IT. The next check, or attempt to destroy African Jabor in the New World, was inaugurated in Eng- land. The infidelity and Jacobinism of France crossed the Channel. Mr. Wilberforceand his Qua- ker friends commenced operations against the slave trade. Gaining strength, they adopted the princi- ples of L’Amides Noire, and became rampant abolitionists, and finally forced the government to abolish slavery in her West India Islands, which lod to their ruin. Their attempted recuperetion by supplies of coolies and captured Africans has proved a failure. THR TAIKD GRAND APSAULT UPON AFRICAN LABOR, ORGANIZED IN THE NORTHERN STATES OF AMERICA. The next grand assault to be made on the enor- mously valuable labor of Africans in the tropice— valuable alike to whites and blacks, valuable to the cause of progress, of commerce and of civiliza- tion throughout the world—has been organized in the free States of North America, incited by British influence, against the labor of four millions of slaves in the Southern States, with whom they formed the most solemn constitutional compacts. Fortanately for those Southern States, and for the whites of the civilized world, who must have sup- plies of €200,000,000 in cotton annnally, to say no thing of tobacco, rice, Ac., they are independent and sovereign States in ajl things not expressed in the constitution. They, withal, are a brave andpa- triotic people, and in numbers of whites are nearly two to one against the hlacks. They possess arms, arsenals and military organizations. Hence, when the Garrisons, Phillipeos, Sewards and other fana- tics of the North dream of converting that fair and prosperous section of our Union into another St. Domingo, when they suppose that they can accom- plish the indiscriminate massacre of the whites and reduce their dwellings to ashes, their dreams will never be realized. Neither wil! their equally utopian nonsense resarding a grand negro repub- lic, to be organized and supported on the borders of the Southern States at the expense of the United States government. HOW AFRICANS RAVE DREN CIVILIZED, You see a well dressed negro walking the streets, about as well civilized as his nature permits. How did hewttain that civilization? Did somebody send constitution, and to accomplish this will henceforth be the aim of the Southern people. Virginia, it ig supposed, will take the initiative in this movement, and set the example for the other Southern States. Jt is intended, as I understand, to influence Governor Letcher to cail the Legis- lature together some six wecks or two months earlier than be at Gret intended—eay about the middle of November—and submit to them this amendment question. Should they approve of this policy, a State Convention will probably be called to determine what amendments are neseseary to # full and perfect guarantee of Southern rights in the Union. Having settled this question, an address wil! be issued to the other Gouthern #, calling upon them to meet separately in couven- ‘tion, and either ratify the action of Virginia or adopt a new policy. Im all cases the action of the State Conven_ tions naust be subject to the approval of the severa! State 3 the action of all the Southern States must ultimately form the subject of @ joint con- tultation of the whgle South, in the hope that out of the severa! pians proposed some effective one may be elimineted. We shai/, therefore, probably bave the conference soheme of Inst year revived; but as im that instance South Carolina was (oiled in her efforts to carry out that pease policy, it i# to be feared ehe will Ot again Co Operate in ‘echeme vindication of Southern ri She invited Virginia to s conference Just year, but Virginia declined the iavite- top; apd it iS Dut reasonarie to presume that the chivalry of the Palm: tty Stave wroala spcrn any advances a a similar pert fom Virginia. it is general); ‘bought that Seuth Carolina will aoa wot upon ber Nowe book,’ apd jump out of the Union vetween this acd Chrisimas next—ieaving the otber Seuchera States to act for themeelves, ¢ither to follow nit or porene the Virginia . 1b 8 confidently staws of South Carolus, Almeieaippi, Fiorida and Als bama to secede in the event of Lincoln's election, At all events South Carolina is known to favor secession; and ‘eorder to make the matter qore certain, a J exacied from every candidate for the Legislature to favor tbat policy be fore-be is voted for, Those who ea, \hat (be Soata will tamely submit to the election of Linevin must koow bat very little of the tone and temper of the Southera mind at this moment. Jnere is no Dlustering, uo threais, as Dot tue determination is no less out the purpose intimated. it bas been the povey of toe diguaica leacers ia this cam Paign to Co all ip their power to ward of too threatened to Afri Domb Inetitatian at Ftauton. © Africa and bring him over, rear, feed and clothe | Pomb Isetitation at stauk aus Pompey | him at their expense in order to civilize him? No. | place; but so strang were ber attachmeste to the institu He was civilized by the services of his ancestors, | "" Rt a Oe be in daily communication with without which, if he now existed at all, he would | wh and, traneldrned ie rectncnee ty’ Sears, ae to-day’ be a pig-headed cannibal in che wilds of og Dy EL A Africa. and | would say that few young ta the conn. 4 5 ty combine more fully the charms of beauty, EMIGRATION PROM ABROAD LARORLY IxDEerED ro | /inete and amiability than she does, She is an of AFRICAN LABOR AT THE SOUTH FOR XEANS OF ee ene TRANSRORTATION. 4 The abolitionists have appealed to tho Irish, | renideat of Saunton, and a prestiging aeper at corniaer’ Germans and other citizens of foreign birth, a was the Fogeter, fometreica nominee and endeavored to persuade them that ius election, butwas defeated, by the ‘Hon. Joba’ Hare the Southern people, and Africon labor in par. rie, who ran as an independent candidate in to ticular, the him.” Mr, Skineer ie © stump orator of high repute, ular, are ir greatest enemies. A Great | having successfully competed with eome of the first men Nie, of course. Have the great body of this class Of the present day. of whom the Hos. A. HLM. Stuart ie attains reteved ono. Mr. K. was the first of his famity, Lbeliews, who peop! ected upon the fact, that with- fettied tn Stauntom afer hie sister commenced edu. out the South and African labor a great many of | cation in the Deaf and Dumb [astitation, and the father them would never hare been able to have reached Fp ye i our shores? ly esteemed by all who had the pleasure of his It requires over 2,000 ships and 40,000 sallom gy AF seats © vetdeaire Tepe end pre-e to transport one crop of cotton to Barope., These to So for some time. The crops are un- vessels bring back to the free ports of the North | jn fine spirits wry suueetenee “With such a ate merchandise less bulky than cott n, tobacco and | of aes 2 | event should tice, which leaves large unocsupied space, ocean to ‘of the two seetions | that is filled with steerage passengers at a low rate of fare—s rate which unattainable were Ae! for the yi Be HEE “i il é z i i of cotton, art. of your on the question, will command 0 grigraslon —— " of the forth bas been rasty promena tera “s ‘bition of tee 18 Agricultural So- African labor of the South. One of the first effecta | clety here oa the 2af ine. From the ex- of the destruction or serious disturbance to this | ‘eneive Mra Rrogreme Wroughout labor would de, ina measure, the of | te Co = Eee forcign em n, leading to the bn Deretofore made. “Agr ration of feeds abd indeed in Bre'New and Oni | outers somteandog rae yasd sacar? ‘or al tal ‘scheme. WHAT SLAVE LAPOR HAS DONE TO SURPAIN PRE FI- oil Dring tg a i Tae wen of car RARORS OF THE FEDER, 7 and opportun!ty wi! acer. thirteen feeble creat None can that colonies 9 the murderoas and derolat- : the Revolutionary war were in everything but honor, tex: “ oat ao CA ond debts re- | coin and Seward’s © rrepremitic ord uw doetrme - | TPE REPUBLICAN MECCA. article of export, betw: years 5. oy ‘and 12, wi eecessatamey inercased th. Tue gar gh The Crowds of Political Worshippers at the Shrine of Lincoln. Springfield the Best Known Spot on the Map of Jilinois, WHAT WILL LINCOLN DO IF ELECTED? PB Cesar, aut nulius,” would probably be his motto, if he were conversant with Latin, And such @ man would not be likely to tolerate such a vinier athe pe. ie t, if there were any doubt on the subject, I think Mr. Seward’s own disclaimer ought to settle it. The one thing that he seemed to dread most renarhed teat wth Lincoln was, 281 have before remar! might be suspected of having selfish ends to promote; and the only thing of any note that he said in his speech from the cara at- Springtield was, that New York, while doing more for Lincoln than any half dozen other States, would be the least exacting of all. That was constraed,. at the time, by your reporter, as meaning that Mr. Interview Between Him and | Seward wanted no office from Mr. Lincoln; and b Seward. THE PROBABLE CABINET OF LINCOLN. am inclined to think that your reporter was quite: right in hia construction. I, too, was it at: the interview, and heard the speech, and, even at. the risk of being As tedious as a twice told tale, I will esaay to give your readers deserij that pin pane hy event. siddinais It was about-noon on the 2d of October when ANXIETIES, PERPLEXITIES AND INTRIGUES, | the train on which were Mr. Seward pel Ber Bey Bee Our Spring ticld Correspondence. Srringriecp, Til., Oct. 16, 1860. Influx of Politicians to Visit Lincoln—Azes to Grind—The Interview Between Seward and Lin- coln— Why and How it Took Place—Seward Not 10 Hold Office Under the Next Administration, &c. This handsome little prairie town, with its quiet look of a New England village, its unpromis- ing hotels near the railroad station, its half dozen churches sending their white spires high up into the clear blue sky, and its snug homes half hidden from view in the thick foliage with which they are surrounded, appears to possess at this time a spe- cial interest in the eyes of politicians. Every day some one or more of the republican stamp orators who are perambulating the country, from the banks | of the Penobscot to the banks of the Kansas, find that they have some little business requiring their attention here. ‘That business invariably briags them into personal communication with the great celebrity of the place—the ex-rail splitter—who, to bis own and the country’s astonishment, sudden- ly found liimself famous by the action of the Chicago Convention. What can all these long winded bat empty headed orators have to say to Old Abe? | Much that is of consequence to themselves to be said; little that it would be interesting to the public to have repeated. One thing Mr. Lincoln ought to be satisfied of, if he has any confidence in the as- sertions of such people, and that is that the unsel fish patriots who are stumping States for the re- publican ticket, where there never was any room to doubt how they would vote, have been the origi- nal and earnest and most unyielding supporters of the Springfield celebrity, and did as much as even Horace Greeley himself in ruling out the preten- sions of William H. Seward. If these gentlemen do not get an opportunity of serving their country for the next four years, in positions where there is little work and much pay, you may depend upon it that it will not be for want of blowing their own trumpets nor from any modesty in magnifying their own achievements. But speaking of William H. Seward reminds me that the principal design of this communication was to discuss the relations existing between him and Mr. Buchanan's successor in the White House. It has been remarked that throughout Mr. Seward's grand ovation in the Northwest, he very rarely, and then only in the curtest manner, spoke of the republican candidate for the Presidency. He re- cognized that the flattering demonstrations that attended his tour were made in honor of himself personally, and had little or nothing to do with the republican cause or candidate. The men who ac- companied and surrounded him were |1's own imme- diate friends and admirers; and while they yielded a passive obedience to the ukase of the Chicago Convention, they never tried to stifte the expression of their regret that the choice had not fallen on their favorite, or, as General Nye used to put it, on New York's favorite son, Seward himself would have been more or less than human if he did not, té a very considerable extent, share in this feeling. His heart was not in the cause of Lincoln and Hamlin. He might well have been deterred from trying to make a show of loyalty toward that cause by the reflection that in doing 60 he would expose himself to the charge of insincerity aud bypocrisy. And so, while he talked of the irrepressible conflict, of the backwardness of slave communities, and of the present and prospec- tive grandeur of the great West, he never attempt- ed to inspire his hearers with any elevated idea of the talents or abilities of Mr. Lincoln. Let got Mr. Seward be blamed for this. Rather honor him for his avoidance of even the semblance of bypocriry. But, then, it may be said the proof of Mr. Sew- ard’s simcere regard for Lincoln may be seen in the fact that he passed through Springfield for the sole purpose of seeing him, when he might have cone by another route, and when it had been actually arranged that he should go by another route. That circumstance is not worth so much as may appear at first sight. There was a little bit of policy in this deviation. Would you know the se- cret of it? And it is not much of a secret either. Seward went by way of Springfield because it had been represented to him, and he acknowledged the truth of the representation, that his avoidance of Springfield, when he might as well take that route, would be sure to be construed into an evidence of hostility against Lincoln, and rmiglt operate preju- dicially to the republicam cause. That argument swayed him; although, on the other hand, if he should have an interview with Lincoln, the same slanderous spirit might find in that fact “‘confirma- tion strong as proofs o! holy writ’ that Seward was negotiating for the State Department or for the mission to London. How was he to avoid Scylla, and yet not fall into Charybdis? By one of those very compromises which eaable us, in personal and political matters, to avoid so many difficulties, and which Mr, Seward himself so contemns and reviles when the slavery question is involved. He resolved, it seems, to go to Springfield, but at the same time'To avoid any private interview with Lin- col, and thas disarm malice of a weapon with which she might otherwise annoy him. That is how Messrs. Seward and Lincoln came to have that brief meeting in the cars, of which your reporter gave you the particulars by telegraph. One of the great questions that occapy the pub- lic mind now in connection with the success of the republican cause is this:—Will Mr. Lincoln's ad- ministration be carried on in such a manner as to do equal and exact justice to all parts of the con- federacy, or will the radical and subversive ideas of Mr. Seward, inregard to the question of slavery, be permitted to exercise an inflvence whieh could only have most ruinous consequences? In other words, will Mr. Seward holds place in the Cabi- net, or will be beat least a power behind the throne! One part of the question, I think, ! can answer with some degree of confidence. Mr. Seward will not hold a place in the next administration. It would not be Mr. Lincoln's wish that he should, however much he might feel himself bound to offer it. He is natarally jealous of Seward’s influence, ‘and of lis undoubted abilities as a statesman. He is not inclined to follow asa satellite in the orbit which Seward prescribes, but, on the contrary, rather inclines to follow a moderate, fair, constita- tional course of policy. If you believe his own as- sarances, the most violent Southern fire-eater will find it difficult to question his patriotism or impar- {iality. He is man of arough, original turn of mind, and jost such a man, ft strikes me, as would, in the odminietration over which be should preside, E reached einen. All morning they richly devel count which the road ran—the far saa calien ae ted here and there with fine houses embower- ed in trees. It was one of those dreamily p 7 days that give such a charm to the season, when the leaves assume rich purple hues and render the woodlands so unspeakabl. length the reverie, into which travellers appeared plunged, was broken by the whistle of the {icone ive announcing the approach to a station: station was Springfield. On the outskirts of the town a was planted, from which a salute was of Senator Seward. That indicated something like a public reception, and, indeed, there were collected around the station six or eighS hundred people who cheered vociferously as cars stopped. Then there was a rush to get a sight at the Senator. The doorways were instan! | jammed, so that there was no getting i tting out; and the windows were stared into in search of Se- ward. Among the first to enter, and to make his way to Mr, Seward, was Abe Lincoln himself. I do not ~ wee att is Old Abe. beg no ap- } out the man, exceptil | ly indented wrinkles on his brow, ‘and the ong loughed down his bare cheeks, hairless as an In- jian’s; you can bardly detect the presence of frost | in Ne ack, Elon. hai. Neither do I unde nted as being so prodi, ‘a ly. Put him alongside of Mn Charee Ores > | and Mr. James W. Gerard—both of which eminent gentiemen ridiculed so much his supposed at the Soe Institute in your city last week—and | if he would not appear “‘an Adonis to a Satyr,” he would, at all events, be set down as the finest look- ing man of the trio. He is awkwardly tall; but if he had had a military training; his height would be rather to his advantage than otherwise. He is ‘‘no carpet knight so trim,” affects not the elegancies of refined society, does not care to imi- tate New York aldermen in the matter of yellow | kids, but is al ther a plain, blunt, unostenta- tious man, and I have no doubt that the ‘honest’ as applied to him is not As he elbowed his way up to Seward’s seat his coun- tepance was ions up with an expression of plea- sure and good humor; and while you would recog- nise in his face a general resembiance to the popu- lar photograpl.:s and prints of him, yet you say at once that none of them did him justice. ‘The portrait that most nearly approaches perfec- tion is the imperial poroar hin Brady's gallery in New York. But in all of them his face wears @ stony, rigid, corpse-like expression, as if they were taken from a piece of sculpture, whereas in conversation he has great a and play of d you to features, and when he is thus anima’ gg anything of the ugly or grotesque about im, Thad time to trace these observations of him on oe By ng of the png ah Ene his way, followe: a crowd o' ders, up to Sena- tor Seward’s seat. The iatter Tose as" ola. proached, shook hands with him, introduced to the ladies and gentiemen in his then, without Sepeting Into @ conversat.on formal cor wit! » resumed his seat, which, however, he was immedistely called out the crowds around the car, who wished to see bees Sie Ln pte mg ed the summons with unwon' lacrity, as to abbreviate so much the taterviow: Four’ repo} ey nished you the as it illustrates not holding office under the next administration, 1 ihink T may introduce it bere again. it is short. After alluding to the extent of lus trip, he said:— lem to express, on behalf of the with whom 1am trevelling,our prettinds ned athumow'nageaante for thie ponte mp reception at the home of your pay = a = excellent aod honored , and even from F z ne i é rift fe sf i + : i E ? Hi 2 iis as I believe that neither under Jolin Q tiney Adams nor under General Taylor did a New Yorker hold a Cabinet office. Thati* the meaning of the allu- sion, following the more ty og declaration that New York wouldexact less Lincoln and serve him more faithfully than apy other State would. I think, then, that ta th Goushlered--Sew ill concealed dislike = Lincoln, his attempt to im- sequent aversion to le ba’ controlling ag and, it may be, peaka °s onwiilagness ing to draggred into Seward's radical aud revola- tionary e--T5 am full diction that Wm. H. Seward ri | appointment, will not accept anti-slavery agitation, and through his exercise more or less influen p opinion and, indirectly, on Lincoln's edn siatretice s finally secure the republican nomination ia 1864, Srainerranp, M., Oct. 1, 1860, Lincoln at Tome—The City of Springteld, “Ho nest Abe's’ Residence—Springfield Advices Abou the Presidential Elect‘on—Lincoin's Allusions to His Early Lyfe—What He Read ond How He Obtained His Books—Intereating Anevidotes—" The Lesson Derived from “Honest Abe's’ His- tory—ilis Personal Appearance and Who He Looks Like— His Daily Receptions—iHe Refuses to Answer Letters of a Politica! Nature— Points t0 the Chicago Platform as Hie Dectaration of Princigles—Hiis View on the Tarif—me Intellectual Capacity as a Lawyer—The Opinion of an Iilinoie Jurist Lin. cotn's Views on Slavery Opposes to Interfer- ing with It in te States Where i Exists Under the Constitution—He will Clean Out tee tugean Stables—His Record Compared sity Prominent Demoerats—Lincoln and the Prince of Wales Sewar@s Visit to Springteld— IMs Interview with Lincoln— Lincoln's Cabinet What Seward Wants and What Weed Don't Want—The La ter is Afraid of Greeley—Banke Mot nm the Ring — Col. Fremont's Position — Republican Theory of Filivusters— Movements Against Mez- | ico—Cassiua M. Ciay— Poetic Justice to Kan. | cas—Lincoln's Fear to Vieit eet petiere Abe Delieves in Disposing of Traitors | cs Virginia Disposed of John Brown, &o., de, Springfield is the capital of the State of Dlincis— one of the earliest plages settled in the State, and has come to be a handsome, thriving city, with j about 13,000 imhabitents. It is situated about | veventy-five miles from the Mississippi river, abont one bundred miles from St. Louie, and same distance jstitied in the | hold no Gablnet i