The New York Herald Newspaper, April 12, 1860, Page 3

NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. 3 tiago ig at preeent carried on mule back over an fernal road to Porto Plata. It is estimated that haifa million of dollars is annually paid for freight by the San- tiago merchants. At the mouth of the Yague river isa oe port, and at a very he vgn it ie believed that e ia- river can be made navigable to Santiago for two to ¢ bree feet of water. Gen. Santana is at present in town, but the old man is x feeble, and the duties of the Presidency devolve upon , Gen. Alfau, the popular vice President. Gity continues good. NEWS FROM WASHINGTON. Interesting Debate on the Homestead Bill in the Senate. Passage of the Bill for the Admission o , Kansas in the House. Explanations Relative to the Lovejoy 4 and Pryor Flare-Up. o THE COVODE INVESTIGATION. Zestimony of Postmaster Fowler and Other Mew Workers. Prospect of a Duel Between Messrs. Pryor and Potter, &., &e., &. Our Special Washington Despatch. ‘Wastincron, April 11, 1860. A DUEL ON THE TAPES. ‘ ‘She Henawn’s report of the debate in the House to-day will exhibit another affair in (the House between Mesers. Pryor and Potter. There is a report that Before the House adjourned the iatter received from the former an invitation to go out of the District. It is generally conceded that if Pryor’s chal. lenge is not accepted a mode will be indicated by Potter which will test the nerve and muscle of the former, ac- cording to the latest Wisconsin code. I have heard a report that Potter has accepted Pryor’s challenge, and selected bowie knives as the weapons with which to settle the question of honor pending between them; but J cannot trace the rumor to any reliable source. Neither of the principals can be found by the police, who are in pursuit of them, ‘The latest news from the seat of war is that Potter has pted the challenge of Pryor. Potter is said to be an expert with the rifle, and may select that weapon. He is ‘® powerful, plucky man, and will probably have a fight out of this matter in the street if not on the field; and it is said he would prefer a difficulty with Pryor to any other man. INVESTIGATIONS OF THE COVODE COMMITTEE — POSTMASTER FOWLER ON THE STAND. The Covode Investigating Committee met this morning, and ezamined Postmaster Fowler in regard to the New York Hotel fund raised for the Pennsylvania election in 1856. Mr. Fowler informed the committee ‘that be subscribed one thousand dollars, but had no con- trol of the fund as to its application, and had never con- sulted any member of the administration with reference \ to it, or had any conversation upon the subject. The com- mittee desired to know whether the clerks in the New York Post Office contributed to the General Committee? He replied that they did, but that there was no order mating it imperative upon them to pay. The committee wished to know whether the clerks were appointed mere- ly to do political work? He replied, no; but during elec- tions leave of absence was given when it could consistent- ly be done. He also stated that appointments were made on political grounds when parties were quali- fied. The committee desired to know the details and management of the office in its various departments, the pumber of clerks employed, their salaries, number of 4 qprriers, foreign, &c., all of which he explained in full to tthe satisfaction of the committee. The committee notified Mr. Fowler that when they reached the eubject of the Post Office Department they ‘Will call him again to testify on that subject. Four witnesses were before the committee to-day from Yew York city, who testified that, three days before the Ast Congressional election in that city, they were em jleyed in the Custom House; that they obtained what fhey called leave of absence, and electioncered until the day after the election, when they were discharged, each man being paid — dollars. One of the wit- meses is @ policeman, and two others are constables, one of whom testified that he know twenty-five others who were employed and discharged at the New ‘York Quetom House in the same manner. The committee ,Will not multiply such testimony by calling an unneces- tary number of witnesses to testify tothe same point at the government’s expense. George W. Baker, brother of Collector Baker, of Phila- lelpbia, has been before the Covode Investigating Com- nittee, and testified that he was appointed assistant ‘whier in the Philadelphia Custom House, and has held office since November 13, 1858, and has drawn asalary {one thousand two hundred dollars per year, in monthly ments; that he did not have a desk in the Custom hse, and could not tell what duties he performed. It is ent that he never performed any duties under the &¢vpment since his appolntment, but has been engaged in ing the Pennsylvanian newspaper. This is held a8 & yet violation of the acts of Congress, and subjet both the Collector and his brother in aD ent for felony, which, it is said, wili be forvoming. Notwithstanding his not perform ing @D3juties, he takes an oath, on receiving hi: monthly y, ir he conforms to the rules of the Custom ‘House, th he does perform duties. The record of the Blue Bookbyr 1857 and 1860 develope a singular fact in relation t?\g matter. The Blue Book of 1857 shows that there ¥ an assistant cashier and disbursing clerk, which place\s then filled by John Goodyear, and to which Mr. Bir wag appointed when Mr. Goodyear was promoted. 11 place, although now filled by Mr. Baker, according t0 own testimony, is left out of the Blue Book of 1860, Baker’s name not appearing at all. IE ADMISSION OF KANRAS. ‘The House ofspresentatives, for the second time, has to-day voted t0 mit Kansas into the Union as a Siate. ‘The first time Won the 34 of July, 1856, under the To- peka constitutiotpy one majority—to-day, under the ‘Wyandot constitin, and against the law of the English conference dill of'e jast Congress. The vote stood 134 to 73, being 61 m#ity, The impression is that the Se- nate will not act Up the question until after the Charles- ton Convention. THD KANSAS IMBROGLIO. It ig reported thaRoberi J. Walker, ex-Governor of Kansas, has surrended to the President the letter of in- troduction which hireceted from that official to the policy of the sdministyion i: Kansas, KAAS WFFICLALS. Mr. Walsb, Secretar) of Kansas Territory, has been Femoved. His successothamot yet been named. OUR RELATIONS WITH SOUT AD CENTRAL AMERICA—~AFPAIRS AP GAN JUN, ETC. Nothing of importance wamceived by the government by the steamer North Star rile from either Chili, Peru or the Central American State The aspect of affairs wal unchanged. The advices fm the Home and Pacific aqvadrons are unimportant. The War Department recetd a heavy mail from tho Paciic, Matters were general tranquil. General Har- ney was still at Fort Vancouv, and the Indians in tha neighborhood were unusually \uict and well disposed. At San Juan everything was pemful, and no further dis- turtmaces were anticipfted. ‘a THE PAY OF NAVAL yFICERS. ‘Tis House Navai Committee, at heir session this morn- ing, were stfl engeged upon the )jII for the increase of pay f the nary. They will probbly bring forward = newbill, which will not vary matenly in amount from the senate bill. Tney have adopted a amendment mak- ing the salary of the Superintenden of Observations 660000 per annum. ‘THE BOARD INVESTIGATING COMNTTEE. Mx Hoard’s Investigating Committee met to-day, and @scwecd st considerable length the eperations of te committee, ite dugies, &c. ‘The propriety Of graigning their own member is very 4 questionable, and i is possible they may refuse | of the memorial of Hon! Daniel 8. Dickinson, [of New to testify in regard to matters under investigation, POSTAL AFFAIRS, ‘The House Poet Office Committee, at their meeting this morning, disposed of ® large amount of cur- rent business. They had under consideration the subjec: of the removal of th» Boston and Philadelphia Post offices. As there isa good deal of interest manifested in these cases, the committee deferred action until the parties interested could be heard before them. ‘They meston Friday, when Messrs. Corwin and ‘Train will appear before them in behalf of the Butterfield line of steamers along the Gulf of Mexico, The commit tee, after these gentlemen have had a hearing, will come to an early decision in the matter, and the impression prevails that the requests of the memorialists will be granted, INCREASE OF MAIL FACILITIES. It is undersiood that the Post Office Depertment will re- store at an early day the mail for the North, reaching Philadelphia in season to take the eleven A. M. train for New York, arriving there between four and five, instead of seven o'clock, as at present. The object is to expe- dite the Southern mails, which reach Washington at three A. M., and also to afford departure from New York the same evening fcr Boston and New England. ‘The Senate Committee have agreed to report a bill in favor of connecting by railroad and bridge from the Bal timore and Ohio Railroad, in Washington, to the Orange and Alexandria road, making complete the connection with the South. THE CLAIMS OF MAIL AGENTS. The Committee on Poet Offices and Post Roads in the Senate have a letter before them from the Postmaster General, protesting or arguing against Congressional legisiation in favor of the claimsof certain mail agents, asserting that such action destroys his power over the service. He charges that some of the claims which have passed Congress in favor of one of the Salt Lake and San Francisco mail contractors, naming him, was procured by perjury. 1 understand that the person so charged is aware of the existence of the letter, and will probably tace some steps to vindicate his honor in the matter. OUR MINISTER TO NEW GRANADA. The ratification of the Cass-Herran treaty, which dis- poses of and settles all the pending difficulties with the New Granadian government, has induced the Secretary of State to give Mr. Jones, our Minister at Bogota, a fur- lough of a few months return home, for the purpose of attending to some private matters which require his pre rence. ‘THE CASE OF FRANK B. SANBORN. ‘The Harper’s Ferry committee have not yet received the return of the Deputy Sergeant-at-Arms in Sanborn’s case. Sanborn’s protest, which is before the Senate, will notgave him. The next oflicer they send will be clothed with sufficient power to bring him at all hazards, unless he should go out of the limits of the United States. APPOINTMENTS CONFIRMED. The Senate have confirmed the following Postmasters:— Henry Hansickee, Shrieveport, La.; Landon Smith, Pains- ville, Ohio; T. B. Plunkett, Lexington, Va.; Thomas G. Smith, Parkersburg, Va.; E. L. Acker, Norristown, Pa Also, Hancock Jackson, United States Marsha! for Mis souri; O. P. Richardson, of Louisiana, Register of the Land Office in New Mexico; Thomas Walker, Register of the Land Office at Chillicothe, Ohio, and J. P. Baldwin, Register of the Land Office at Elba, Ala. ‘THE MORSE TELEGRAPH PATENT. The Commissioner of Patents has granted an extension of the Morse patent for seven yearsfrom to-day, but has not yet prepared a written opinion. It covers the patent of 1846, including the instrument now in use and the mode of transmission. THE EXPULSION OF AMERICANS FROM MAXI00. ‘The House having requested the President to communi: cate all the information in his possession relative to the ex- pulsion of Americans from the city of Mexico and the con. fiscation of their property by General Miramon, the Secre- tary of State has replied that no information on the sub- ject has reached the department. THE PASSAGE OF THE BILL ADMITTING KANSAS INTO THE UNION. ‘The Kansas bill passed the House by a large majority. Only three from the slaveholding States voted for the bill—Messrs. Barrett, Ftheridge and Webster. An equal number from the non-slaveholding States voted against it—Messrs. English, Sickles and Scott. Absent or not vot- ing were thirteen Southern and three Northern democrats, and nine opposition, including three Southern Americans. ‘THR FOREIGN TOBACCO TRADE. It appears from the files of the State Department that nothing has been effected by our Ministers abroad to re- move the restrictions on the tobacco trade. The latest communication on the subject is from the late Minister to France, Mr. Mason. This communication is datea August, 1858, in which he says that the French government has has no desire to surrender the monopoly and sale of the article. TBE FRENCH SPOLLATION BILL. The French Spoliation bill will come up to-morrow in the House as the spesial order; also, the re port of the Committee on Public Expenditures, proposing to reform the printing abuses. Mr. Haskin has, how- ever, consented to postpone the matter, to accommodate Messrs. Clopton and Hindman, who contemplate being absent from the city. THE PRINTING INVESTIGATION. In consequence of the absence of Messrs. Hinman and Clopton, who sign the minority report, Mr. Haskin will move to-morrow to postpone the subject of the public printing two weeks from to-day. THE COLUMNS FOR THE CAPITOL. Meesrs. Rice, Baird and Heebner, after having waited six years, have failed to furnish the marble cojumns for the Capitol, according to their contracts. It is said they copfess that their quarry cannot supply them, and be- cause the Secretary of War makes an effort to pro- cure them elsewhere they abuse him, whether in the hope to induce Congress to adopt their plan for procuring Italian instead of American marble, remains to beseen. They are moving in the Senate and House, and are said to have a large lobby employed to further their project. Capt. Meigs, ex-superintendent of the construc ‘tion of the new wing of the Capitol, reported ts the Secre- tary of War over a year ago that these contractors could not fulfil their engagement with the government. THE PUBLIC PRINTING AND THE WASHINGTON PRESS. "Tho Constitution is howling at my despatch announcing that Congress will undoubtedly abolish the present sys tem of executing the public printing, and denies that all the profits of the printing thus far this Congress goe, to the Senate printer, who happens to be Gene. ral Bowman, the proprietor of the Constitution newspaper. ‘Those who know best assert that the Senate printer will have about three times as much work as the house printer, and the profits of the former will be five times as great as the latter, he having the Department printing. No wonder Mr. Bowman don’t desire s change. ‘MILITARY AFFAIRS. The House Military Committee have a resolution, in- troduced by Mr. Curtis, under consideration, authorizing the President to convert two regiments of infantry into mounted troops, to be either cavalry or dragoons, as he may desire. The subject will come up on Friday next: when the committee will also dispose of the subject of authorizing the raising of a volunteer regiment for the Texas frontier. The Secretary of War has addreesed a letter to the committee, expressing the opinion that the regiment is essentially necessary. The committee are about equally divided on the subject, and the result is very doubtful. ‘THR PRESIDENT’S PROTESTING MESSAGE. Mesers. Adrain and Bingham will address the House on the President’s protest message. That subject comes up by epecial assignment on Monday next. PERSONAL. Mr. Sherman, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, and Mr. Grow, Chairman of the Committes on Territories, have left on a visit to their several homes, the former visiting New York city first. Each will be ab- sept about one week. ‘The President has recognised Frederick Kuhne, of New York, as Consul of the Duchy of Saxe Meiningen for the United States; Robert Barth, of St. Louie, as Vice Consul of the Kingdom of Wurtemberg for Missouri and Illinois, ‘and Vice Consul of the Duchy of Nassau for Missouri; Oscar G. Parsley a8 Vice Consul of Brazil at Wilmington, N. ©.; and F. A. Horsdh as Consul of the Grand Dachy of Oldenburg at Boston. THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. FIRST SESSION. Senate. ‘Wasnixcton, April 11, 1860. AMENDMENT OF THR PATENT LAWS. ‘The bill to amend the patent Iaws was taken up and re- jected by yeas 19, nays 1 , the Vice-President voting in ‘henegative. SUPICIA ,¢ MANTERS. Mr. Hare, (rep) of N. —_, introduced a bill for the pro- tection of witnesses in cr inal canes im she District of Combis. Mr. Poon, (dem.) of io, mafftce, anked to be discha ed @om- Jon York, relative to the establishment of a United States Diatriet Court at Binghamton, New York. ‘THE OVERLAND MAIL SERVICE. Mr. Gwin, (dem.) of Cal., moved to take up the bill for the transportation of the mails overland to the Pacific, Mr. Gauxn, (dem.) of Mo, opposed the motion, He had to go away, and he desired to express himself on the Dill. Mr. Rice, (dem.) of Minn., moved to recommit the bill to the Committee on Post Oflices and Post Roads. Mr. Haus thought the Batterfleld route stood iv the way of a satisfactory arrangement of the mail serv'ce to the Pecifie. There was, however, little difference of opinion as to the Salt Lake route. He thought it ought to be con- sidered at once. After further debate the subject was passed over. ‘THE CLAIM OF B. G. SQUIER, Mr. Pou, (dem ) of Ky., reported a bill for the relief of E. G. Squier, late Charge d’ Affairs to Centra\ America. UR HOMICIDE ON BOARD THR UNITED STATES STEAMER BROOKLYN. Mr. Hate, (rep.) of N. H., introduced a resolution in- structing the Committee of Naval Affairs to inquire whether apy corporeal punishment has been substituted since the ‘abolition of flogging in the navy, and by what authority, end what steps have been taken in to the recent murder on board a United States vessel,and what steps may be peceseary for the protection of seamen on board of United States and merchant versels. Adopted. RECESS OF CONGRESS, Mr. Mason, (dem.) of Va., oflered a resolution, which he would call up to-morrow, for the adjournment of both Houses of Congress from the 19th to the 30th of April. DRRATE ON THE HOMESTEAD HILL. Mr. Jounson, (dem ) of Tenn —Mr. President, 1 think it eomewhat remarkable, that since the discuesion came up during the present session, Tennessee should be singled out as the object of attack in connection with this subject: end Keepy there has been an attempt to represent the position of Tennessee, with reference to this measure, in a mapper unwarrantable and uncalled for. The Senator from Virginia (Mr. Mason), yesterday, seemed to have been set right at last. He said, upon hearing the speech of the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle), that a flood of light bad been shed upon this whole subject, and that @ new phase had been given to this subject—that it was becoming interesting, and that tho country would understand, he thought, that the Senator from Wisconsin had shed a flood of light upon this question; thereby meaning the connection or association of the slavery question with the Homestead pea ition. I confess, thaton the one hand, I was gratified, while on the other | was deceived and exceedingly mortified. I was glad to seo that the Senator from Virginia, who has as. sumed to be the custodian of the policy and measures of Tennessee, bad received a flood of light, for I do not think ary other occasion bas presented itself upon which he would have acknowledged that he had a flood of light thrown upon him. Iam inclined to think that Tennessee can now, as in times gone by, even in the counsels of the pat:on, or on the battle field, take care of her own inte. res 8, without calling upon the Senator from Virginia to doit, We have been driven tround and around upon the slavery queetion, and upon glavery agitation—around and around in acircle—until our heads are reeling and our stomachs are sick. But while I was gratified vo see that the Sevator from Virginia, who speaks in @ manner 80 oracular when he docs epeak that all should not only hear put pee. bad received @ flood of light. Om the other hand, when I heard the speech from the Senator from Wieconsin, connecting and involving this question with the slavery question, Twas sorry. I think they have no con: vection here while under our consideration, and they ought to be kept separate and distinct, as 1 remarked op a former occasion. I look upon the Homestead measure as rising above all party questions. I look upon itas a question in copformity with the genius and spirit of the government, carrying out the great object for which the public lands were acquired. I look upon itas coming up to that great idea of philanthropy and Christianity enjoined upon all, in legislative as well a8 private capa city. On yester¢ay the Senator from Wisconsin would bave a discussion on the nigger question, and then, in rep!y the Senator from Virginia, must give a dissertation vpon the same subject, and rebuke the State of Tennessee, knowing where she stood ana what her doctrines were. Tennessee has never disguised her opinions or doctrines, and does not disguise them pow. , it really eeems to me, that if some member of this body was to iptrocuce the Ten Commandmants for consideration, and they were to receive consideration and discussion, s7me body would bring in the nigger somewhere. (Laughter.) If it were introduced by Northern men some would argue, on the one band, that it had a tendency to diminish the area of slavery, and in the end to abolish'it; while on the other hang, if some Senator from the South were to introduce the Lord er, Bomebody would see the nig. ger in it somewhere; and they would argue just as the question presented iteelf, either upon the Ten Command- ments or the Lord’s Prayer, that one would advance sla- very and the other diminish and abolish it. Is it not time that the legislation of the country could be directed to something else. I do believe thai the country, North and South, is becoming sick and tired of the constant agitation of this question, to the exclusion of all others, and I do trust and hope that the public spirit of the country will raise above the and purposes for which it bas been kept up. But the Senator informed me that a flood of light had been shed upon this subject. He seemed to come forward to the discussion under that flood of light as did old Paul when travelling to Damageus, only he asked of the Lord, “What wilt thou have me to do?” Whether the light shed by the Senator from Wisconsin bad the same influence on the Senator from Virginia, I will not undertake to say; but if it is improper and dangerous to associate the Homestead vill with republicanism, I think it is equally dan- gerous to receive a flood of light from 2 republican. But whem we come to examine Bomestand question. where do we start with it? Wo start with it in 1791, under the administration of Gen. Washington. I think he was from the Old Dominion. In 1791 the first Homestead bill was introduced, and we find, in the language of the law, that four hundred acres of land were given to the heads of families. The bill s and received the ap| ‘Washington. Well, I think that is tolerable. Tennessee is willing to be asso- ciated with Washington, and especially upon the Home- stead propositicn. It was approved by the immortai hand of Washington. I think he was it as great a man as apy of the modern lights; and so far as I am concerned, I prefer following the lead of the larger instead of what I consider the lesser lights. What do we find next? Mr. Jefferson recommends, in one of his mersages to the Congress of the United States, the Home- stead policy. Beginning with Washington and Jefferson, this policy was inaugurated, so far as this government was concerned. I follow the light and associate with Wash- ington and Jefferson rather than the present lights that now sbine from the Vid Dominion. Following this sub- ject down, there are forty-four precedents, approved and ‘sanctioned and fixed upon the country, moving through every eiministration, from Thomas Jefferson down to the present time. Where did this policy have its origin? Its very germ commenced in Virginia, and it has been fol- lowed up and brought down to the present time. But, coming slong down, Mr. President, to 1860, we find, in an to’ create the office of Surveyor General in Oregon, that lands were granted to actual settlers. There is Homestead— there is a grant of six hundred and forty to the parties, 1f married, and three bundred and twenty acres, if a single man. I should like to know where the vigilant, watchful Senator was, when that law was paesed? I presume this tlood of light had not been shed, and he did not eee the bearing and tendencies of the measure as he sees them now. How did the Senator vote upon that question ? Where was this faithful senti- nel? Standing on the watchtower, sounding the alarm, and arousing the people of the United States against the inroads made upon their lands and institutions? Where was be? In hisseat. Did he say yea, or nay, either in speech or in vote? No; buthe sat here with his arms folded, and. let this infamous measure—this agrarian measure, working such dangerous influences upon certain institutions of the country, pass. And that was ope Homestead oroposition. But let ussee how the ‘thing stands. On yesterday I read trom this act—the act of 1854—and sostated it; but before I began to read another section the Senator from Missouri (Mr. Green) took the floor to make an issue, and then Senator from Virginia took the floor and ‘kept it. There is » very distinct grant. But the answer was that it was not a Homestead, because it was a grant to New Mexico. There is no difference in the principle of free homesteads and free homes in New Mexico and anywhore else. But even in New Mexico, where there was a prospect of slavery, here js a bill inviting settlers to go into New Mexico and take the land free, and tocarry out this very disastrous idea with reference to slavery, of which the ator from Virginia speaks. On yesterday the only answer received from that Senator ip reply was that it was bad grammar, thereby hoping to escape the inconsistency in which he was involved. Mr. Mason—I said the probability was that I had voted for it; but as to escaping the responsibility of a vote, I would eimply declare that it is not a matter of policy, but 1 presume I voted for it. ‘Mr. Jonsson (resuming)—It is a Homestead proposi tion, embracing the same idea, only to a greater extent than the bill now under conaideration. Tos Senator not only eat by but permitted that bill to pass, so obnoxious with reference to the institution ofslavery. Mr. Johnson then read the act in relation to Kansas and Nebraska, and said:—These acts were referred to by the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Pugh) the other day, as one of the precedents for the e of @ Homestead bill, and he made an argument, permit me to say, that cannot be answered. If the meature is unconstitutional, moet it on upconstitutional grounde; if inexpediert and davgerous, show it to be so. But herewasa pre-emption granted in 1864, right in the midst of all this alarm about Kansas ‘and Emigrant Aid Societies. Where was this sleepiess vigilant then? Granting homesteads to young men—not heads of families, for anyboty could go to Kansas and squat upon the land. When be saw an encroachment 80 dangerous upon an institation peculiar to the South, why did he not sound the alarm? If he saw the danger then, and failed to give the alarm, I say tbat he was not wortby to be asentinel. Well, waere was the Senator when he talks about Tennessee and Kentucky? Did he vote? He got out yesterday because be did not vote. When a dill pasres this Senate it is un- deretood that it receiver the sanction of the body, and the tacit consent of every member here is committed to it If there was all this danger. was it not the duty of the Sena- tor to sound the alarm, call the ayes and noes, and let tbe country know where the parties stand? In 1854 Mr. Hun- ter, of Virginia, offered an amendment to the Homestead bill before the Senate, reducing the price of the land to twelve and @ balf cents. In the midst of all the great ex. citement and hag gv it the House of Representa- tives by @ vote of two-thirds. Among those who voted for this amendment was Mr, Mason, the gentleman ar- Pipes hon ‘Where do we stand now? [think Ten- nerree is @ sort of getting up. (Laughter.) I think she will compare with the Old Dominion in that particular. On the motion of the Senator from Alabama (Mr. Fitzpa trick), to amend the amendment of Senator Hunter, the ayes aod poes were called again, and the Senator from Virginia (Mr. Mason), a seeond time records his vote in favor of it. Toe Seoator was enlightened a little yester- day—I want to enlighten him alittie to-day, I think that speech yesterday came with very bad grace with such s record. Where is the difference between the proposed magure md the one passed in 1854? Where ie the enor- my in the one shat does not exietin the other? Where is the danger to the covstitation of alavery in the one that does not grow out of the other? Mr. Preakient, whem you come to jake up this subject of the public lande, Tray that Virgtuia, onder the bounty jaad system $0 Revolutionary solders, bas early two million medred thousand acres of land. And when we tend with Virginia, commencing with Wi and going down through every administration to the preeeat ‘me, are we to be arraigned and taunted with our associ- Nome? Did mot the Preemption policy start with Gen. Jackson? Did not the Graduation policy start with Gen. Jackton? Is not Tennessee standing now where she did then? What is the Homestead policy? It i part and par- cel of the same great idea of yielding the public lands into the poesession of every man that will take them and make proper use of them. ere is where we stand—where Wasbington and Jefferson stood, and where all other administrations have stcod, ‘even along with the Sepator himsel! cown to the present time. Vir- ginia rebuke Tevnestee upon this subject! Talk sbout making free States! Virginia, by surrendering all her territory, created five new States, all now admitted into the Union, with their Senators on this floor. Are you satisfied with them, or do you want to turn them out of the Union? Tennessee intencs to stand upon principle, and intends to pursue it unalterably and unfalteringly, a8 her own noble rivers go rushing from the Mountain State, making their way down the valleys and through the lains in their majestic career to the Great Father of ‘aiers. She does not stand here to be rebuked by any State or the Senator of any State. In the field and in council she cap take care ot herself. ‘This measure is as- sociated with the republican party, because the republi- can party show a little ragacity; and being a little bard preseed for capital, pick up whatever they find profitable. They find that it isa great principle, which has been agitated by the democratic party for yeare—that it is popular, an? thet the public judgment is recorded for it. In 1846 this measure was engrafted in it present shape, before the republican party bad an exis tence. In 1852 it met the taunts and jeers of various in divid until the public judgment was found to be ia favor of it, and on the 12th day of May the House of Re: presentatives passed it by a fraction less than a two-third vote. It isa democratic measure, not republican. Be- cause republicans come forward and advocate a measure we engrafted we aro acared atit. 1 bold thig government is created for the people, and when they have spoken their golemn judgment it is nothing more nor lees than the duty of this Senate to obey them. In 1852 and 1804 it was not a party question; whigs and democrats and Americans voted for it, but all at once it has got the nigger into it, and it takes a new phase now. 1 do not pretend at all to bo a constitntional lawyer, but some propositions are #0 plain that any body can understand them. I say the distinc tion is broad and clear between the power of the federal government over its reserves and its public lands. Con- grees has power (o lay and levy taxes, duties, imports and exciees, pay the debts, and ide for the common de- (ence and general welfare. n duties have been laid, and the taxes collected and paid into the treasury Congress hag specific powers in reference to their appropriation. But in reference to the public lands the power 1s different; and it may dispose of the public lands, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the ter:itory or other prooerty of the United States. What does the government acquire Terriory for? Is it to remain unproductive? I say itis the duty of the government to adopt those means which will induce the settiement of the unsettled Territories. Some men make the argument, that if we acquire Territory, we must obtain precisely what we pay for. Where are the brave men who sleep in foreign lands, who fell in dead- ly conflict with a foreign foe? You must get them back before you talk of dollars and cents. Are not the descen dapts of those who shed their blood and offered ur their lives on the altar of their country entitied to a litde piece of ground? Whoee land is it? It belongs to the people. The government is the agent, and has no right to withhold from the great masaes of the people what they ask. Mr. Wicrat1, (dem.) of Texas—I will ask what the se- Dator means by the people? Mr. Jounson—What do I mean by the people? I think it a term well understood by everybody in this country, if not by the Senator. I do not deal in tecnicalities. ‘When I gay the people J mean that material which consti tutes the government—tbe bone and sinew—that vortion of the community which produces all, sustains all—that does all the igbting and wine all the victories. But this is called our agrarian measure. Why, sir, it does not purpose to take away what belongs to others and give it to the people, but the whole proposition is to enable the rightful owner of the gronnd, who hag made the sacri- foes, to come (orward and take a portfn of that which is his. You bave seven millions of quarter sections of land, and not ever four millions of families. If you give each one of them a quar ter section of land, you would have three millions of acres left. _ Nobody loses—is thai agrarian? Mr. Johnson then defended the policy of Tibe- rius and Gracchus, and said that when Rome was most prosperous her citizens had land. In conclusion be gaid:—It must be conceded by all who have paid any attention to the opperations of the government, that now is the time to wrest it from the state of things which occurred in Rome, when the public lands belong to the peo- ple. Who is willing to hang the destinies of this republic upon cities? I for one am not. But unless this state of things is resisted, and resisted now, this government will fall as Rome fell. We are now in our swaddling clothes, there is ecarcely a rich man in the State, and yet this policy is fixing itself upon the country. What, then, is our policy? .et agricuiture go hand in hand with me- chanics, let each man bave ahome,and when an elec- tion role around he is a free men, and comes to the ballot box and votes his own vote, not that of his landlord. Why will Senators stand up sgainst an enlightened public judgment? | trust in God that the time will come when this Senate, instead of being chosen by the Legislatures, will be chosen by the people of the several tes, and then they will know their relative position to the people who constitute the States. There bas been a disposition to place the bill beyond the reach of veto power. do not speak x cathedra upon this subject, but beard it thrown out by some that it would receive the Executive veto. I do not believe it, and I will give you one reason why I do not believe it. Look ai this Dill! It provices for paying ths expenses of the Land Of- fices, holding out every inducement for setilement and cuitivation for five years—not for paupers and a misera- ble class of loafers: not for vagabonds; not for what is denominated the poor, in one sense—but tor men who ‘bave bands, muscles, and willing hearts to work. If being poor was a crime, and I was before you, as my judge upon trial, I should plead that I was guilty— & great cr! born a crimina), and lived a criminal a large, portion of my life. He then read from the report of Mr. Lee, when Secretary of the Interior, to show that the government had received sixty millions of dollars above and beyond all expenses from tie sale of the pub- lic lands, and urged the friends of the Homestead Dill to stand by it and pass it in some sbape. If once on the statute book it would be beyond the power of repeal. Mr. Masoy replie? he was bell aiegal that the Senator poured out vials of wrath upon bim. He supposed that they were on the same side of the channel and united by common interest. He bad no intention to take the State of Tennessee into bis keeping. He supposed that that they would act together upon a measure brought for- ward by the republican organization for the avowed purpored of breaking down Southerni isnti- tutions. He defended himeelf from the taunts that he bad sat silent, while bills embodying this principle had od the Senate. He denied that the principle of the Homestead bill was contained in tho legislation of 1859. The policy recommended by the earlier Presidents, and carried into effect in 1850, was entirely different from that embodied in the Homestead bill—the one was designed to reclaim wilderness and invite popu- Jation into distant territories, the latter proposes to give away land tor no such purpose. He defended his ‘vote on the Graduation bill, and sbowed that this bill did not contain the principle of the Homestead bill. He con- tended that the neceesary effect of the letter would be to transplant people from ‘non slaveholding States to pre. occupy public lands to the exclusion of the people of Southern. States. He was opposed to the whole principle of giving away public lands, and should vote against it. Mr. Wicratr further discussed the subject. He was tired of this twaddle about the people, denied that the Homestead bill was a aemocratic measure, and asked when did it become a part of their platform. It has been adopted by the republicans, and is designed to cut the throats of Southerners. Anybody who denied that thig government is a compact between States, is no democrat. He reiterated that the Homestead bill constituted a part of the republican plat orm. Mr. Pvc, (dem.) of Ohjo--Where do you find it in the republican platform ? Mr. Wicrau (pointing to Mr. Seward and Lord Lyons, who were talking together on one of the sofas)—There it is talking to Lord Lyons. The British Minister and the platform are together. Mr. Pvcn—I deny that the republican platform says apyibing about the Homestead bill; they have only taken it up according to ‘heir habit of pickéng up whatever they find lying about loose. Mr. Wicratt then apologised for referring to gentlemen y name, and then continued his remarks, which were of ery discoursive character. He denied that there was avy propriety or necessity of setthng up Territories and creating new States. Mr. Brown Cee eee moved to postpone the sub- Ject till Tuesday, as be wished to speak. Mr. Wane was willing, provided they could then obtain a final vote on Wednesday. Mr. Brown and others were willing to consent to this arrangemen Mr. Doveias, (dem.) of Ill, urged the propriety of fixing a cay for the final vote. I have no objection to the reference indicated, if it is reported back by Tuesda: but I co think there should be some particular day—nt a very ate one—on which the final vote shall be taken. If this discussion goes on many days longer there will never be an end of it. If the slavery question is grafted on it we will never get a vote. I could not, if I desired, add anything of force whatever, to the arga- ment of the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Johnson) to- day, I do not wish, therefore, to occupy any time. I wish to express the desire for speedy action and a final-vote as carly a8 porsible. No man is more anxious than I am 10 bave the overland mail system put !n—put upon asound apd firm basis. Ithink the public require prompt action vpon that, and I think this discussion stands in the way of it. Let us confine ourselves to this measure until we diepoge of it, then take up the overland mail and dispose of tbat, and dispose of the Pacific Railroad bill. Let us take up each measure in succession, and when we take it up bever lay it down till we get a final vote. I shall insist upon this measure having priority, keeping priori: ty, and then we can take up the overland mail, and each in their piace, and thus have a vote upon every great ve. * measure. ‘The bill was then recommitted, with instructions to be reported back on Tuesday, and with the understanding that it shall be pressed to a final vote. Adjourned. Heuse of Representatives. ‘Wasmnaton, April 11, 1860. ‘THR ADMISSION OF KANSAS INTO THE UNI00. ‘The House resumed the consideration of the bill for the admission of Kaneas into the Union. Mr. Mayxarn, (8. opp.) of Tenn., said this subject came before the House under different circumstances than |t did two years ago. Then the contest was between border roffians and Emigrant Aid Societies—between Sharp's rifles and bowie-knives; blood was then flowing from her wounds, and her virgin soil was desecrated. Now, all was peace’ul. He was satisfied, from the argument yos- terday of Mr. Parrott (delegate fram Kansas), that ft was bis opinion that Kansas bas not the requir- ed populdtion fer a representative in this House. nit Sarak suse frage; and, berider, he did not beleve Oregon pow has population of fifty thousand. He referred to the opposi tion Tennessee platform, in which the extension of the period of probation for foreigners js advocated, so% that Jore)gnors uot naturalized should be prevented from young at the elections. On this declaration of principles teven out of the ten members of Congress on this tloor were elected. The provisions of the Wyandot conatitution, he argued, are obnoxious to this objection, and come within the category. If a residence of six montbs is sufficient to entitie foreigners to citzenship, then change the naturalization laws. If this period is too long, de clare them citizens the moment they reach our goil, end administer to them the oath of citizesebip, so tuat they may be puvished if guilty of treason, and rewarded if true and loyal to our country and its interests, He moved that the bill be recomwmitted to the Committee on ‘Territories, with inrtructions to limit the boun: es go as to exclude ‘all lanos belonging tothe Cherok«« Indians, ‘This we owe to the American character and our treaty faith with thie tribe. Mr. Gooen, (rep.) of Mass , in reply to Mr. Clark, of Mirsouri, denied that the people of Kansas, in the forma tion of their constitution, have acted in violation of law. No Congress has the power to say that the people shall Dot send up a petition asking for admiesion into the Union, The English compromise was not an enabling act. It could no take away any of the rights secured under the copatitution of the United States. re was the author) ty of that constitution and a procedent for the admission of Kansas; and the people acted precieely as they should have acted, The English bill imposed no restraint on the power of the present Cengrees The admission of new States was a matter of discussion. Ho would go still farther, and say that even if he had voted for the English bill, though he would have capsidered that the most unfortunate act of his life, it would not preclude him from voting for the admission of Kansas under the ‘Wyandot constitution, It has been shown thas there is suificient population in Kansas, which has every element to organize an eflicient State government. He answered the objections as to the boundaries, saying that the Indian territory was protected by a treaty which Congress cannot infringe ; and whatever migbt be the merit of the question with regard to the voters, he thought it would be unfair and unjust to apply to Kansas a principle not extended to other new Statvs. He trusved that Kan 8a8 would be admitted into the Union, and thus the strife which has go long existed would be terminated. Mr. Quartas, (8. opp.) of Tenn., opposed the bill on the grounds of including Indian lands within the boundaries of Kansas, which is in violation of the treaties; that the people should have complied with the English Dill, and that the population was not sufficient. Besides, the Wyandot constitution was anti-repnblican, according to the definition of the constitution of the United States, and because it permits foreigners to vote. Having repu- diated the English bill, Kansas was here without au- thority of law. Mr. Cox, (dem.) of Ohio, declared himself in favor of the passage of the bill, asa friend of the people of Kan- sas. He repudiated the extraordinary speech delivered yesterday by the delegate from Kansas (Mr. Parrott), be lieving its tendency was to jeopard the admission of the State. It was obnoxious to make a charge of unfairness, and he considered the speech as showing more temper than wisdom, whatever might be its merits as an ora- torical production. It might be in the line of his duty to lecture the members of the House. Mr. Parrott, of Kansas, interrupting, claimed that he held a eeat here by a right equal to that of the gentioman, and agked him to specify the objectionable language. Mr. Cox, reauming, said that Mr. Parrott had not done justice to the men who undertook here to remove the Ls ‘compton constitution from the halls of Congress. The delegate, while charging that the English bill was intend ed to keep Kapgas out of the Union, made no exception to bis sweeping libel. The intention of some of those who ‘voted for tt was to enable the people of Kansas to reject the Lecompton constitution, and this was his declared purpose. Tocall the Foglish bill, as did the delega‘e trom Kansas, a ‘mean and false contrivance,” wes upjnst to those who stood up io favor of the rights of the people of Kansas. As & man of honor he was bound to vote for this bill There was no difficulty with him as to the population of Kapeas. He referred to the evidence of the votes and the registry. Ifthe democrats bad had fair play there, the people would not have been thrown under the corrupt rule of the corrupt republican party. He would vote for the bill becauee it was rigbt, and not merely to get rid of the question. When he voted for the English bill he re- served bis retion. He could vote for Kansas when ever she came here with a constitution approved by the people. He eo stated at the time. He showed that Kaneas bad complied with the English bill. The epabling act, with the census in it, was not restrictive. It was only i Pe Parco to Kansas. If she accept it, well and good; if she refused it, very weil. She can do as she pleagee. ‘Congress can act as it pleases at every stage of tte proceedings. It can repeal as well enact. All th» substantive parte of the English bill Kansas accepted. He referred to the justification of his vote by his constitn- ent coming here with double his former majority. Jo spite of all che vituperation and abuse, and a mort unex ampled pereonal contest, he was returned here, and as ‘the crowning act of that triumph, he would vote for the admission of Kansas, THE DISGRACEFUL AFFAIR BETWEEN MESSRS. LOVIJOY, PRYOR, AND OTHERS. Mr. Pryor, (dem.) of Va., rising to a questien of privi lege, read from the Globe report concerning the difficulty of Thursday, and quoted the following:— Mr. Pryor, (ndvancing from House towards the area where Mr. Lovejoy stood)—The xen- ‘tleman from lilinois (Lovejoy) shall not | ch this side of abal st ind he the House king bis fista and talbin; talked. It is bad enough to be compe!’ him utter bis treasonable and insulting language; but he shall the House, ‘his fists in not, sir, come upon this side of our faces. my Mr. Pottrr—We listened to gentlemen upon the other side members upon this for eight weeks, when they denounced the side with violent and offsnatv not come upon this fo the style be manner. ‘Mr. Porter—You are doing the same thing. Mr. Pryor, after this reading, said it was due to him- relf to say, on that occasion he did not recognise the hon- orable member or hear any word from his lips; nor was nows- ‘ate accounts of the proceeding, made no reference to bis presence, but finding him re- ‘ted in the Globe, he would admit the member was the he sipgular in this oblivion of his presence. papers, in giving se ere. He discovered that the member had interpolated the record in a manner touching personal relations in a most material regard. The member had interpolated the words “Iet the consequences be what they may,” and “you are doing the same thing.” Then, again, after the words, as taken down by the reporters, “I do not think that side of the House has aright to sey where a gentleman shall speak,” the gentleman adds, “and he shall not.” Mr. Port, (rep ) of Wis., was very much surprised to hear the gentleman say that he did not see him on the oc- casion alluded to, but he had no right to say the gentle- man did see him. He stood within a few fect of the gentleman, and after Mr. Pryor had made the remark, As to Mr. Lovejoy’s shaking his fist, he (Mr. Potter) said, “You are doing the same thing.” He bad a righttodo what he did, aud other gentlemen did the same thing. It was perfectly natarai, where there were so many talking, that the reporters shonld not have distinctly heard all the remarks. Mr. Pryor replied thatthe member might have been here, but he (Mr. Pryor) did not see him. He cid, in two instances, substitute one word for another, in no respect’ changing the sense of his meaning, and not putting himself in a more heroic attitude. He understood the gentleman then to tay that on that occasion he (Mr. Pryor), in a ruffianly and violent manner, approached and gesticulated towards the member from Illinois (Mr. Lovejoy). Was he to un. derstand further thet the member intended by that any menace or offence ? Mr. Porrsr replied that what he meant was this:—While the member from Virginia was making the charge about Lovejoy, shaking his fists, he (Mr. Potter) eald, very ‘naturally, ‘You ' aro doing the same thing.” Mr. Potter said that he deprecate the shaking of fists on one side as much as the other, and he stood by what he had said. He considered thatu member bas the right to correct his remarks from the notes of the reporters and to supply omissions. He would ask Mr. Pryor whether he (Mr. Pryor) did not erase his (Mr. Potter’s) remark after it was put in by the reporters? What rigbt bad he to do this without coneul- tation with bim?’ It wasa liberty no gentleman should take with another; and he (Mr. Potter) would suffer his right arm to fall off before he would do it. Mr. Pryor—The gentleman wants to know by what au- thority I erased matter he interpolated. I erased no word the reporters bad written, but I felt authorized to erase the unwarrantable and impertinent interjection made in the notes of the reporters. The gentleman stands by his language. 1 understand bim to give me the liberty of con- struipg bis remarks as I choose. Whether or no he will stand by it the sequel will prove. (Laughter on the re- publican side. Mr. Dawes (rep.) of Mags., said that he heard Mr. Pot- ter make the remarks. THR DEBATE ON KANSAS RESUMED. Mr. Sonrn, (dem.) of Va.,and Mr. Garwerr, (dem.) of Va , severally expreesed their views against the bill Mr. Grow, (rep.) of Pa., closed the argument in favor of the bill. As to the boundaries, they are the same as the Senate and House have heretofore approved. The area is 85,000 square miles, With regard to the popula tion, each House declared two years ago that Kansas had & population svfficiently large for a State. She hasa ‘voting population of 17,150. He also arguea that nothing in the proposed boundaries would prejudice Indian rights It was time to close the old annals and open a new chap- ter in the history of Kansag. ‘Mr. Maynard’s metion to recommit was disagreed to. ‘The bili was then pas ed; 134 against 73, as follows:— ‘Yrss.—Meass. Adams of Msssachusetts, Adrian, Aldrich, utr ANE Att ee Resin Buck Sage ras ton, , z , Burrbam, Butterfield, Gatppbell Car. Carter, Case, Clark Clark B Conbrat Cochrane, Colfax, Chu ing, Cooper Corwin. Covone, Cox, Curtis, Dawes.Delanc, Duel), Down, ‘gi ‘arn. igerten. Ba Hot, Kl worth, Fenton, Ferry, Morente, Foster, Fouke, Frank, French, Goceb. Grow, Gurey, Bale, Hall Haskin, Helmick, Hick mar, Hoard,'Ho man’ Howard Humphrey Hutchins, Irvine, Jopkin, Belong of mich. Kellogg of IL, Kenyon, Bilgore. Killinger, Larr each , Lee, af arsion, | Maztis of) Ohio a oat ie, Mekeap, Wa’ ‘Wesars. Adams of Ky., Anderson of Mo., Anderson oficy., Ashmore, Avery, Barksdale, Booook, Boohita, =xe'er son. Bravon, mn. Burnett, Clark fo, Craig of 0, of N.O., Crawford. Curry, eon. Davis of Md , Edmundeop. Bi Garnet, Gar relt Hamilton, Hardewan, Harrie o@h., Halion. Hiswiioe jindmen, Houston, Hughes, J Jeaking, Jones ii, Lamar, Leach of N'C , Leane, Love Mallory, Miynard MeQceen, McKae. wiles, Moore of Hy , Moore of 8 wickles, Sima’ Singleton, Bah of Var Sami hot A Osta of Va, , Sialigrort, Stevessom, Blokes, Thomas, Vance, ‘waitely, Winbiow, rood son—i3. Mr4 =ncuisn said ax more than two thieds af friemde beyt voted agatoeg the M§ll, he had vor ‘Thed ill decktres that the State of Kansas mitted:iato the Union under the Req footing with the orginal the democratic side of the side sbabing his has talked. He gina menacing and ruflianly whatever. The boundaries begin at the on he weelern boundary of Missouri where the thirty seventh paraile! of north latitude crosses the same, thence west on said parallel to the twenty-fifth meridian of longitude west of Washington, thence orth on that meridian to \he fortieth paralle! of latitude, thence east on said parallel to the western boundary of Missour!, thence with the western boundary of that State to the place of ; Provided nothing contained im the constitution of Kansas shall be copstrued to impair the rights of persons or pro- perty now pertaining to the Indians in the Territory, #0- cording to existing treaties, por shall their territory be included with the State until said tribe shall signify their assent thereto. Until the next general Kaneas sball be entitled to one member im the House Representatives. The remainder of the bill contains the usual land provisions and conditions, Adjourned, & Our Washington Correspondence. Wasnincton, April 6, 1860, Are the Fire-Katers all Dead?—No; They are Biding Their Time, Waiting the Movement of the Waters—Their Appa- lie Sentiment of South Carolina on these Party Conven- tioms—State of Things at Charleiton—Law and Order— ‘The National Party and the Republican Party—Their Plans—The Rev. Mr. Lovejry, dc. Are the fire-eaters all dead? Has their Southern oonfe- deracy collapsed? Have Southern rights become an obso- lete idea, myth,a jack.o’-lantern, that has gone out with the first strong whitls of a nor’west wind? We hear no more of John Brown—no more of Helper—no more of Southern non intercourse and Southern homemade linsey woolsey. What is the matier? Are we to have no “ir- repressible conflict’? after all? Have Southern men caved? Is Douglas cock of the walk? Is the cohesive power of the public plunder predominant? Was all this Southern wrath of eight weeks’ outpouring against John Sherman and his associate Helper “traitors,” “ineen- diariee,” “aesagsins” and “abolition conspirators,” all fues, and feathers, and flummery, amounting to nothing? Have we been humbugged by the mock misery of a pro- tracted Irish wake, or are these Southern salamanders professional howling or dancing dervishes, as the occasion. may require? Are We thus over and over and over again to be treated as cbildren by the ghosts and hobgoolins of Southern disunion, and then to be laughed at for our cre- dulity, or are our alarmists the fools of their own fancies? Was there anything in this late hue and cry against the Diack republicans, except a desperate trick to frighten them off from the flesh pots of Egypt? Remembering the awful, the alarming life and death struggle of the South for the Speaker, we cannot understand this dead Southern calm and collapse which have succeeded. What does it all mean? Yesterday morning, pending the stupid discussion in the House on Mormon polygamy, all these queetions were strictly in order; but yesterday afternoon, when the Rev. Mr. Lovejoy began to stir up the witches’ cauldron on the nigger question, and to make it, Line # hell broth, boil and bubble, the most skeptical ‘‘looker on here in Verona’? would have been satisfied that before the almighty nigger in the South the next President of the United States dwindles into = mere pigmy, & man of straw, the hope only of a few needy spoilsmen in the South, a8 the paramount question. The Southern fires of agitation are not extinguished. They are only slumbering. They i hillocks of Central America You approach one; it is silent, but itis warm. You advance to the top; you look into the little crater; you see nothing. Yon cast in a stone, and instantly you hear a rumbling; the earth shakes under your an explosion follows, and a shower of stones and ashes are thrown up mto the alr, and you fly from the scene jn double quick time. So it is here amovg these Southern volcanic ele- ments in Congress. With the election of the Speaker they relapsed into silence and apparent submission. They have ever since worn the expression and have borne themselves hke a party subdued and disposed to bend their necks to circumatances. And the republicans have demineered it over them hke veritable masters. Watch- ing these things, we have felt ashemed of our late fears of disupion and civil war; we have felt as ® man may feel who, pluming himself upon bis sagacity, is taken in by a patent eafe trick or a thimble rigger. Even in thig reaction of opinion we bave been mistaken. ‘The Southern elements have not capitulated at discretion. They bave pot absolutely abandoned the South for the spoils. They will not leave their mggers and trust to luck to secure the epoils of the succession. They regard the Union valuable only so far as it is = safeguard to their slave property and slavery institutions. They have some hope of the Charleston Convention—some hope of a man and a platform competent to win the election on the basis of a new compromise, North and South. are wait- ing on for this hope. ‘On a fair ticket and platform whey are ready, even most Southern ultra men, to fight the Northern democracy, side by side, for the victory, as the French and Sardinians fought through their late spien- did Italian eampaign. But the South will have a definite understanding at Charleston, or they will break up the dpmocratic party. ‘The Douglas men are aware of this. They fear that, should they be able to compass the nomination of their champion, the secession from the ticket of the right wing of the party in all the cotton States will leave him and the panty wo erabing defeat; and so, in the first instance, the Douglas managers are resolved to require of all the de- legates in the Convention a pledge to support the nominee. ‘This will dispoee of the suspicion that the Douglas party are contemplating @ bolt,and it will also bring those Southern delegates to the mark who have flatly threa- tened to bolt should Dougias be nominated. One of the most conspicuous of these Southern gentle- men, who has declared that in no event will he Cay, » Mr. Dovgias for the next Presidency, is Senator of Alabama. He taken an’ active part the Senate democratic caucus discussions of ® string of resolutions on the slavery question levelled at Mr. Douglas and squatter ‘sovereignty. Cordially co-operating with Mr. Clay in these resolutions we find Messrs. Bright, Clingman, Slidell, Bigler, Day Green, and a decisive majority, not only of the party bi of the Senate, as will be disclosed noxt week the discussion of the resolutiona in the Senate. The intention of the friends of these anti squatter sovereignty resolutions is to briog them to a vote, ip order that the Northern wing of the Charleston Convention may have an authoritative expression of Southern sentiment to guide them in the first and decisive business of the Conven- tion—the platform. Among the projects of the national Union, or third par- ty elemept, is this—that the South shall permit Douglas to De nominated at Charleston; that the cotton States shall bolt and set up an independent Southern democratic tick- et. Thus Douglas will bestrengthened in the North, and thus the election may be thrown into the House, when, between Douglas and the Southern democrat, there will be no difficulty in swamping the republicans. But this Project is too smoky for serious consideration. We only mention it as one of the many expedients of this new third party to cut in and cut out the republicans. Mr. Calhoun, as you know, looked upon these national party conventions with extreme disgust. While he lived South Carolina would have nothing authoritatively to do with them. His diegust is still entertained by a very ped fil of bis South Caroline partisans, and hence offen! upon Charleston bas been commented upon by the news- papers of that city. The moral effect of this state of public sentiment at Charleston will be to bring the members and camp followers of the Convention to their p’s and q's, for there is no city in the Union so remarka- ble for its law and order, and the good behavior of people, as Charleston. Of course the citizens expect same regard to orderly conduct on the part of strangers coming among them. Let it not be forgotten that one- half the population of Charleston are slaves, and that they are trusted and confided in by their masters and mistress- es to an extent which surprises Northern men, on their first visit. For example, slaves do nearly all the selling and buying at the clean, tidy and well supplied city mar- ket; and thé same confidential relation between protection and obedience extends to all the family business affairs of the communily. Let Northern strangers, attending the Convention, respect these harmonious relations between the two races of that city, and visiters there will have no \ complaint to make of Charleston inhospitality. ‘Tbe Union party managers have been admonished that in no event can their ticket which may be nominated at Baltimore be adopted by the Chicago Convention. The great republican party cannot thus play second fiddle to the indefinite elements of a supposed balance of power faction; but if this faction will indicate their ticket and platform a kindly disposition to frate: the republicans may put up a man—Judge Mclean ia- stance—who will be eoceptable to tis inion party. In this view a ticket may be nominated at Baltimore, to Peau if the Chicago Convention will only do the neat Divers rumors are afloat to-day respecting the [toed fate of the Rev. Mr. Lovejoy since his vindictive Ite to the slavebolders on the floor of the House. One is that a resolution will be introduced for the of the reverend gentleman from the House; another ramor is that some terrible fire eater will watch his ‘to give the reverend gentleman a sound thraahlag, but is probable that as he has been apprised of this the fire-eaters will be reduced to the alternative of a Row- land for an Oliver, in @ tearing phillipic or two in the re. gular order of deBate. The bore Mae le Wied this violent Cae ha- rapgue reverend gentleman as a good ; bave different men for the cifferent branches of b~4 work—from Corwin, ths conservative, to Lovejoy, the rampant abolition parson—and everything is fish which comes into their net. Our Naval Correspondence. . Navy Yarp, Warrvatoy, Fla., March 31, 1860, Arrival of Marines—The United States Steamer Fulton—The Oruwader and Water Witch Ready for Sea, dic. ‘The United States mail steamer Empire City arrived here last evening with the officers and crew of the United States gunboat Seminole. A detachment of marines, con- sisting of one sergeant, two eorporals and forty privates, joined this post, under the command of Lieutenant A. W. Stark. ‘The United States steamer Fulton was taken out of dock and the Seminole was put in; she will ready fore the the 1st of ays Tlectn sha le for the Ite cant ton, The United States steamer Crusader will be ready to jeave ina few days. There has been a great done to her since she arrived. nN eeu ‘The United States steamer Water Wi ‘will leave on arise guard of Use seslacs hot minole hag bsen detailed and will consist of one orderiy sergeant (Eserx), two aor porate and ten privates. The orderly sergeant wil! com- mee oma pes ts one of the most accompiished corps. ‘Tee y o' this station are daily drill- er letac! is 01 Grilled officers in the ited Staten,” He ie ipil of ‘veteran Major