The New York Herald Newspaper, February 6, 1860, Page 4

me 4 va amuse Amstria, Prossia and, perhaps, Russia, while he was coming to an understanding with England which would enable him to arrange the affairs of Italy téletéte with that Power, undisturbed by the scruples or protests of the rest, Austria, of course, is furious; the assurances of Count Walewski and the attentions lavished on her ambassador at Paris, Prince Metternich, had com- pletely misled her; she was firmly convinced that Louis Napoleon was as zealous in the cause of the pestoration, as devotedly attached to the Pope, and as bitterly opposed to the heretical English as she is herself, and her disappointment and mortification are now equal to her former confidence. Francis Joseph is reported to be quite beside himself with rage, and there would be reason to fear a repetition of the coup | de tite he was guilty of last April, if the deplorable condition of his empire did not preclude all possi- | bility of recommencing a struggle in which he has already been 80 disastrously worsted. As usual, when reduced to great straits, the Oabinet of Vienna turn their eyes towards Prussia, whom they treat with contumely as soon as they are not in want of her assistance. Count Karoby has ar rived here in hot haste to appeal to the generosity of the Prince Regent, requesting him to let by- gones be bygones, and to join Austria in maintain- ing the cause of legitimate monarchy against the inroads of the revolution. I have frequently had occasion to mention that theoretically the Prince was well inclined to sympathise with the ideas of which Austria is the chief representative, but un- der the present circumstances, he is assuredly not Quixotic enough to attempt to give practical effect to those theories. Even if the Congress had met, and Louis Napoleon had appeared there bound by the stipulations of Villafranca, the Prussian gov- ernment, while advocating the acknowledgment of the Pope’s authority in the Legations and the return of the exiled Dukes to their respective do- minions, would have discountenanced any proposal to attain that object by armed force; and now, when France has taken her place on the same platform with England, it would be the height of madness to pursue a policy which must inevitably lead toa oolliaiod with the most formidable neighbor and the only safe ally of this country. No concessions that Austria might offer in Germany would be an equivalent for the dangers which Prussia would in- cur by such a course, and, in all probability, there- fore, the embassy of Count Karoby is fated to be as unsuccessful as were the missions of Archduke Albert and Prince Windischgratz daring the Italian war. I shonld not be surprised, indeed, if Austria, who now rejects a Congress, should be the first to invoke it at no distant date, as less prejudicial to her interests than the ex parte settlement of Italy by France and England, and it is far from unlikely that this is what is expect ed and calculated upon by Louis Napoleon, who can hardly have any objection to the Coa- gress itself, which, by meeting inthis See would afford a palpable illustration of his influence in Europe, though he may very naturally wish to enter it unfettered by engagements thatexperience has proved to be embarrassing. The back-down of the Congress, or its postpone- ment ad infinitum, is most to be regretied its putting a stop to the movement in favor of a reform of maritime law, which had acquired quite respect- able Gimensions and seemed to promise the hay pies} results. There can be no doubt that Prussi wotld have undertaken to bring forward the reso- lutions passed by the mercantile community of Bremen, which were adhered to by the leading em- pires of Germany and zealously supported by the pres. She would have been seconded by Russia, Austria and all the smaller States represented at the Congress, and, as J stated in a previous commu- Nication, it was hoped that the assistance of the British Cabinet would not be found to be insupera- dle. Now, to be sure, when France and England are again on good terms, neither of them has any motive to desist froin the exercise ot rights which afford them such advantages over those Powers whose naval armaments are on a less enormous scaie, and for the present, therefore, there is little prospect of the introduction of more elevated and humane principles ‘in maritime warfare; but although the rivilege of Sie on the high seas may be still yaa up for a while, along with other other obso- lete and werm-eaten abuses, it is doomed by public opinion, and must eventually yield to the voice of reprobation raised against it from all parts of the civilized world. The Wurtzburg Conferences have turned outa complete abortion, and now that the exact tenor of the proposals submitted Wy them tothe Diet has become known, they are the theme of general ri- dicule. Of their five motions, the only bona fide one is that for giving publicity to the discussions of the Diet, which had long since been anticipated by Prossia. Those for equalizing the civil and criminal legislation of the Union, and for preventing the rights of federal citizenship to the inhabitants of all the thirty odd sovereign States composing it, are merely offered in the shape of via desiderior, which, to judge from the way in which the Diet is accustomed to transact business, are not likely to be realized in the course of the present century. The pretended reform of the military system is nothing but an attempt to place the whole army of the Germanic Confederation, including the Prussian contingent, at the disposal of Austria, but the de- sign is so transparent that it has not the least chance of attaining its end. As for the fifth resolu- tion—the fortification of the coasts of the German Ocean and the Baltic—it will very likely be carried into effect, but not through the mediam of the Bund, but by the independené action of Prussia. Jt will be recollected that @uring the Italian cam- paign many of the patty German States were mov- ing heaven and earth for Prussia to take the lead in declaring war against Louis Napoleon! and attacking France on the Rhine, by which they hoped to re- lieve Austria from the pressure exercised upon her in Ttaly. The South German kingdoms were particular- ly eager for the fray, butsome of the small Princl- palities of Northern Germany, though equally eager to march against the enemy, found their military ardor somewhat cooled by the reflection that in case of a war their seaboard would be open to the attack of a powerful French fleet, against which bos A had no means of defending themselves. Prus- sia herself has the longest of coast on the Baltic, including the seaport towns of Stettin, Dant- zic, Konigsberg, Mernel, &c., besides which, she has lately acquired a port and territory at the mouth of the river Jahde, a tributary of the Ger- man Ocean, where she is building a naval arsenal tor her incipient fleet; the next in extentof the mari- time States being Hanover, Oldenburg, Mecklen- burg, Bremen, Hamburg, and Lubeck. The neces sity of putting the coasts in a state of defence hav- ing been recognized, Prussia requested those gov- ernments to attend a conference at Berlin, to consult on the measures requisite for that Feros at the same time giving notice to the jet that it had better not meddle in an affair which she is perfectly able to settle without the interference of that body. Of the States just mentioned, Hanover has declined attending the conferences, out of spite against Prussia, whom she hates for her liberal tendencies and her antagonism to Austria; but Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, Lubeck and Hamburg have acceeded to the proposal, aad their commissioners have already arrived at Berlin. Bremen will probably send one likewise, so that the conferences will be opened forthwith, and the measures they conclude upon will no doubt be con- ducted with more energy and despatch than if left to the discretion of the Bund. The Prussian com- missionérs are Baron Moltki, Quartermaster Gene- ral of the Army; General Voigts-Reedtz, o: the Staff. and General Volker, of the Engineers; and as royalty must not be left out, two Princes, Frederick William and Frederick Charles, will as- sist at the meetings. Hanover means to set about it in her own way; her obsequious Legislature is to grant her 550,000 thalers in addition to her own budget of two millions, wherewith she intends building two forts on the Elbe and Weser, to pro- tect the entrance of these rivers. The 550,000 thalers are to be raised by a loan, and placed to ac- count of the peace budget; troops to guard the coast in case of war remain for a consideration. he row by the Prince Regentin person, and most of the deputies of the two houses have already arrived in the capital. It is expected that the Prince's speech will be of a pacific tendency, and while adverting to the proposed reforms in the organization of the ‘army, Contain the consolatory assurance that they can be effected without imposing fresh bur- thens on the people. I hear the opposition in the First Chamber wal make the dismissal of General Bonin the pretext for a violent ensiaught on the overnment, although the late ister of War was no means a persona grata with the conserva- ive party. For many years Berlin has been one of the few European Capitals that have no Italian Opera, and the German singers being mostly of a very inferior calibre, the traditions of really good music had be- come almost obsolete in this soidiseant centre of fntelligence. Last week, however, an Italian eom- any made their debut at a new theatre, called the ic) ria, and met with an enthaosiastic reception. The »rima donna 1s a Mile. Arto!, a young Belgian lady, the favorite pupil of Madame Viardot Garcia; she hase spl voice, good method, and an at- tractive person; aad is altogether one of the most romit cantatrice of the ca She has performed 103i “the “ Barber of Seville” three times running to crowded houses, and appears on Friday “ote the drat time ig “ Cenerentola.” the charges for moving | Prussian Chambers will be opened to-mor- | NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, FEBRUARY :6)-1860;-TRIPLE.«SHEET. FREE TRADE IN FRANCE, important Manifesto of Napoleen—tita Effect in Engiand—Opiniens of the Press—The Kew Treaty with England—lew Commercial Arrangements with The United States, {From the Paris Monitour, Jan. 15.] that still prevails on certain cifle solution may confiden: bas therefore ac be foresee ved for occupying en. of the natioual wealth, gramme, severt NAPOLEON TO M. A. FOULD, MINISTER OF STATE. PaLage ov THe ‘Tut mus, Jan. &, 1860. Monsieur 18 Muvistre—Notwithstanding the uacertainty ints of foreign policy, « pa The moment ourselves with the means of giviug & great stimulus to the several branches T address eis with this object the bases of a pro- parts of which will have to receive the approbation of the Chambers, and upon. which you will concert with your colleagues in order to prepare the mea- sures best adapted to give ugriculture, industry and com- merce lively impulse. ‘The truth has been long pi | ext e must be multiplied in order to increase of consumption; that without a reets, and what order each of them. Therefore, before devel exchange of produce, our and our industry freed from all the Place it in a state of inferiority. At Regarain, in the benefits of works of igation and tillage. ebrich the communes without impoverishing the those lands restored to agriculture. roclaimod, that the means of to render commerce floui 1g; that without competition industry remains stationary, and keeps up high prices, which are opposed rosperous in- dustry to develope capital, agriculture itself remains in a state of infancy. There is a genoral connection, then, in the successive developement of the elements of public Prosperity. But the essential question is to know within what limits the State oaghs to favor these several inte- preference it ought to grant to our foreign trado by the agriculture must be improyet snore fotwers tint Present, not oniy are our great undertakings impeded by a host of restrictive regulations, but even the welfare of those who labor ia far from having attained the developement it has in a neighboring country, It is, then, only a general system of good political economy that cam, by creating national Wealth, distribute compeney me Rewnking clasaes, agriculture, it m le to participate institutions, to clear away fo- rests situated in plains, to replant the mountains with trees, to lay out every year a considerable sum on great drainage, irr! These works, by transforming waste lands into cultivated grounds, will State which will get back its advances by the sale of a part of To encourage industrial production it is necessary to free from ail duty the raw materials indispensable to in- dustry, and to lend it, exceptionally and at a moderate per centago, as has been already done to agriculture for drainage, the capital that will assist it in perfecting its ma- terial. One of the greatest services to be rendered to the coun- ‘try 18 to facilitate the carriage of materials absolutely re- quired by agriculture and industry. To this end the Mi- nister of Public Works will cause to be made as promptly as possible ways of communication, canals, roads and rail- ways, which will have fur their especial object the con- veyance of coal and manures to the spots where the needs of production demand them, and he will endeavor to re- duce the tariffs, whilst establishing a fair rivalry bétween the canals and the railways. The encouragement to commence through the multipli- cation of the means of exchange will then come as the natural consequence of the pi measures. The gradual reduction of the tax upon provisions of general consumption will then be a necessity, as well as je sub- stitutian of protective duties for the prohibitive system, which Jimits our commercial relations. By these measures agriculture will find a market for its produge ; indust , being released from its internal shackles, assisted by the government, stimulated by com- petition, will contend ducts, and our trade, instead of languishing, freeh spring. Desirous before everyth! vantageously with foreign pro- , Will take a that order shall be main- tained in our finances, tts is how, without disturbing their equilibrium, these improvements may be obtained :— ‘The conclusion of peace has ia ace the total amount of the Joan not to be ex! A considerable balance remains disposable, which, Joined to other resources, reaches about 160 millions. In demanding the authorisa- tion of the Corps Législatiff to apply this sum to great public works, and in dividing it into three annuities, there ‘would be about 50 millions a year to add to the consider- able sums already assigned annually to the budget. This extrordinary resource will facilitate for us not only the prompt completion of the railways, canals, navigable routes, roads and harbors, but it will also enable us to re- pair our cathedrals, our churches, and worthily to en- ‘courage the sciences, letters and arts. To compensate the loss that the treasury will momen- tarily experience by the reduction of the duties on the raw materials and articles of general consumption as food, our budget offers the resource of the sinking fund, which may be suspended until the public revenue, raised by the question to increase of trade, sball permit the fund in come into operation again. ‘Thus, to sum up:—Suppression a cottons; gradual reduction on sugal ees, routes of communication: reduction of erable works of public utility; su treaties of commerce with f of the duties on wool rs end improvement energetically carried out of tho charges on the canals, and consequently a general diminution of the prices of conveyance; loans to ene and industry; consid- ti ion of prohibitions; Such are the general bases of the programme, to which I beg you to direct the attention of your colleagues, who will have to destined to sislat, both jealously desiroun of it. It willobtain, Tam pare without delay the jects of law mly convinc- of the Senate and the Corps Le- inaugurating with mea ew era of peace and of securing its benefits to France. Whereupon I pray God to have you in His holy keeping. NAPOLEON. OPINIONS OF THE ENGLISH PRESS- {From the London Post (Government organ), Jan. 18.] The universal acclamation with which tl the commercial accompany any great survived them. We are therefore in a deliberately tell all classes of landed proprietors, agricult demolition of the hitherto trusted. the home trade. lande@ gentry and nobility once thought so. But on! just ag creates new work, and advantages which machines: every kint Pp tion ket. ~ 0) conditions thap creased in flow from en! heart,.and hail the new commercial policy of their ror as the best pledge of their future fortunes; let {o bent any present evil incidental to 20 great a Had free mercd is—we know the advant Desitatingly to bail in France an app: system. Fran Oret i We ‘look forward a few years beyon Fran | devoutly anxious for peace, and for preservation everything that may o! enterprise. tensiob of interior trade, we see the Projected changes in the commercial policy of France have been re- ceived in this country ought to be regarded by the French Protectionists as a grand encouragement and consolation. We Englishmen know by this time what free trade is, and wo claim aright to be heard on the subject. We can speak from experience of its good and ill; and when, with that experience in view, we deliberately declare that this new policy of the Emperor of the French will be the making of greatness of France, the people of that coun- try may well receive our testimony in its favor. We have (passed through the first throes that invariably change of system, and a advise others who have to pass through the like, and wo ple in France—whether }, merchants or manufac- turerg—that they have nothing to fear from the gradual epeccre laws in which they have @ announcement of this policy has probably struck dismay into the hearts of those who once thought prohibitory customs to be the best bulwarks of Our agricuiturists once thought so, Our They re- ded competition and low prices as certain ruin, aad, as while, no doubt, some of them suffered considerably. for a while. The farmersof England suffered borars do when a new piece of machinery throws ‘a pumber of hands out of employ. But new machinery after a brief interval the unem- ployed laborer settles himself in a new way of living quite @s good as that he held before, and~then has ali the has introduced. It is a0 with smroauenrs of who have flourished under ive laws. The first introduction of foreign competi- duces prices, and produces a new state of tho mar- or ‘@ time the course of things seems disturbed. But little by little they right themselves. Men settle down tothe their new position, and flourish better ‘It has been so with us on this side of the straitd, But within the first decade of years, from the of free trade, our farmers began to grow rich again, and the result is that land was never so remunera- tive nor farmers ever 80 prosperous as they have been ‘within the last five years. We are therefore able to sym- pathize with French protectionists. We tell them frankly that they must expect a brief period of trial. But their Joases will be but temporary, while their gain will be in- portion to the better supply of raw material and the extension of the number of consumers. The temporary depression will be more than redeemed by the new markew opened out and by all the advantages that d commerce. Let them, peat take mpe- them give him @ hearty support in this bold stand for commer- Cial progreas, let them be superior to petty fears and nar- row views and traditional maxims,and let them resolve like steadfast and thoughtful men, who can see the cod and have the patience to wait trade been 8 failure in this country we not haye afforded to speak As we do now. Our uid have condoted with French merchants, manufacturersand farmers as heartily | 98 it now rejoices with them. But we know what com- of having it un. shackled, and we are, therefore, able unselfishly and un- to ourown Forjindeed, we see in that system the Prosperity, of e few weniences that may follow from ‘the adoption of | the changes, and we gee the whole of the population of actively occupied in remunerative industry , peace- fui and contented—we will not say unanxious for heaps vm ‘uct the progress of industrial With the growth of commerce, and the ex- gradual elevation of the people in every rank of life, and a grand consolidation of all bocial and national interests. It isnot selfish, surely, | to contemplate for a moment the possidle advantages to doth countries of having in future years an unity of com. world to peaceful intercourse and bonest rivairy. ‘mercial interests, and therein the strongest motives in the We | bave @ right at such @ time to think of the good that we may be able to do to each other by the free interchange | Of commercial relations. We do not mean that we are immefiately going to beat our swords into ploughehares, nor o¥r spears into pruning hooks. We shall do no such thing—we ehail, as before, go on — providing | for bur defence, and holding ourselves ready wo the world at bay. Bat what we Keep | mean, to insist upon is that the establishment in | Frange of a commercial policy similar to that of England will db more to make wer between the two countries impossible | _= QU the other devices of man put together. | with’ | of domestic quietude, ios potibioal aringth. Every of man would Feil iain, he mana and military ‘mor une be 0; to Ts will stimu- nch industry, jt will create new French interests, it will give greater material weatth to French cities, it will multiply the comforte of French families, it will give | @ver¥ man & greater stare in the maintenance of peace nations, @ud especially a gigantic stake in'the It will be a safeguard against useless revolutions, for it wil give men something to do More practical and productive than hatching plots and ting political catastrophes. never be other than a source of great satisfaction to land to see France great and tranqu!!. For then wi England and France not do for mankind? There is mtfeb work to be done in the world yet by the nations it. No two nations are likely to hav a tithe of the power, and the that Brgland and France could exercise of , commercial policy, and material aioe that can promote the highest ends them on such condi fime and sucha state of things. enounord @ policy that makes the: it tha: bas been made im any age since Uon. In ‘this country such a 4wakens universal admiration; in Franée it should dle everywhere a spirit of loysity aud gratitude, anda brave resolve to the take 9 te grand tage edt aelages ta we BAKE O advant from it to the ‘ebolo world. Shae reek MR. CORDES CONVINCED NAPOLEON, Mr. Ronpell, M. P. for » addressed his consti- tuepts on the 16th ult. Referring to the announcement ef tue Emperor of the Freach having just med the priucipies of free trade, he it that would bo the source of infinite advantages to the two countries, for there could be no fen compiate Ph or roagll mecb etn Mutual beveilt And ho thought it was not out of place ference to this magnanimous act of the that at the very ume was world Mr, Cobden, the Paris, and therefore it powe that he bac had no un! about ‘The Fmperor has striae towards France was & pa- EDWIN JAMES, M. F,, ON FREE TRADE, ITALY AND THE POPS. Mr, Edwin James, M. P. for electors on the 16th ult. in out the great principle for which the recent war with Austria—viz: lys to the Adriatic. rv, however, had nat st among the wey id because they never feared, e (Mr keep ire inent eolation (Hear, hear.) If the government of the Pope was 80 good, liberal and paternal, why not withdraw the Aus. trian and French bay , and with them tho worst despotism which ever oppressed the humen species, and leave the people to settle the matter. (Cheers.) If the Pope was, as he assumed to be, the vicegorent of heaven, why, his kingdom was not of this world. (Laughter. Ib contrast to the dark clouds which overshadowed Europe, they had that day the startling but pleasing iutel- ligence that the Emperor of the French was contemplatii tons with nd om the principle of free trade. (Cheers.) He (Mr. James) had reason to think that much of this result was to be at tributed to the sincere apostle of free trade—Mr. Cobden. psf 3 ‘That mighty cian, the Emperor Napoleon, who could by one stroke of pen, or by his mere dicta- tion, do what we with our representative institutions could not accomplish witbout years of struggling against vested and class intereste, was about to inaugurate, ho boped, # happier era than we bad yet seen, when England and France would be united by a bond of mutual interest, and when the people of both countries turn their swords into pruning hooks. (Hear, hear.) if the Emperor en- deavored to carry out this enlightened policy sincerely he would biot out much of the anxiety and distrust to which he had given rise in this country. (Cheers.) ANOTHER ENGLISH M. P. ON ITALY, FREE TRADE AND AMERICAN SLAVERY. Mr. Coningham, M. P., addressed the electors of Brighton on Monday, January 16. In the course of bis remarks he said the most important questions were then at stake; the movements of the French Emperor were assuming a very formidable ap- pearance; expectations of the Italians had been aroused and excited; he had been looked upon as the emancipator of Italy, and by a kind of electric influence the whole of the libera! party in Italy and Hungary were aroused from their long slumber into action, and although the cam; was prematurely ended, there was sullicient feeling in Hungarian nation and Scandinavian troops of Austria to show that the Austrian empire was very seriously com- promised. It was unnecessary to recount the history of. the campaigns which took place in the Peninsula, and he Pet on to the more important question of the peace of ilafranca. It was true yc hanicd appeared to give way to the Austrian, but it was c! that he had formed a re- solution not to coerce the States of the Italian Peninsula, where the people had most unmistakably declared them: selves in favor of Piedmont, and for the formation of the have to choose between liberty and Papacy, for if the Pope and the Kaiser were succeesfal they would bind the hands and the souls of men in a darkness which would diffuse itself throughout the whole of Europe; and be could not believe was the destiny of mi! nations. Applause.) ‘The honorable member to show why ‘and England could not quarrel; after sree spares yeeneee England to areal reform and not take a sham, with a few observations upon vpn woop Hl ee Of his martyrdom. mistaken, and did not set to work in he war sincere and honest in what he ‘were a few such men there would soon European Continent, and even on Atlantic. Mr. Coningham again thanked their attendance and attention, and amidet loud cheers, THE ANGLO-FRENOH COMMERCIAL TREATY. (From the London Economist, Jan. 14.) ‘The public were somewhat startled on Thursday by an announcement in thé London Post “that negotiations ‘were ut this moment on foot having for their object the conclusion of a treaty ance and Engiand on the broad basis of mutual advantage.’ We believe we may say with confidence that the information of our con- temporary is substantially correct, aud that negotiations of a business like character are at present in progress with the object ‘The first reflection which we must all feel at such an anpouncement is a gratifying one. It is most gratifying to know that the Emperor considera himself able to make an important move in the direction of free trade. His personal sentiments have long been weil known; and it is very satisfactory that wo now feel that he can act upon them, There can be no doubt that the negotia- tions must be of this character, as far as France is concerned, not merely because Mr. Cobden is said—we believe with truth—to have in some de- gree intervened in them, but from the nature of the case iteelf, The only “advantage” which France can otfer us is to take our commodities on better terms, The only boon she can give us is to modify her highly protec- tive tariff in some degree, and with respect to some com- modities or other. And as we are all free traders, we must be much rejoiced to hear that she is inclined to do 80. ‘We must, however, be understood to reserve our judg- mont as to other partsof this proposed treaty until it is itself before us. Commercial treaties are difficult bar- gains: England will be expected to give ‘an equivalent” the steps made by France in the direction of free trade, and this is’ not eo easy a matter. We have no longer any protective duties to relinquish, and we have ‘not therefore an equivalent to give to France of the same nature with thé Doon she Offersus. Our imports with France are print articles of a very luxurious charac- ter, abd the duties we impose on them are revenue du- ties, wifch are productive to the Exchequer, which do Not press upon the poor, and which are liable to simost ag lite objection as any customs duties which we have, ‘We shall be asked to relinquish some of these to obtain from France a relaxation of her protective system. We do not say or imply that this should not. by done, but we are sure that the negotiation is a delicate one, that it well deserves the most careful consideration which can be be- stowed on it, apd that we would not wish to give an opinion on its details until they shall be more matured. [From the London Mercantile Gazette, Jan. 16.) ‘The French Emperor has prepared and exeouted an- other of those surprises for which, if for nothing else, the reign of Napoleon LT. must take hereafter a distin- gulehea place in the history of the times, * * # °* * The suppression of duties upon wool and cottons, the gradual reduction upon sugars and coftees, and the sup- ro of prohibitions, introduce a reform into thir ench tariff’ which those unacquainted with that tariff ave little idea. of, Raw cotton pays a duty ranging from £1 88, to £4 ba. 734d. the 100 kilogrammes, while from the French colonies it is probibited except ia Freach ships. Cotton manufactures, except nankeens and laces, are also prohibited.” Sugars pay from £3 88. to £4 Gs. in foreign ships, and are prohibited from thesFrench colonies except in French bottoms. The importation of coffees from the French depen- dencies is not confined to French ships, but the duty is £A 4s. if brought im foreign ships, or a differentialduty of £2 in favor of French shi The “prohibitions” em- brace so large a portion of the French tarifl, that theia removal implies the revision of the entire’ system of Frengh import duties, We trust tha: the liberality and enlightchment whith haye dictated these changes, will af- fect at the same time thé extinction of the system of dif- ferential duties on over sea produce to which France has £0 pertinaciourty adhered. We ciaim this as a right, be- caued France has availed herself now for ten veara of our system of open ports; and perhaps no nation, the United Siates excepeed, has derived such solid beneiit from the repeal of our Navigation laws. The contem- plated reduction of duties on cotton, sugar, and (coffe will, 80 Taras that reduction goes, effect Materis! good, and may be so far regarded ‘as the opening of the French to the oversea trade. But Frange must get rid of her system ef discriminating au- ties. | She must abandon her system of protection, and trust, aa thw couutry bas done, to the energy of her mer- cantile marine t Secure @ place for itavif amongst We commercial navies of the world. The commercial treaty between this country and Frauce, which is beingnogotiat 04, will fail in its object except tf secure to British ship BG We Trial HoTW wis PGI MM A reek Peipping he tor eo wolf ‘Jocal, in any our ae ict yore shia, ai i a ‘her Potubal admit Our ships OB equal terms 2)00 the malatepaneg.of those ; charges, We Are 1 all we. desire, we is regiprocal | advaptages. (With loss we be content, 08 the advocate of the great mi ests of this couvtry. Less than this the Froach govern- ment need pot assume af the basis of any commercial ucaty With this country, We have framed our commer- cial system op a most liberal foundation, and we are wil- ling to meet the French Emperor baif way in any propo- bal (or the mutual liberation of commerce. We cordially agree With bim that the multiplication of the moans of exchauge is the most effective emoouragement to com- merce, aad we congratulate Frapce on the pect whicb the commercial policy developed in his Minjeoty’s letter Opens to her; but we desire that in the Convention op which the respecuve governments are at present de- liberating, the privileges stipulated for shall be reciprocal and the advantages mutual. ‘From the London News, Jan. 17. If Louis Napelean had been juired to giwe Europe a dem: ‘ation confidence in his own power he could bard); ve plied ‘more effectually than by an- bouncing a policy of freetrade justas he has the priesthood of France and Rome his enemies. He has, however, had the courage to do this, and there is every reason to believe that he will be justified by the result. How are we, a8 Site Toman sie new Govsions, ment of French commercial policy? Shall we say it is the truit and Of the entonis cordiale—a concession to English interests or an approximation to English ideas? Heaven forbid! We could place no confidence in the pro- er if we were not convinced, as every en- htened man in France is convinced, that it hag its roots deep in French interests, and is n less than the best poliey which our nelgbbors could , Whatever the opnicn and practice of other nations might be, The Em- peror only says what great Frenchnien have said before him when he sets forth that im is the true final cause of industry. This is the sum of the teaching of the Chevaliers and Bastiatse. Had the legislation of France been left for the Emperor to free new letter, To him belongs the incontestable morit of a serious and courageous endeavor to make the prosperity of the nation, instead of the aggrandisement of afew $s tapercsts, his on, b ps a w Not approving of those parts of the plan by which the Imperia! government is to do what had better be left to the competition of individuals, we must remind our readers that in France a great system of control has grown up for ages, and been extended to almost every Part of life. Suddenly to change this system is not pos- sible. Even in sting industry, free the Emperor is obliged to retain a regulating function for the government, and 0 to do his work by halves. We cannot say @ word against him for adapting his conduct to the opinions and Practices of his own countrymen. Rather we regard it as an additional proof ot bis sagacity. At the same timo, we are sure that the new interests which will speedily grow up as industry is partially liberated will require, andare the best means of quietly e: the further reforms neceseary for perfect freedom. © present ts not the beginning of an improved svstem that was made before, it ts a vast cx'enston of it, which will lead to an ex- tension still more vast hereafter. ‘That it will yer. much promote the welfare of the French, increase their knowledge and skill and increase the power of France cannot be doubted. In that we must rejoice rather than be sorrowful. Our great industrial and commercial improvement has very much the industrial and commercial improvement of France, and of all the countries of Europe. We can in reason, therefore, expect that the improvement in France should redound to the advantage of England and other countries. The effects on us, however, will depend chiefly on our- selves. Our prosperity is determined at all times far more by our own exertions than by what is done by our neighbors. The Emperor by this measure gives to and to Kurope the very best security for the peace; and it is four business to accept it cordially and Ret and promote its success, in order to secure this easing for ourselves and our posterity. ‘The: intentions of our own government have not been avowed, but we notice in the igh Review an article, trey wed heed — bch ed that thetarty, cellor of the equer 4 engaged in reforming the tariff, and does not limit his views to mere fiscal considera- tions. He is ready, we presume, to revise our fiscalgystem on high national FT eg ap og well a8 on mere revenue considerations. re are in our tariff certain duties on silks, &c., which yield very littie revenue, and are in- tended as a protection for a very few of our manufactur- ers against their French competitors; and there are cer- tain other duties on wines and spirits, which, originally enacted on a principle of hostility to France, yield a con- siderable sum to the revenue. 16 entire existence of the for the few manufacturers benefitted—if any are, which we — We os’ pan 4 eae ve Bit abt doubtby there duties, and the whole sum obtained both yee ria lua’ tad the YW wad one by silk and wine duties, are as dust in the balance com- pm ? v4 ne of cxisten Pane herd pore ‘to the immediate and immense advantage we should patible peace Peay” derive from convincing the French by our conduct that bing e fr aps See the complete emancipa- | we are heartily desirous to their o Dalian (applause) | enable their Emperor to in his ‘wise and noble He thought be could not do better than ratulate the ‘By not wi for any ‘but at once meeting upon the intel communicated in that day’s Red isitein ostagetbehis “ht ‘respect ~ the Times. had ever ® strong advocate for the duties: in our own eyes, we Preserve the inaepen: French alliance, but that opinion was not shared by many dence of our policy. Is will not om what people of oy a Gistrusted, and not without | soother State may do; and while we enlist in our favor Considerable grounds, the friendahi Emperor of the | ‘and in support of, the "8 the suffrages of French; but this final’ step which he had taken was calou- | fe wine trowors and aif man ie ait to between the two countries. | Mand the Sespect of France, ‘ wash ‘Cheers,) If tree trade be opened between France and {From the London ‘Times, Jan. 18.] gland they will take our raw material in exchangefor | 4 whole nation of shopkeepers must needs have « their manuiactuted article; and that will conduce greatly | heavy ledger, and if the reader will turn to another co- to the wise Daley ot poece bach be Roted Waele pare Jumn of our impression this he will see one of the successtul. And as the Emperor had shown hi thus | largest ‘coounts ever made up. The figures far sincere in his desire to reconcile the intereste of | Urécs Coit eee er aatire anouat of the two nations, England was bound to make use of her ‘and import—all we bought and all we sold. re ae ete Ggpresied countries ) What we gained by it is matter of Suction, but now sruggling caee the Aur BF net) ‘coulis: | there, at any rate, are our books completely posted up for ham the year 1868. We did a good stroke of business in had dealt the Pope, one which he trusted rey cone fuite 20 much, apparently, as in 1857, but more would never recover, because a government which pos- irrcekey, for it was done on . tS ~ sessed such a baneful influence and exercised it was a to thi calculation, we bought goods to the curse upon the people under it. (applause.) Ho Was | amount of £160,000,000, and sold goods to the amount of making no appeal to religious fanaticism, but what he | ¢7 ‘The commodities in which we deal are mis- said was the conviction of bis mind; and he was con- cellaneous, but the two com: ive items of mines and vinced that the Papal government and the inciple it em- scabebectien will account ‘almost all. We produce bodied were mcompatible with liberty, and Europe would. er pi of ail the gold of California. By the aid of these materials we work up others—cotton in particular, but ‘wool, leather and metals. The la- will Next to the description of our business, the most im. portant point is that of our customers, and here the ac- count presents some very striking features. The United Soiree ehecee cera ce tbe * no us they sell, on Fook fig Te from 9s, through the Hanse Towns, twice as much as she sends while and Turkey keep the balance pretty even.) India also is a most important customer to us, for the account between the two countries is not only very large+£30,000,000 and upwards both ways together—but is somewhat in our favor. From the Chinese, of course, we buy immense stocks of tea and silk, whereas at pres- en! we sell: them next to nothing. Russia, again, is more ‘of a spiler than @ buyer, which is not extraordinary, con. az we really want, though we do take £13,000,000 worth from ber, but when it comes to the turn of Frenchmen to be buyers the figures are less £5,000,000, whereas Holland does more than Brazilnearly as much. Evidently there is something wrong here. France has a lation of above 35,000,000; England of nearly 30,000,(00. The two countries this ‘peopled He close to Dredubs reapectively wriles of pecular importance. 19 2 vel! culiar to each other's welfare. ‘We cannot send ‘ta market what Fran anno} pretand to grow the wine, nor can we a where wines of that particular qt hich Wnaee peo duces|in’ profusion. On the ) If Frenchmen ‘would come to us for coal and iron they would save them- Can any! be- selveq an infinite amount of money. eve, jn short, that the people of South America need of British markets than the people of France? our cutlery. We could put knives and scissors in the h of every Frenchman better than he now }, and at a cheaper price; we could lessen by a heavy yper mile the cost of laying dowa those railways on which the Emperor counts for the improve- expenses in like proportion by the means of cheap As for ourselves, there are countless articles which we should be glad to receive from the other side of the Chan- nel—articles which everybody who goes to France be- comes cesirous of purchasing, and of which those who stay at home never conceive an idea. Would it not boa thousand ties better if each country manufactured for itself onty what it could best , and then made ‘an exchange of commoditics? ‘We say Fothing about the present balance of trade. Of. course, We would rather see Frenchmen come to our mar- ket as freely as we go to theirs, but we should not com- plain if our jmports from France reached to £30,000,000, instead of £13,000,000, Provided only there was a fair freedom of intercourse between the two countries. We do not wish for any forced reciprocity, or any artificial establishment of a commercial equilibrium. The best way. isto let such dealings find their own level. If we havo’ more need of French goods than the French have of Eng- ligh goods, s0 be it. Ii the balance is against us there it ‘will be in our favor somewhere else whore the conditions happen to be reversed. What we produce, we profess to produce of such a quality and at such a price that it will command a market if no barriers are put in its way. We are eure that we can live by our work, as far as its real value and saleabiiity are concerned. We ask for no pro- tection, tut simply for a fair field. This, of course, is merely the theory “of the casé. At prosemt we cannot expect 10 gee it put mto practice, either in Frange or elsewhere, for it will require years to develope the the principles which the Emperor hag laid down. This, however, is the true doctrine and the ideal by which we, should be guided. Protection and self sufficiency are ae econ jt sions. No civilized country can be stif- suficievt. Even where population and territory attain such enormous limits as inthe cage of the Chinese exter- nal commerce is all but a necessity. The Chinese, are pro- digiously the gainers by seliing us tea, and they would increase their advantages if they would deal with us for clothing. Ttis cheer absurdity for any nation to contine itselt to articles of its own produce in any particular de- partment of manvfacture when it can obtain thdse articles better from gotue other nation, and thus a Spb those branches of industry in which it can naturally excel. All this, too, we say on grounds of economy alone; but how mech might be aaded on grounds of international friend- ship? How many quarrels might be avoided, how much animosity might Ye extinguished, by tae goxviction that the London Herald (organ of Lord Derby) Jan. ‘The English or, of the Freach government festo. by convictions itself, itis eom- Pair icaieenie vedermand Uaseneuayaantce the french Emperor's policy; and because we not shrink from expressing ap approval, proval is due, it pore to us the unscrupulous partisan- ship which 80 eminently distinguishes its own columas. Now, We are not go much surprised at its effrontery as atite want of tact, When an and boldly uses the policy of the for it ‘be idle to expect of it any moderation in its ad’ of the cause it our re- monstrance. Whatever cause for our vigilance existed twelve months ago exists now. There is even more ground for anxiety to the English nation in the present aspect affairs’ than’ could be pointe to "before the conn mencement of the war. Then, at least, we had a definite, intelligible English policy. Now nobody whether we are not committed to a course of intervention in Italy, and whether we have not departed from an attitude of impartiality—it may be for a closer aproxima- tion to France, but at the same time for a wider separa- tion from Europe. And let no man think that worst is past. He who runs may read in the progress of events the gathering of the storm. NAPOLEON'S SERVICES TO THE COMMERCIAL WORLD. (From the Tondon: Boat (government organ), Jan. 19) The work unfinished seven and five years ago ho poleom) now seeks to perfect in 1860 or 1861; and wi ever men in this country, om the Continent or in America may think of the origin of his power, of his general tem of government, or of his extraordinary and marvel- lous career, every philanthropist and lover of must wish him success in the renewal of the liberate commerce and set industry free. In pursuing policy/of this kind, while he greatly subserves poe yr) ot gore aye ap the aor rig = gland, world, Li the immense weight of his influence, his ability and his power to inaugurate a system calculated more than any other (human (onde to Remurekepemivencieet gs ‘ies serve h jperor greater meri beri spenaalins inasmuch as he opposes merely to the policy of his uncle, but to the policy of the last three Bourbon sovere' The First Napo- leon, as well as the last three Bourbons, laid France under the most galling commercial prohipitive restrictions, chiefly the mod times, for the ancient legislation of was rather friendly to foreigm trade. Tie French tariff of 1791 was from beginning to end a system of prohibition, which either excluded from France, or laid under heavy duties, almoat ail the staple manufactures of other countries. ) Manufactured steel, copper, tin and cutlery, and articles manufactured ane Se en ae petaeas Seeaees aed silic, or tisgues ; Saddlery, spirituous liquors, re- fined , tobacco, toys, and various other ) are included fn these sweeping restrictions. Mr. Pitt, Mr. Canning, and the late Mr. George Rose, as well as Lords Grenville and Grey, were ware of the narrow and anti. ‘commerdial spirit these absurd regulations of the French tariff. When Mr. Canning was minister, 1827, aided by ‘Mr. Huskisson, by Lord Palmerston, and by Mr. Grant (oow Lord Glenelg), he did all he could to combat the vicious system of our pt Fe nso vain. ia- EF ail : Lords , [From the Manchester Guardian, Jan. 16., ‘There is one suggestion in the Em "s letter which “may be far more significant than all dations contained in it. The Emperor, if we are correctly informed by the telegraph, recommends ‘suppression of with foreign powers.” Of course, if prohi! hace Sf toga eat is 7 replace shams by duties; and e value change will depend in some measure upon the amount of those duties. Even if these duties should be heavy, however, in the first instance, the removal of Prohibitions from the French commercial code ts a bold step wn the right direction, There are many Eng! Fotys ben the great maporiaie of te Giabge consis uty; /but the 108 e consists in the infoed whieh itmakes op the exoinsive ‘commercial that has been so ully fogtered by succoasive of France, and by none more sedulousty than the the House of Orleans, who all the while (CAN COTTON TRADE WITH FRANCE FREED BY NAPOLEON. (Jan. 16) eee of London Post.) Before death of the Mr Mason, representative of thd United States in France, that gentleman had com- muni ‘to the imper' government fora new tgeaty of commerce between this and Ame- rica. |The cotton trade of France with the United States (chiefly carried on at Havre) was one of the main objects of thd late Minister’s 90] The duty ch: on every’ 100 kilos. of cotton (the kilo. is about 2tb.) is no Jess than 20f. Mr. Magon, at the time of his death, was negotiating a treaty to reduce this high duty, which, if de- cided npon, would, it was contended, bestow a benefit on the consumer with prebably no loss to the Foyenne, a account of increased consumption. The ‘open. Correspondence of London Times.] Bompctor is to throw the cotton trade (Paris. (Jan. 18 ‘The Journal de , the Courrier du Bas-Rhin, the Sa- Journal de la Niévre, and the in favor ir. The ‘Bich: Unowiea ‘give Woelt approbation? er give it appro! forms shall be gradual. ri The Memorial de Lille gives ite adhesion to all the measures proposed, with the cxception of removing all probibition. ‘The Emperor’s letter,” says the Memorial, “respects the principle of protection, and there are certain hich protection is not ble except by prohi- The Gazette de Lyons alon to blame the princi- ples set forth in the Emperor’s letter as not being in con- formity with the wishes expressed on several occasions ‘by the French manufacturers. M. MICHEL CHEVALIER ON THE NEW IMPERIAL PROGRAMME. The Journal des Débags, of the 19th ult., contains a long ar- ticle by M. Michel Chevalier on the Emperor’s letter to the Minister of State, which appeared in last Sunday’s Mont- teur. _ M. Chevalier hails the reforms therein announced as the inauguration of a Peeoetl policy. After enumorat- ing the means pi giving increased.freedom and activity to indust eaete his satisfaction espe- cially at the promi relaxation the system of over- reguiation, he cemes to that part ef the letter which he saya will produce the greatest , Viz., the an- nouncement of the approaching abolition of the probibi- tive systera. Tag eywem has been developed in France to an extent of w! the annals of the world afford no other instance, and it will be by no means one of the least strange epi- godes of the history of our times, im the eyes of posverity, ystem, inaugurated during a war, and ostensibly a8 a war measure, with the fofma! assurance ‘that it should not continue during peace, should have been able to its existence sede @ half century after peace had returned to shed its beneficent beams over the peoples. It subsists entire in 186@, in spite of the ex- ample of abolishing it which surrounding nations have vied with one another im setting us. A coalition of pri vate interests, which displayed prodigious activity in its enterprising hostility to the public good, had succeeded in imposing upon all our successive governments tho main- tenance of that retrogade institution, with its necessary train of-violent measures, unworthy of a civilized age, such as confiscation, and right of soarch, domiciliary and personal. ‘We need not bere enumerate the injurious effects which the prohibitive system has on public wealth, the deve- Jopement of which it restrains; on industry, which it often deprives of objects indispensable to it; on national labor, the rew material and instruments of which it raises in of and r | i | FI fi EE é ¢ ts i i i F E I E : ! A i i i g gs Es F F i ie Fy oF a iy & E if Soca aan eee ae forbid our dweliiug an; fe would not make out a Dalasos bts unless efforts should blow it bas just received. =e i z : Yope, Mf bringing round the p's d driving us with towards erga) ‘competi tion. which «we Lave wes ‘orem cole oe himeeif that will come a hea He will have te be euficisat Me Bice the 2 dlarge SSbn the pahisee-a cineae pete offtas ae. Pronsees, one c. Ina carvers tt is’ only when men let $m thet hands that thetr faculties are enlarged, and ‘work acquires all sts fecundity under the express condition-that they be free’ to act, and ae hampering regulations do not bind their have bad thousands of proofs, of this at-home as well ed ge Se, Se umaD ‘i which it alread: with TENT LDS clones ae era which ¢annot but furtber improve with the new emcour- its which to lavish on it— — bas to the world since the moment whea ensures: immortality to his name. rte fa England, all ciaases of wilt ‘but ‘greater part of them will be for in disputabie right to the indefatigable od woll- onnte of publi. authority and of @ ‘The considerations with to tho leaders ef ind which we have already pointed out have dictated the jure placed first of all in the jal letter, fer setting free from duty the two chief raw materials of rool and cotton. Thus will be granted a ‘Mount “wi wish wh the manufacturers had uently ex; and which was perfectly leehinena In aaltepet in which labor is honored, in which the public authorities ‘of to quoourage f, to impose duties on raw inaterials aig ay almost an Lorem reasem 6 measure will be extended to other artl- ticles les wool and cotton. sacs have set us the e: im- perial declaration, and that gives it the high value which the opinion of bas. in it. That idea is'very clearly revealed in relating te Sugars and coffees. Fixed at a ‘time when theso were far dearer than they are at presenl, the duties om them now double or Ne their price, or even more, such dispro] between the duty and valne of the ar- ticle is an , and almost an act of inhumanity, whea it exists in the case of aliments the use of which is recom- mended by the laws of bealth. Owing to the a Public wealth ag, well ‘as that of industry, wi dined - Nishes,the cost of production, and coffee ought be copidered henceforth of masses the duties on them. Besides, ‘warrants us in believing that the public experience of Eng! suffer thereby. And go it i tht popu ameloronn, to enrich when they are reasonable, tend af apoversting the Bate. Tho whole of basseen in the Imperial letter a pledge of and of peace, aud that is not the least of the causes which have secured for it ral It is permitted, as I believe, however, that ument is destined to exercise in the civilized world am influence of another The adoption ef retarded by the fidelity which France foclination of tho Kmmporor for a iboral tart ofahish, ee a ‘which, be~ foro il, Franon as rontve the principal bénott. IM the privilege, responsib’ our coum. try, that her in the line of woll doing, as well as in that of {iH doing, inspire the of most other States. Itis thus that we shall be answerable to history for having Loo eng kept up in the world the superannuated traditions of commercial isolation which has contributed not a little to and the curtain rises Snnf smiling pkey 4 on amore future be on the side of commercial efface ical hatreds. If we ja A Mido? bed should us to believe we , in tnis new the that to us, we shall have contributed not a to a universal revolution, for which Unfortnately for the French m of printed cottons, FB posEess & monopoly of fabri- cation ¢ by the tariff cit 7 excludes ted cottons, of tulles, and of other, matters, ee Lc mtpegedi raw material, and which are er 81 emplo} fon limes a8 many, workmen a8 cope ra ‘The cueation, Rewever, not one of injuring or compromising this latter; we only ‘want to put an end to the state of things which confersa monopoly on the spinners. The Swiss spinners, our netgh- wD ie aafegpmts , and those of Germany, with over ours, are quite content with " ; This igs ia an oveut, and an evens 4¢ tho most inupor: tant kind. But we will to-day only make a single ‘vation:—It was in the midst of the war in the Crimea, and caused. by 8 conflict which was {ast f sent to the bottom }, We Are, to have to... show that the Chief of the State is no les for the prosperity of France than for her glory ‘honor. [From the Paris Siéele,"Jam. 16.) / ‘The new system constitutes a bona fide in Prego Ee ae thee preter at oe utes Tevet on SS. Taw mate rials, be progressive ‘of the on sugar and which of the means’ of communication, teen sped ‘and infos ‘the rep) Be the fa ‘ain, ture ie moun! ope nea Protection auton; toe, + ues, conctnslon of of commore with the other Powers of Europe, raise questions | 60. and difficalt that thoy can only be properly solved after careful study. ‘The suppression of prohibitions is undoubtedly a homage to an excellent principle; bub in these we cannot overlook the fact that Capitals and the of therto been exposed competitive. They will consequently require to be. protected for some time yet, in order to save them from total rain. We have often expressed our opinions © grand object we have in commerce, but lo be attained gradually