The New York Herald Newspaper, September 6, 1860, Page 3

NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY Seward into the ses, and has bees going o@ ever since in the Congressional districts. Out of the entire biack re- poWfican representation in the present Congress from Maine, not one has been epared. Every district has a new ‘man running on the republican ticket. In Indians only three of the republican representatives in the present Congress have been nominated for re-election. Im Michi- gan all but one have received invitations to remain at ome after the 4th of March next. They have also made @ clean sweep of all those dead nigger warriors known as ‘entiLecomptonites, The work is still pregressing. A Nonwaaiay Por Concness.—J. D. Reywort, democra- the candidate for Congress in the Second district of Wis- conaln, is a Norwegian by birth, aud a man of more than ordiwary talent. It is said that he can deliver a stump speech in four disferent languages. Bacis Down me Dororss Fisg.—The Greensboro’ (2)e.) Beacon, in its last issue, says that, ‘“‘afler mature doliberation,” it bas ‘determined to take down the Doug- tas fag,” and gives as its reasons that ‘‘five sixths at toast of ita subscribers, if not a larger portion, are opposed to Dovgias; that ita advocacy of him could do him no pos stbie good, as he stands not the slightest chance of getting the vote of Alabama,’’ and that it has no particular liking ta hime, any way. MR. BRECKINRIDGE BEFORE THE PEOPLE. His Great Campaign Speech at Ashland Yesterday. Furieus Onslaught en the Faction. Review ef the Proceedings of the Nominating Conventions. Exposition of the Position and Principles of the National Demoeracy. Mr. Breckinridge Repels His Enemies and Vindicates His Record, &., Laxixetos, Ky., Sept. 5, 1860, Byerything was propitious for the gathering to-day. At at early hour to-day the roads from all directions were crowded with people. At eleven o’slock a salute of shirty,three guns announced the arrival of Mr. Breckin- ridge. He was bailed with enthusiastic demonstrations. At twenty-minutes after eleven be arose and said:— THE SPEECH OF MA. BRECKINELDGE, 1 beg you, my neighbors, friends and old constituents, to be assured that I feel profoundly grateful for the cor- dial weloume you have extended to me. The circum- etances under which I appear before you are novel and bBusual. I do it in obedience to the request of friends whose intelligence I have been accustomed to observe; and if it be an uncommon thing for s person in my posi- my voice over this vast assembly; but I trust I will become stronger as I proceed. I have beep asked, fellow citizens, to speak af my own house, because ! and the political organization with which I em connected, have been assailed in an unusual manner, | Union; and next, to show that the principles upon Tatand are the principles of both tho constitution and Union of our country. (Great applause.) And if at any time the justification could be found man for addressing the people in the position cocupy, it will be found im my case. Anonymous end wander ing orators baye chosen to tell the thas 1, individually, am es disunionist and « traitor vo Gmy country; and they declare, with as- eurapce, that 1 have exhibited a treason that makes, ‘by comparison with it, Burr a patriot, and the memory of Arnold respectable; but, fellow-citisens, before I come to thove topics, I desire to make and prove « comprebea- Give statement in regard to my position in ovanection with the Presidency of the United States. I have been obarged with « prematare ambition; | have been charged with intriguing for the nomination; I have been charged ‘with leaping before the wishes of the people, and desir. ng to thrust myself before them for the highest offies in their gift. To that | answer, it is wholly antrue. I have written to nobody soliciting support; 1 have con- versed with nobody soliciting support, | Rave intrigued ‘with nobody, I have promised nobody. To these state ments I challenge contradiction from any buman being. (Cheers) A Voice.—That’s so, Joho C. Asorume Vorca.—Upen your mouth wider. Mr. Baxcximmpce—! did not seek or desire to be placed Before the people for the office of Presideat by any con- vention, When I returned to the State of Kentucky in the spring of 1860, and was informed that some partial friends were preseuting my name to the public in that connection, and a certain editor, whose presence I see i hero, bad bolsted my name for the Presidency, 1 said to | bim— ‘Friend, | am pot im any sense a candidate for the Presidency ,”’ and I desired that my name inight be taken @own from the bead of their columns. It was done. take the trouble to read the proceedings of the Charies- g é Fi il ut my honorable friend, in whose grounds we are now met. can only say that the Convention which assembied et the Front street theatre, at Baltimore, in my judgment, wes devoid, not only the spirit of justice, but of of regoiarity. (Cheers.) The gentleman premnted never received vote by abe rules jot the ‘Whole “tates were excinded and disfranchised in that it dome; but before T proseed further, I vill sroep together and answer s number of personal sccusations, some of which emanated in the State of Kentucky and others elsewhere, by which, through me, it is altempted to strike down the organization with which ] am connected. It begets in me almost a feeling of humiliation to answer some of them, butas 1 have imposed upon myself the task, I will auewer them all as briefly as] can, A Voice—* Go it, Jobn.”” Mr. Bueckimnipos—I believe it has been published in almost every Southern newspaper of the opposition par_ ty, that I signed @ petition for the pardon of Jobn frown, the Harper's Ferry murderer and traitor. This ie untrue So much for that. (Cries of *Goud.’?) It has been ex tepsively charged aud circulated (bat I was iu favor of the election of General Taylor to the Presi dency, and was oppored to the eclection of Case apd Butler. This also is wholly untrue, In the year 1847 there was a meeting in the city of Lexington, in which J participated, and at which General Taylor was recommended for the Presidency of the Unitei “tates, A difference of opipion exhibited at that time as to the po litical sentiments of tha: distinguished gentieman. | waa assured, upon grounds satisfactory to me, that they cotn- cided with my own political opizious, and | united im the mecting, Pretty soon afterwards | went to Mexico. When | returned, tweivo months afterwards, in 1848, 1 found the campaign in full plaet, with Taylor as tne whig and Cass as the democratic candidate. It is well known to thousands of thse within the sound of my voice that 2s soon as! returned home J took the stump in bebaif of the democracy, and main- tained its doctrines to the beet of my ability. A Voicez—All right. Mr, Basckinnmce—I wae not afraid to do it, because they were the representatives of my principiee, and you may judge of my zeal. As one of those geutiewe was my old commander and my friend, it was said | was not present and did not vote at the election at Lexington in 1848, and that is true. But the expianetion, which my opponents have never published, is entirely satisfactory, showing that it was my intention to be absent during the canvass; but it was not my iatention to lose my vote. You all know at that time, as a citizen, ! Could vote anywhere in the State, which was before tho revision and adoption of our present constitution. But it 30 happened that there were six or eight gentlemen also accompanying me, all of them belonging to the whig par- ty, and they propesed to me that if I would not retarn to my own town and vote, they would not. If they would, there would be six or seven votes cast for Taylor and but one for Case. (Cheers) I accepted the proposition, and we went bunting—(laughter)—and bad every man dove aswell ag myself we should have carried the State by forty thousand mejority. (Applause.) Among those, I remember three names of my friends—Thomas &. Redd, Nelson Butler and George P. Jewett. Another charge has been extensively circulated throughout the Southern Stater, aeserting that Iwas an emaucipationist in 1649, or at least voted for an emancipationist at some time or other. Mr. Breckinridge here read an extract ‘rom a letter from Hon. George Robertser, published in » Soutbern paper, having reference to bis position on this question, and alluding to his private affairs, and commented on it at some Jepgth and with much severity. ‘The only time, sald Mr. Brecktoriige, that I know of the question of emancipation being raised in Kentucky, in my day, wae In 1849, when we electing delegates to a convention to form a new constitution. Then Dr. Breck- inridge and Mr. Shey were cmanctpation candidates, and Mr. Wickliff and I canvassed the county to the best of cur ability in opposition to emancipation, believing that the interests of both races in the (Commot wealth would be promoted by the continuance of their present relations. At the polls Dr. Breckinridge voted against me, avd I yoted against him—(cbeers)— because we were represcnting opposite principles; tnd Just so it would be again under similar circumstances, So much for that charge. Bat I have seen pampbiete published and circulated all over the Union for the pur- pose of proving that was a Know Nothing ip the year 1963 in the State of Kentucky. (Loud laughter.) 1 have DO doubt, that avory considerable proportion of those listening to me were members of that Order im that ycar; and if there ie a man among you who belonged to the Order, who ever saw me in one of your lodges, who did not know that I was recognized as one of the most uncompromising oppomenta of the Know Nothings, let him be go good enough to say so now. (A Voico—"‘He aint here.””) I believe that 1 was the first gentleman in Congress @bo took a position against the orgeaizetion. Wher | returned home fn the spring of 1855, it was mak- ing great progress im the commonwealth, and alsboagh I was withdrawn from public life to attend to my private affairs, I oppueed it in repented speeches all over Kentucky. ‘This statement may pot be very accep:able to some gen- tlemen im the sound of my voice, but 1 do not want to drive apy man. I stend upon my principles, and am wil- ling to view them witnout the slightes! regard te conse- quences. lam represented to thie day as having said that I would make a political difference between one of my own religious belief and one of opposite belief, and detween a paturalized and eo unnaturalized citizen. I never uttered such a sentiment. (Great applause.) The underlying principle with me was this, that the condition ‘of citizenship being once obtained, no question of either birth or religion should be allowed to with political consolidations. (Applause.) it only necessary to make these statements here succinct ly and pass on, because I am speaking to assembled thou. sends who know their injustice. But fellow citizens, to come to more extended topics, It has been asserted that 3 same stump with J. C. Breckinridge im 1856, when he was advocating his own claims to the Vice Presidency, | and neard him go to the extreme length in favor of poou- lar sovereignty in the Territories.” Then, speaking of other gentlemea from the Bouth, who had been expressing themectves in the North, he mays, ‘‘in every one of the tion at terue. In of the Missouri |i bill through both houses, and it became a law. was one point upon which the friends of the bill differed. The Southern friends of the measure and a few Northern perty. The other party sseumed the ground that the ‘Torritoria) Legisiatore bad such extlowiom. It was an on cenetivatinnal qnestion, and they agreed pet to make it # matter of legivtntive dispute, hut to make @ provision » the Pil to refer to the Paprems Cort Mr a decision, nef al} partion were bord to abide by the Jeowion made by that august tribunal. (pon this constitutions! ques tion let me now prove that there was such an agreement. Ordinarily a Dill cannot be taken from a Territorial court through the Supreme Court of the United States until the matter in controversy amounts te $1,000, and in order that this question might be tried before the Supreme Cour:, a clause was inserted to meet the contingency, and another pow during the period be- tween the paseage of that bill and the decision of the Su- Preme Court. All pergons on each side entertained their own opinions. We ip the South held tbat the Territorial Legisiature did not bavo the power. Mr. Pouglas and Dis friends held that the Terrlwrial Leg'elstare did have the power, We suspended that qneetion, aud referred it Dy @ Bil to the Sapreme Court of the Cuited States to determine the copttitutional queesiva, herein lavolved. There was vow a body to whom we could refer the question, and we thought it noueceseary fortber to debate it, emch party agreeing to acquiesce in the decision ae rendered by said body. I thivk that is a pretty plain statement on that point, and I make it to show that there wae a vow taken by the Southern friends of the measure in Congrere, among them ycur bumbe specker, to sepport the decigion, (Mr. Breckinridge here read some extract from bis speech delivered in the House of Representatives: in 1864.) We were willing he continued, to have the ques: tien decided in the Coart of the United States. Again, I fay thatit is contended upom tbe cue band upon the idea of the equality of the Statee under the cunstitu- tion, and their common preperty in the Territories, that the citizens of the slavebolding States may remove tothe Territories with their elaves, and there legally hold them until the Territory t¢ resolved into # Stata, and in that capacity exclude them. On tbo other band, it ts tnid that slavery being in confiict with common right, cap exist only by force of positive law; and it is denies thet the courte ever furniched the Inw. T sald that we Aemand that all citizens of the United States he allowed to enter the common Territory with the constitution alone. im their hands, for that instrument protecta the title of the master to his slave in this common Territory You capvot complain if lt dvee not protect bis title, We ask po help from Congress. If dificulties occurred, we will Jet them be submitted to ihe cuurte. New, ppon my own personal vindication, the doctrines announced by me in that speech were just euch of I Dave ever declared in the Commonwealth of Kentucky—such an T have ever declared in every publi) address which T bave made in Onio, Indiana, Michigan and Pennsylvania. Afterwards, when it was understood that I had been | barged with it, I was reported to have admitted that | this power belonged to the Territoria! Legisiature. In the month of September, 1666, the editor of the Kentucky Statesman, published in this city, alluding to thia charge, made the following stetement,to which | beg leave to refer ;ou, Mark you, thw war befure the Preeidentiai election of 1866 Mr. Breckipridge then read from an editorial in the Kentucky Staterman of October, 1656, iu which it was stated thet during bis tour through Indiana and Ohio that he (Mr. Breckinridge) avowed the wentiments he had often prociatmed in Kentucky, and which are clearly om. bodied im the Cincinnat! platform: that he denied that the democratic party wae, ip ite federal rejatious, a pro-ela” very party; thas it was neither qucb @ party nor an anti slavery party; that it rejected the inierference of the federal government either to introduce or exctude slavery ; that ‘it lef the Torritories open to common settlement from all the States; that each State was entitled tv form ite own constitution and epter into the Union without discrimination by Congress op account of its allowance or prohibition of slavery, and thet the statement tbat he (Breckinridge) advocated “equatter sovereignty” was urtrue, or Breckinridge z Piha D is the sutemp of the same year 1 recetved a Louisiana paper containing remarks made by General Mille, who heard my speech, In which he denied that I bad admitted this doctrine of the Territorial power. He scat me & slip containing bie speech. Im the same month, Before the Presidentiat’eloction, 1 answered him saying, the constitution, the equal right of al! sections in the commén Territories, and the absolute power of each new State to nettle the question in {ts constitution. These are my dootr ines, and those of our platform, and, what is more, ‘Yon | assumed was that taken by all the Yocthern friends of the Nebraska bill, and bys portion of its Northern friends. These were our private opinions, these are the opinions we ought on al! proper occasiona@o express. But we did not undertake to force al! others to agres to them. We had agreed to refer that the Statea—(tremendous cheering)—and | will not myself as & witaese against bim to do it, but I will it by bimeel!. (Voleess—“Geod, good,” and plauee.) On the second day of July, 1866, in Nebraska bill, and the limitation of the powers of the Mr. Trumball offered the foilow- img additional eection to the bill —‘And be {t further en- noted, that the provision in the act to organize the Terr! tories of Nebraska and Kansas, which declares it to be the true Intent end meaning of said ect, not to legisiate sla- very into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there- from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to im (their given « Territorial Legislature, and that the Keosas bil! Jef that to be adjedicated by the Court, by which alone ‘the constitutional question could .¢ setied faaily.) Mr. Breck inrtége continued —Mr. Denglaa, in the same dedate, used the following language, in speaking of the attempt of bie colleague to coerce an opinion out of him upon the question “whether Tr rritoria! Legisiature bad the power to exclude slave property from « Territory before it became a State?” bere read from Mr. Dougias’ speech a deciara- tion that this point in the Nebraaira bill was a jodicial question which be would not ‘isouns, borause, hy the ‘DIN, 1t was referred to the Supreme Court.) Mr, Breck inridge continved:—On the 16th M May Inat, Im the Sepate, Mr Dougiaa said — ‘Mr. B. bere read an extract from the spacch of Mr. Douglas, concluding with the assertion that ‘we agreed ‘to refor it to the Judiciary and we agrocd to adife by thelr deolelon. 1 think J have shown that upon the point Of diap— beterean the frienda of tha Kanaas hil! aa te the power of a Territorial Ingisiature to exclude siave pro perty, that it was agreed wo refer \t to the + prewe Court, and that when {1 had been jadicially determines, we should abides by thelr decision, Now tear with me awhile, sald Mr, Breckinridge, white Tread @ very tittle from the @releien of the Sur ane Court of the United stater In the Dred Soote case. us fof & moment torn bo the ovim, en'ighteoed J rtinis! ptterancs of the moet august tribunal upon tha evrth (Lovd and Jong continued cheoring ) Thia opinion ww lt concurred tn by al! the Ju f the Goart except te ond wae uttered by the tous Obtef Juetion of sr } pited States. SEPTE Mr. B. quoted at considerable length from the Dred Sooit decision, commenting on the points maintained ia that opinion, and continued as follows:— Now, my fellow citizen, what is the authority of the decision of the Supreme Conrt of the United States, to whom wo agreed to refer this disputed question of the power of the Territorial Legislature? They decide that the Territories have been acquired aud are held by the federal government, and that citizens of all the States may hold and enjoy their property ia them until | they take 8 the functions of sovercignty and wre admitted into the Union, Nothing lesa than | w State being competent to determine the question of slavery or no siavery; they declare that the citizen | epters any ‘Territory with the constitution in his hand, | and that the federal government cat exercise no power | over hie property than that which the ingirument | has conferred, and they deciare that since the federal go- vernment cannot 4o Jt, still Jess cap |t forco a Territorial goverpment to exercise those powors which it could not copfer upon any local government @ right to violate. Between siave property aud other kinds of property no distivotion exists, That property in slaves ia recagnized by the constitution of the United States, and that tnero is no word in that instrument whieb gives the Congress of the United Staves greater power over It, or whi entitles that property to lees protection than other property, and that the only power which the Congress of the United Stetes has in guardiog and protect. log the rights of citizens, lapguege could not make plain- er. Thave heard it enid that the case which went to the Supreme Court of the United States was not tho case which went from the Territories, but a case that went from a State, and therefore nobody is bound until a casc comes from a Territory and is regdiarly taken up. Tha: | ie wconfersion, iv my opinion. We agree! to refer it to | theSupreme Judicial trifunal upon any case properly arting and coming oifore that august body. It wasa proper case and properly desided by the court. It covers the polpte of difference between the friendaof the Nehras ka Dill, It 4 candid, clear and stateemaniike, Now I have sbown yon the point of difference Det ween ue In that Dill and the egreement between the friends of the bill I have shown you the decision of the Supreme Court, We have arrived at the point where there should be harmony aud ‘pearc—& point agreed upon. The only point of ditfhrence had deen determined by the highest judicial an thority of the Union. Of couree, the cvastitutionai question war eetiled accordidg to the agreement. The opinion of the Sopreme Court wan dalivared io 1887. Everything was quiet wil the year 1858. When the Senator from Iimois, Mr. Dougias, candidate for re-slention from that State, then, for ‘the iret time in the history of Americia politics, we find the opinion advanced that there war a mode by which { subordinate euthoritien may override the opiplon of the Dighest court in the fnion. Then we flat how the agras- ment to abide by the decision of the Supreme Court is met, The declaration te made that & Buburdioate author ity may contscate or exclude from bie Territories the property of citizens of the Southern States, without re. gard t6 the opinien of the Supreme “ourt to the contrary. To @ debate between Me. Douglas aod Mr. Linoole the former raid, “The next queetion propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln ie, cam the people of a ferritory in avy lawful way. against the wishes of the United States, ¢xchide slavery from their Iimila prior to the formation of @ State cupatitutivn. 1 answered em phatically, ae Mr. Lircoip has beard mo answer a hundred times from every stump in Lilinois, that in my opinion the people of a Territory can by lawfal maana eroluide slavery from their jimits prior to the formation of a State constitution. That question we agreed in tae Kan- eng-Nebreske bill to refer to the Supreme Court, and it wan decided an I bave just shown you.”’ | have shown { yon that Mr. Douglas agreed to submit the question of slavery in the Territories 10 the decison of (be Supreme Goort, and that he scquicrced in tho cecialon of that Coart. I quote Mr. Dorglas again con. comping what be calls on abstract question. The quertion may be an abstract one, but it is ang involving the equality of the States of this Union, and the vital righte «f more than half of them. (4p piause.) Tt matters not, says Mr. D., what way the du- preme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract ques tion, whether slavery may or may bot go Into « Territo ry. Under the constitution the people hare the lawful means to introduce or exclude it, as they please, for the reason that slavery capnot exist a day or ao bour auy- ‘where, uniess it is supported by local police rogulations Tt matters as to the right to go into the Territories under the constitution the people may lawfully exclude it. 1 Bave shown you that in 1956, in the Senate Of the Usited “tates, be said if the constitution autho rises it to go there, and protects it,no power on earth can take it away. 1 would like to see those two state mestsreconct'e?. (Great applause.) Whether the coo stitution aid authorises it to go there and protect the in Gtvidus! im bis property was a question which he agreed to refer to the court. ThieI have proven, not by my- self, but by him. He now says no matter whic way the court decides it, it may be excladed. (Prolonged ap. plause.) If I were diepoeed to imitate the bad example of an emicent man T might say, as he sald about me, there is no honest men in the United Mates who can deny that the agreement wae made, that the decision was made Ip accordance with our view of the coustitution, and that the agreement has beeo violated by the Senator and bis pereonal adbereute, who agreed to abide by tt. (Applause.) Argued by gentlemen who entertain tho samo opinions as | do upon it by fair manly appeals. Ac. cording to the best of my ability, and understanding the reason of tbe constitution of our cvuntry, du vot we state our business fairly, and do we not state them in the very language of the Supreme Court? Do we not stand apon the constitution as abjudioated by the court, and do we pot express our reasons in temperate, manly and respec. table arguments? The pure language in which the Sa. preme Court states quettious and decides, and the man. ner in which it is stated by the distinguizhed Senator from Liliwois—bow does be state it? Here are questions vpan which tho highest intellects of the country are exer. cined engaging the anxious altention of your wisest acd Dat men, engaging the atrention of the most august { ibunal on earth; debated in your Senate, debated in your House of Representatives; debated before an anxious people who want to get up to authority ‘The question ts stated from one end of the country to the other. Theory i*, is It not wellargued? How Orm aod yet temperate, withost any appeals to secular passivns and prejedices. The question t# whether your property ts the same as other property—whetber it has the same rigbte in the Territories ae other property? The state. ment is made that you shan’t force slavery down the throats of an unwilling peopie. The arguinent cuusiets of an appeal to the passions of one section of the Union againet another. Mr. Douglas admitted that siave pro perty stands upon the game footing with viher property ‘The Supreme Court hae decided that cnder the constita tion it stands on the same footing and has the erme might to protection fa the commoa Territorien as other prover MBER 6, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. ty. Yet we hear the accusation about fur sing slavery down the threats of am un ei.ting people Who wants to do it? Does the existemce of the question of pritection of private property in thie Union imply the’ the Southern ‘States are forced to take charge of such property Sub- stitate thie word ‘property’: for the word ‘‘siaves” and eee how |t would read:—"You attempt to force siavery down the throata of an unwilling people; “You ateempt to force property down the throats of an unqilling peo. ple.” (Lond laughter and cheers.) Why the ferritoria: authority ie the creature of Congress; Cmgrees te the creature of the conatitation, apd the constitution of the Mawes the people of the Atates; and here you would have a little Territorial Legisiature, three or four (grees re- moved from the original source of ite power, with the right to exclude overy Mate of the Usion, with ite pro. perty, from tte own domains. (Eathuriastic cheorisg ) ‘These are not the doctrines of the conatitational demo. orecy. (Chearn.) These are sectional doctrines (Cheers ) ‘These are not the doctrines that make the peace and barmony of the states of the Union. (Loud aad long con. {ipved cheering ) As the distinguished # nator from [l!t nots aid at Norfolk, wo are @ fection, asd must be deatroyed, but when we are destroyed they will have to stich their daggers through and through the constitution of curcountry, (Immense cheering.) Popuiar sovereignty ia aquatter sovercignty. The cames of Ciay, Webster aod others have bren invoked to sustain this doctrine of the Territorial power to exclude slave property, The local feot of the Missouri compromine of 1850 haa been invoked | for the same purpose = Teesert that from 1848 down to the period when thie falke doctrine—repegnant alike to the constitution and reaton—was thrust open the country, nO respectable political party beld the opinion | that » Territorial Leginiatore had the right to oxctate riave property pending ite territorial coodition, When did Clay ever hold such doctrines? When were such detrines ter embetird in (he compromise mengree of 1850" They aif loeked tothe period when oa! ove into the Mhiew ae 4 Atetve, sm the tim ria! sutbor ities might seten the retjeot of property bold or exclude the slave property of the South. (Ap plause. ) Time will not allow me to do much more than state_ their proporitions; but I will read short abstracts from the celebrated report made by the Committee of Thir- teen, of which Mr. Clay was chairman, which resulted in the compromise measures of 1650. It is calm and lucid, has no claptrap phrases, aud puts me in mind of the lan- guage used by the Supreme Court. Mr. B, here quote1 from vol. 21 Globe, part 1st, page 945. That was non intervention in 1850. It was no {n- terference to exclude by Congress or the Territorial Legis. | Jatare, but to leave the question to be decided by the peo ple when they come to form their State conetitution Mr. B, here read from a speech of Daniel Weoster, where tbo position was taken that Territorial governments were im @ state of pupilage under the protestion of the genera! government; that they have Ro power not given by Uon- gress, and that it ia our duty to provide fur the psople of the Territories a government to keep the peace, to secure their property, to assign to them a subordinate legiata tive authority, to see that the protection of tnese persons and the security of their property are alt roguiarly pro- vided for, to maintain them in that stato till Wey grow inte sufficient importanco in point of population to be admitted into the Union as a State, upon the same footing with the originat States. Mr. B. continued:—Do you eupprse that Daniel Wob- tter, after the opinion of the Supreme Court that! havo read to you, would have cousiderod it becoming him to point out some contrivance or devico by which the Ter. ritorial Legislature could violate the constitutional rights: of Southern States? Not he. Nor would Clay, nor apy of the great and good men wav figured in the earlier daye of your history. (Cheers) Judges or Governors of those Territorial governments are appointed by the Presideat und Sevate of the United States, and pall out of the public treasury; 80 that the very Legislature which they invoke toexciude your property from the Territories is one whese dally expenees are paid out of the Treasary, ot of money to which that very property contributes hy taxation. (Loud applause.) The practice of the government has been siways different. Mr. Brickiz ridgo hero entered into ap argument to show that Jon. gress has power to protect property in the Territories, and in refutation of the position recently taken by the Senstor from Illinois that Congress had never exercises {bis power, The principles, said Mr. Breekinridgo, 1 have tried feebly to vindicate here, are the princi- ciples upon whieh the constitutional democrasy stand today, and they are the only priuciple: upon which any human being will'dare to pretend to charge ‘hem with disupion, If they are the principloa of tho covstitution and the Union, then we are constitutionalists and Urionists, (Cries of “That's eo, that's so”) And ye for Iwo or three months you have heart nothing but aloud and inccsaant clamor that | and those democrats with whom I am connected area disucion orgavization, who seek to break up the confederacy of the States, I hardly know, so far as it is a personal charge against my- teif, how to apewer it. A Vorcy—Tell then that it fe a Iie. Mr. Bracxisnipon—all over the country the charge of ¢teunien is repeated agaimet me by ancnymous writers nod wandering eretors. Their whole stock in trade ie +‘disepion! dievpien!"? Their cootinval cry is that this man and his party are attempting to break up the anion of these States. We say, how can priuciples bo rections! or disunionist which ao based strictly upon the constitution. And tho large bumber of young gentiemen who are ringing bells, with Lopgues as long apd beade as empty as the belis which they ricg, cry “ Disunlon! langbter and cheers.) From sources yet more eminent comes the information that 1 and the political organiza- tion with which I am connected are latoring for a disrup- tion of the confederacy, Ido not reply now to what Mr. Dougias says all over New England, in Virginia, and wherever he gues, because it is quite natural for & gentleman as much interested as ho to think that any man who opposes his principles must be a dis- snjonist. (Checra and laughter.) Indoot, by his decla- ration, we must be all disunionists in Kentocky, for he eciares that those who assert that Torritorial Lagisia- tures bave no power to exclude slave property, and that Congress should interfere for ita protection, are disuaion, jets, and that is what the whole Logisiature of Ken. tucky eid Inet year. (Loud applaoee.) In my own lato, where, 1 trust, my character snd antecedents were known, one of the oi¢est and most cminent of our public men has got raid that I was s disunionist, but has intimated that J am copnected with an organisation whose bone and body isdisunion. 1 refer to Mr. Crittenden, and to & speech he made at Louisville. I havo known and admired him. He has known me. Toward bim I have cherished and expect to cherish rela- tions of respectful and cordial esteem. There are rea sons, which, even if | bad ground for it, would prevent any but perfect courtesy p reply. After speaking of Mr. Lincoln in terms as complimen- tary ao bie principles merit, and the Senator from Illinois im terms of eulogy, be speaks of his fellow citizens. He quotes the reference to himeeif in Mr. Crittendon’s speech, and continues as follows. I thank my venerable and dis tinguiehed friend for the hope he yet entertains that I am pote disunionist. (Laughter) Like a hamene law yer, be gives me the benefit of s doubt, and for that I thank bim (Renewed cheers.) As to my convictions, with principles asa party which tends that way I may opeak of presently. My object now is to relicve myself from the {mpatation $f being « disunion- ist, and in this I would prefer to receive adirect blow to bave 18 sound like the reluctant confession of « sorowful friend. (Applause and laughter ) Mr. B , in pansing, paid an eloquent tribute to General Lape, apd ountinued to speak of himself. Born within sight of the epot known to you for near forty years, your Tepresentative im the Legisiature, im Congress, and other situations of trust, I invite aay one 1 point to anything im my character or ante: cedents which would sanction such a charge or auch an imputation. (Cheers) I will not dagrade the dignity of my declaration by epithets, but I proadly challenge my Ditterest enemy to point to an set, to disclose an utter. ance, or revea! a thought of mine bostile tw the constitu tion or the Union of the States. (Loud cheers.) Vore—He couldn't do it. The man does not live who has powor to couple my pame successfully with tbe slightest taint of disioyalty to the copetitution and the Upton Judge whether they accord with the pusition of the Bu preme Court and the government as I have % today. After reading the resolutions he tinued—That is the platform and thee ciple avowed, If they are constitutions! not sectional, for the constitution ie broad to cover the whole Union. (Cheers). He wi upon the constitution can neither be secticoal unionist. These prisciples are taken almost from the Supreme Court of the United States They are suppurted hy the preosdents and practice of the govern ment, They [are principles upon which we may well live, and by which we may well all be willing to die. (Lood cheers), They are vital, important, and they concern the righta of person and property. They cannot ve abstract, minute end unimportant, for they concern the bovor and equatity of the Statse. What has been the yesition of Reptucky upon that platform? The caadidates for Governor of thie tate last year, both held that Ter. ritorial Legislatures beve po power tw exclude oar pro yerty, and each contended that every department of the government must protect {t when it became necessary. Mr, Joabua Ball, 1 believe, went a step farther, by think. ing the time bed sow arrived when the government +hoald interpose Your Con veations endorsed the princt- pies, apd the Senate and Commonwealth of Kentucky, the unanimo@ vote of both parties, endorsed them, as Deing covstitutional and trae by the follwieg solution eth parties in Kentooky at the poile, and.by ananimoos votes io the lagisiature, hawe declared that these prin ciples are those of the constitution. I might pause bere, but In Pupport of these principles 1 want the authority of Mr Crittenden bimeeif. Union, 1 do not benitaw to say that that eminent grutieman is devoted to the Usien, 1 do not yet deliowe he would advocate principles which be believed were wneonetitationsl or oxtontated to demtroy the Trion of thie country, and if 1 can have bie sanction and endorsement for the principles I adwoente, it will gos great way In proving that they are constitutional and not dieanio® Mr. B. read the third, foorth and Oth of Mr. Davie’ re. diewnion!” (Brolonged | folusions, aud referred \o Mr, ‘ttenden’s vote for them, and raid —Then } ihe vote of my distinguished. nicad declaring that ther: questions are not minute nor wimpy temds that | uP Of the States reste upou an equality of rights among them; that neither Congress nor the Territorial Legitiature has the right to infringe the rignt of any citizen; aud that if any right be asssiled by the Territorial Legiels(ure, it besomer necessary for Congrers to interfere to protect that right—precisely the prino\pies upon which wo stand today, (Cheers) My distivguiehed friend followed there regolutions with fpeceb, whih I dnd im the Qvily Glove. It ty true ho eq- tho Hime mignt never coma when jt would bo necessary for Congress w in ferfere to protect thoee righte, T trust that the time wiil ever oqme when apy Territorial autbori- ty Will De £0 recklese of [ts constitutional obiigations as to make it necorsary for Congress to deciare 18 acts void Cheere.) But im ble speech be surtaing the position im which we tiand In language which compares well with the Cecivion of the Supreme Court, he says, The extract read from Mr, Ce epecel declares that a Territorial go Veroment ly acreaterc of Congress, endowed only with the powers conferred upon (t by Ite oreator, aad with be purticle cf tovereigaty. Further on, ia tbe same peek, Mr. C. ures Mr. © gvea ob bo say thal ee the sovervign or indeps preseed @ bore that ou this subjet, the Supreme Cy i States, having dovwrmined thal every werk of the United State may go into that Territory carrying bit raves with him and hoidiog them there, stitution In ty protest 0 Im that that Which it bas asuthorizd ww go there; therefore, when the proper or extreme caso occurr—whon property going thero under the Supreme Court ot the Cuited Swtes hol! require such interpori:ion, thas it ia the duty of Coagrass to in- tercose and grart protection. That was mebly uod wold said im language worthy vf hia exalted charactor and reputation. Mr. Douglan rays, and to day atanda upon it, and claime your voter upon It, that ® Territorial Legisia- ture, no matter what the decinion of the Suprems Oourt may be, bas the right toexclude slave property from @ Territory ; that you may teke it there, but it must be held Fubject to such laws as the iwoal Lagisieture may make. The Bupreno Court pays the Territorial Lagialature cannot ex- chide it, and Mr. ©. ays that nothing cam etrike bin ag mure inconeiftent and contradictory than to say, thas wbile you way go there there ia semething stranger or inighter than tho oenstitotion that can take away that which the constitution ears you may hold and enjoy. ‘Thie ie what Mr Kine wrert#, and which, if cut reexg- bized, he will vend atroy aa he goes, (Applane.) I desire some faiufactien, from the fast tne Hen. Jobe J. © dex, whowe name and au. thority will go fur ta die Tolont baw declared ip the Senate, and reergr.ized by bis oath aa Sacator, the prizciples epon which we ctand ae the principios of th copatitytion. (beers) T camnot eslarge T apzeal to you tf Ibave not with reascnahie certainty, | may say concivaively repelled the accurations againat me; if I hava pot shown that :t is neither I cor the party which nomi- pated me, bat Mr. Douglas who has brokom faith; that by the agreement at the time of the pasrege of the Kansas Nepraska bl! tbe constitutional potot wan tobe left to tho Supreme Court, Have} vot shown that the Supreme Cours sustained cur construc- tion of the conatitution? Bave T not shown that the pereemens thus wade bas been violated by the declara- tion that a subordinate authority may deny the const!- tutional right and exclude elave property, wheu the Court saye it bas oot thet powert Who bas abandoned the ground and vivlaled the agree- ment? I havo shown that the principles upom which we stand havc been cndorsed aad sanctioned Dy the goverrment, allismed by the Lighest judicial trt- Donal in the world, voted ty be true by the two political partics in Kentucky tm 1859, asnonted to by both Dranches df the Legislature, and by an overwheuniug jority of the whole democratic party of Kentneky, aud declared by Mr, Critteaden to be sound and true, (Loud and enthusiastic cheering.) | think | have piled up ‘@ pyramid of fact and A-gument ia support of these prin- ciples which ought to commend itself to the graye con- tideration of every inteliigent maa. 1 bare tried to ue Mt dy legitimate facts and argument. Iam not copectous of having appealed to any prejudice. Follow citizens, cam you bear with mea little longer? (A yoloe—Yee, for @ work,’’ with loud cries of ‘Go on,” “Goon.” I know of Dut one grganization before the United States which as- terte the priociples I have undertaken to prove. The re- publican party bas tacen precisely opposite princi- ples. They say we have wo rights ia the Territoris with our property. They say Cougress hase right to exclude {t, and tbat it is ite duty to do so, And they are willing to soo the Territorial Legisiatare do it if Copgress does not. In regard to the platform which mom nated Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, and Mr Hverett, of Mas- eacbusetis, ] bave vuly to aay that certaiuly i} annowaves: Bo principles at ali upon thie subject; none whatever. Geaticmen tel! us that they are advocating tho claims of these distteguizbed gentlemen upoa the principles of the constitution, the Unies, and the enforcement of the laws. I presumo there is scarcely a man tm this agembiy, and perhaps no one North or douth, who will admit that be is against the Unica, the constitution, and the eaforcement: of the laws; yet thoy entertain the most diverse and op- posite opinions as to tbe best mode of sustaizing the oon- ‘stitution and the character of the laws to be enforced, Mr, Seward, Mr Burlingame and Mr. Giddings will tell you that they are for the Union, but it ls their own sort of Union they want. They say they are for the coustitu- Von, but they construe the constitution so as to take sway all our rights. They tell you that they are for the enforcement of the laws, but they are for jaws which would take away our property. (Cheers) This i the way in which they are for the constitntion and the enforcement of the laws, and they will shake bands with you, under heaven, aftewards fur the Union, (Laughter and cheers ) Theo thie platform, geotiemeo, declares practically nothing; consequently I have uo- thiog farther to say about it. (Cheers and cries of “Good, good.) Bat, fellow citizens, the platform 1 have read to you does coutain a distinct enunciation of serial pripcipies which wuches the riguts of property aed per- son in the Territories, aud what we regard to be the equal rights of the Btates, and we want to koow if the people of Kentucky are ready to meet the issue, We ape peal to you, not in behalf any individual, but tostand by our own principles, founded on the cosstitution of tbe country. (Cries of “Good, good.) Now, if it be tra that Iam not « disunionist, and if it be tras that the po- Iitieal principics | advocate are not diguaion principire, but the principiet of the comstitation, is it pot ratner hard to estabiish disunioniam on sound men with conatita- tional principles? (Cries of “Thatsso.”) That, gentle. men, would seem to exbaust the subject—sound mea, with conatitutional principies, wbich principice I have aunounced in the form recognized in American puiitics, to be saserted by means of the ballot box. But a word oo another subject. 1t 1s said that although | am not a dis- unionist, the principles | assert are pot yet the object of the organization by which I have been vomieated, which ie to breck up this confederacy, and lanppose they have selected me as the tool with which to exceute that ocheme. A Vorce—A bed instrument. (Cheers.) Mr. Bracxrwmnos—I have po doubt there are a great many geatiemea in the Southern States of the Laion who \bivk that their constitutional rights will never be reong- nized. A few are perhaps per ss disunionista, though I doubt if there are fifty such in the Union. Undoubiediy BS pumber of gentlemen who were dissatisfed with the Compromise measures of 1860 now prefer me for tbe Pre” sidency, and sustain me on this piatiorm, and if 1 were disposed to count noses 1 doubt not there are many more of the same character who susteia other genticmen pon platforme not so oonatitational aod desirable as mine, (Cheers) What is the charge? Nears 1y the eitire delegations of the mame Mates, rupporied by the masses of the democracy tm all the Southern States, ‘made this nomination. Do they say the whole of tnia mana were disunioniete? Why, gentlemen, the country ia in a bad way ff thie be wo, but the charge is @ reckiong one. How ja it with the State of Kentucky, which ts go- ing to vote Im accordance with thet prinsiplet Ie the State of Kentucky & dirunion State? The delegations from California and Oregon wore in the Canvention, They re aide thousands of miles away from our prirate rtrifes. What bave they *aid that wou't lead my man to sappone that they would break up tha Union of the state, ‘They are impartial arbitrators of thie dtepnte ant hy (ol our Northorn brethren that thay most do jratien od site equality im the Unton; ard that on euch princi & they can maintain the Mnion and the coostitutios. That is what Oregon aod California say, a8 well am large mire Tittem from the doigarions of other Stater of tha Mpion, Benatore and members of the Hunee uf Reps cetatives, from woth sections of the Univn, men «au have ited the highest stations in prvile sei, tne have few withdrawn from punt . oP a Pa (CONTINTTD ON TE