The New York Herald Newspaper, December 20, 1859, Page 3

and retarring to their boat about half-past, cig’, the eveniog, whey they were atiacked Riv Bind. The sailor was cut down and aad the ' frightfully | gashed, dled after lingering some two or hours. The steward who was a little in advance of his companione, was also attacked, and wounded in the arm, but was r¢ goued by some Japanese shopkeepers who con- coe, hia in their house from the murderers, who even ' ussians thrice as they were being carried fhe Towse. the steward states that there were some files s eight eni in the murder, General Mouravieff on hearing of it sent a corvette to “Zoksama to inquire into the matter; and had dema.ded ralet the Governor, who was strongly su ec- = Piper more than he would acknowledge 0. the affair; also that two at least of the murderers whea cap- tured shout be delivered to the Russians. ‘No reason bad been assigoed for the commission of the murder up to the 8d of September, nor had any t-ace of the guilty been discewered. The box which | been stolen from the saitor was found on the road to Kana- ja—the Japanege money having been taken from it, Ext the dollars left. The Russian frigate Askold was to go to Yokiama to enforce a rigid investigation into the [From the North China Herald, Oct. 1.) ‘The horrible murder committed at Kanagawa, which ‘we reported im'our last issue, is attributed to some Ja- ‘panege officers who had been degraded at Jeddo at the instance of ore or other of tHe foreign representatives, whether the Russian or not does not appear. The unfor- ‘tunate officer, Maufet or Mofet, who was murdered, is not known to‘have given any provocation to anyone. Gen. ‘Mouravie was at Jedgg at tho time with some six or seven men-of-war, ands thought to have turned the out- ——— his countrymen to account; at least the southern ‘half of the large island of Saghalien is stated to have been ‘ceded to the Russians, and this shortly after they had threatened not to leave Jeddo until the murder had been fully atoned for. The dismissal of the chief authority of Kanagawa was also obtained from the Ji ese govern- ment. Shaghalien Island wae until ineluded in ‘the dominions of tt.e Emperor of China. In the war with ‘Russia our men-of-war found stationed on as China | Benth shout woe very profitab! » from the enjoyment of which she is Separpey ‘cut off by these ac- quisitions of Russia along the Gulf of Tartary. [From the Overland China Register, Oct. 18.) ‘We extract # notice of a barbarous murder ‘Dy the Japanese on an officer ond sailor of the Russian equadron at Yokiama. We trust General Mouravie will avenge this, and that to the fullest extent, if, after making ‘inquiries, he find the Ji se had received no provoca- Yon from the Russian party. Had vengeance. dire, doep and instant been taken on -choo-kee, when its in- hang Babitants rose and murdered six English subjects, enjoy- tog @ Sunday afternoon walk, we it have been ‘saved very many of the indignities subsequently heaped upon us by the Cantonese. A CHILEAN CAPTAIN MAKING A WAR WITH OHINA, (From the Overland China Register, Oct. 13.) From Swatow, September 29, we learn that the Captain M. Sullivan, under Chilean colors, had .gone_up the river to destroy the village of Namoa Chinkeng. The village ig a nest of pirates, and they have been obstruct- tng trade by levying blaok mail. {From the Hong‘Kong Register, Oct. 4.] ‘We notice in the shipping reports that Capt. M. Sullivan, ‘ef the Chilian ship Dianna, has left Swatow for the pur- ‘of destroying a village ‘called Namoa Chinkong. It described as a nest of pirates, and is stated to have ob- structed trade by levying black mail. Of the village or of the character of its inhabitants we know nothing. this we do know, that of things if any merchant captain can once judge, and jury, and executioner, and enter into war -vpon his own account with any of the subjeets of the Em- peror of China. The Chilian government does not stand very high in the estimation of the more eivilized govern- ments of the world. ‘It has no treaty with China, and the enterprise which Captain Sullivan is said to have entered ‘upon appears to-us-neither more nor less than an arrant Piece of brigaudage. ‘Our own city has been called a “den of thieves,’ but its‘having been called so did not neces- * sarily caute the world to believe thet ‘it actually was so. ‘village of Chinkong may be a nest-of pirates, and if itis so, we would not object to its destruction by a pro- perly constituted authority. But we deprecate in the strongest terms apy raid being made agatnst it by any in- dividual sbipmaster, and ‘the more strongly would we deprecate such being entered on by-e Chilian vesse) under ‘the command of one-of his Majesty's subjects. ‘a peculiarly unwholesoms state make himself at Mr. Roctvuck and ‘the Family of Louis Phutp: [From the London Post, Dec. 2] ‘When Louts Philippe was a wanderer and a fugitive, in 1848, fallen and discrowned, he and his were received in hospitable ‘England. “Whit,” says Mr. Roebuck, “was the gratitude of ‘these illustrious personages?” and the honorable and learned gentleman answers his own ques- ton in the following fashion -— Why, sir, one of these illuetrions exiles actually made a plan ‘the ‘southern shorea of England, pointing out where we ‘ould'’be attacked. and sent this plan'to the Ministry eaying that shough an exile in England, he was si France, and would be willing ani cum fad then occurred that would render it nate po: Ite:preceeding to mention kat that tine, .I'did not mention it, and have neteentioned it until the present moment. The Pigtent isthe properiiime, when wo ars asked 10 take part {n 2 Stropean Congress, and en nd io. foreign dis. utes, and Hek aain’the blood and treasure of Bogland to gratiiude like this. M. Montalerabert may wish to keep he Pope upon his iby ‘Engliah ‘bayonets friends of Italy may wish that we drove out the three dukes by English bayouels, We absuld make enemies whatever course ‘we took. when we are Now, we simply ask can this statement be true; and if 60, who is the member of Louis Philippe’s family capable of 80 acting ? REPLY OF THE PRINCE DE JOINVILLE. {today contains ‘an extract from a Your number of to-day cont epeech delivered.a few days ago by Mr. Roebuck, in which Tam pointed out too clearly for me not to feel obliged to reply'to .it. The assertion of Mr. Roebuck is entirely de- void of foundation. I have made no plan of the coasts of Engiand. Ihave pas Ps no project a an — a ‘this country; and, last is unnecessary for me to say bave sent nothing to the French Ministry. Imay add that, although I always consider myself a “son of France.” I-would be the last to wish that the * princi- ples” which now govern her should cross the Straits. I request, sir, frem your sense of justice, the insertion of ‘tis letter in your next number, and { beg you to ac- <capt-my compliments Fn. v’Orieaxs, (onT; ‘Bec. 2, 1859. PRINCE DE JOINVILLE. ‘Fashions. for. December. [Frem Le Follet.] ‘The materials for the present season are very beauti- fal—the rich fabrics with flowers embroidered on taffetas ‘antique. These ‘taffetas are very strong, and the flowers are in small boquets and foliage in white silk. Upon a ¢hestnut ‘brown ground the flowers are nasturtiums, ‘@range,green, or lilac colors. The taffetas antique aré also made, plain in all shades. ‘We must.mention the veloute Imperatrico—a kind of terry velvet, but more solid and firm, and exqisitely pest Ar For visiting dresses this fabric in dark colors i very elegant. The skirts are. made without fiounces, and trimmed with colored velvet ornaments. Brown, and a kind of ruby. color,.are the..most distinguéee—brown for ‘robes or simplo. manteaux. The ruby is employed with Diack velvet or plain black silk. The robe Igabeau made in this style. Itisof black jue,,without a join at the waist, open on the side, and trimmed round with a band of ruby velvet, which is caught. er at distance with paseementerie ornaments. The sleeves are .bouillonnees, with a velvet cuff. A band of velvet is placed down the shoulder-seams, ani to the point of the. waist behind, where it is faster with flat buttons. The-skirtis trimmed to match. The new color is a mixture of groseille des Alpes and violet. In velvet it is most beautiful. The Pekin velvet in broad stripes of two shadee should not be trimmed. The skirt should be long and cut on the jas. Besides these charming robes we must notice the more simple silks for negligees. Woollen materials are.worn for morning dresses—reds, with small flowers, or stripea in black or sombre colors. Spotted taffetas and woollen velvets are also much used. Satin dresses, embroidered with flowers andetaffetas glace, Dut glace in.a.new manner, and taffetas with velvot lowers of the same color woven in the stuf, and Pekin, are all fashionable. A dress of white satin, embroidered, is’ suitable for full dress. It should then be trimmed with lace en tablier, wind bows matching the flowers. The body should havo embroidered tulle, and lace on it in drapery form. The . #eeves algo must be jong.and hanging. Glace robes look very well when the front of tho-skint is trimmed with passamenterie composed of plaits or ro- | . geux and tassels. The body then has a trimming to “natch ¢rossing from shoulder, to.shoulder, and being nar- | re¥er at the waist, a bow of passementeric is placed on each shoulder, which has a very pretty effect. The ehewes are trimmed to match. We montion open bodies as a novelty of the season. ‘They, are now much made for home or dinner dress. Pekin dwesses are made in this dtyle:—Very full and long, behind, and the bottom of the skirt trimmed with three,Suted flounces. Plain body, with a kind of basque square dehiod, and raised on the. hip.with two buttons on the back. ‘his is called the dragoon basque. Dresses. without a seam atthe waist are not yet atall generallyndopted; they are, however, sometimes seen in ‘quilting, po plin, or Vichy cloth, edged with velvet, and ‘rimmed wi'h curied buttons, rosettes of guipure, or black Jace arrange<| in three rows down the front. Two forms of this style.a re made—the first has no plaits, the skirt is formed f foot 16, diminishing towards the wait, ana then enlarged to form the bedy;the second has only the back and ‘two front breadthe cut in ono piece and ina Point; the twoat the sides are put in tha whole width, and form three da tge flat plaite under the arm. Sleeves made tight tothe a rm, with one or two scams,aretrimmed at the top by a full narrow bouillon. In morning dreas, small collars and cuffs of batiste, or linen edged with colo ra, are worn, but white embroidery is certainly more reek *rché. For demi-toilet thin muslin sleeves with frills, trin umed with jure and surmounted by an insertion in whic, 4 & colo ybon is run, are vel pre' Others are max. 'e of one large puff of mustin, w! a round the wrist and up the seam, ome muslin sleeves have mousquetaine cul i lined with colored silk. Others are formed of threo bouillons of tulle and muslin, separated by bands of velve't with long ends, edged with Diack guipure. Bouillons of ; muslin, with rachos arranged in melon shape, aro also wor.. With all these sleovos collars to : hed al ble. : Nearly all walking dream ire made with plain skirts, trimmed en tablier or fasto. 10d up the front. dome skirts are cut crossway, and set in at the waist in largo diat plaits—sometimes one plait und«'t cach arm and two jebind. Gimp trimmings for drossex' are made, in great and elegant varieties. Aiguillettes, .uttons, bows with gquare ends, acorns trimmed with lace ‘nd enlivened with Diack beads and flat graduated ornaments’, both for bodies and gkirts, are all in demand. There is a question at present whether th °, Louis XII. round hat, with long feathers, will be adoptea’ this winter, erat latent next summer, We cannot speak po, *itively on thi gubjeet, s0 woe will deseribe what is now actually worn. The form is large, rather open and forwara on the forehead. A medium, however, should be kept, for jf the front is too forward the b8nnet is wanting in grace, Tho eurtaln {3 moderately wide. taffetas anti en E PLURIBUS UNUM. Tmmense Conservative Demonstration at the Academy of Music. LETTER FROM GEN. WINFIELD SCOTT. Tremendous Enthusiasm for the Hero of Two Wars. Spontaneous Outburst in Favor of the Great Pacificator. WHERE ARE NOW THE TRADING POLITICIANS ? Speeches of Charles O’Conor, Washington Hunt, John A. Dix, Dr. Bethune, Professer Mitchill and James 8. Thayer. Sentiments of Millard Fillmore, Martin Van Buren and Others. WHAT THE VOX POPULI CAN ACCOMPLISH. OUTSIDE DISPLAYS. SCENES IN THE SURROUNDING STREETS. Nomination of Gen. Scott for the Presidency. TREMENDOUS FURORS. ILLUMINATIONS AND BONFIRES. THE METROPOLIS FOR THE UNION, Let Congress Look at this Outburst of Popular Sentiment. Will that Body now Elect an Endorser of “The Impending Crisis” as Speaker? The Conservative Element of the North Aroused. The Masses in Favor of Blotting Out @£ason and Dizon’s Line, &e., &., ko. The great Union meeting took place last evening at the Academy of Music, according to announcement. The time appointed was seven o’clock, but the building was most uncomfortably crowded long before that hour. Tho very aisles and passages were thronged, and the doors were beset by an eager multitude trying to accomplisha rather difficult task—to make the building, like a city railroad car, hold more than it was ever intended to ac- commodate. It was, in fact, one of the greatest popular demonstrations that bas ever taken place in New York, and there was enough enthusiasm for half a dozen great mass meetings. Inside-of the Academy there was, at a fair calculation, about six thousand persons, while there were, perhaps, as many who, failing to force their way in, had to ‘be satisficd with the outside scene, the burning tar barrels, the big gun, the [sky rockets, blue lights, Roman candles, and a grand display of other fireworks.got up expressly for the occasion. The greatest enthusiasm prevailed, and there was no mis- taking the sentiments by which the assembled thousands were actuated. The most rabid Southern fire-eater would have been ¢atisfled with the demonstration for the Union. They called upon the-band to play ‘Hail, Columbia,” “Yankee Doodle,” “The Star Spangled Banner,” and other national aire, and cheered and chcered again, as if they would never tire,and New York will haye more hoarse men in her limits to-day than she ever had before. Every allusion made by the speaker to the Union and the fraternity which should prevail between the North and South was received with 2 perfect storm of applause. ‘The stage was occupied by the officers of the meeting anda large number of others. Back of the stage the fol- lowing words were ingcribed in large Itters :-— LOCOCO OE ALOE TILODTRESOLODE TO AOEDO CELE EODE: JUSTICE AND FRATERNITY. OCONEE REET AOOTTE LORE: DOLELE DOOD HEELS —while stretching from one gide of the proscenum to the other was a broad piece of canvass bearing the fol- lowing:— Indignantly frownirg upon the first dawning of every ‘attempt to alienate any m of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link the various parts.— Washington. 3 enrececoecceres renee: wernccceanccceceoecere® + The following well known quotations were also conspi- cuously displayed:— Qrenrereccere-c0es. reece rece ® ONAOIODE LODE DEIDODLOLOOE, A The Union must and shall be preserved.—Jackson. OOO LO COLE LOL LELE LE LE DILIIDLDIPIDLOLE TE AOLOLDLO DE, Qeroveesrnrennnennrereere se bere-HOOnenenennenee reer T shall stand upon the constitution, I need no other H platform.— Webster. Qerererereeee 1 0cereneene seo oe ot he- thee ob bbe nete Hy The following names wore displayed in large letters in front of the proscenium boxes:— POCONO OC OO- OO OLOIE DOE DODPEE LODE ADNOROOOE JEFFERSON, WEBSTER, CLAY CHOATE, MADISON, JACKSON, CALHOUN, WRIGHT, BENTON, MONROE. $ POOP OCOO ROOT HO OM ARAL ORA CODED DEDEDE NE DOOE HOES At seven o’clock precisely, Mr. James W. Brekmay called the meeting to order. He taid—Gentlemen, we are assembled here this evening in obedience with the call which I will now read:— THE NORTH AND PHE SOUTH—JUSTICE AND FRA- TERNITY. on undersigned, regarding with just abhorrence the crimes of John Brown and his confederates, desire to unite with out fellew-citizens of New York and vicinity, in a public and for- mal denunciation of that and all similar outra, and to de- clare our unalterable purpose to stand by the constitution in all &s parts, as interpret y the Supreme Court of the United Bt , aud we hereby denounce as unpatriotic and untrue, revolutionary asd dangerous, ry, We maintal North and South were created for enehi olber; that there is a natural and affini ween them, by parentage, history, rel lan- guage and Ci Faphionl poallion; at’ that crea fe ainerent climates. and .difierent forms of ‘industry add strength to this bondof union: by. enabling them to supply each other's wants, And we hereby solemnly pledge ourselves, from this hour, by our influence, our example, our votes, and by ev | means, to and oppose forms. ‘This call, proceeded Mr. B., having beon signed by more than twonty thousand persons, the committee havo summoned you 40 mect here to-night, to give you an op- portunity for the free expression of your opinions; and as the first step in this directian, permit me to nominate as ghairman for your approvalthe Hon. Daniel F. Tiemann, Mayor of New York. (Loud cheers.) Those who are in favor will please say aye. (Tramendous cries of “aye,” 89 if-fom brazen throats.) SPEECH OF MAYOR SYEMANN. Mayor Timstawy then came forward and addressed the meeting as follows: — GENTIEMEN—T feel highly gratified to be éx!led upon to Preside over so jarge a meotin of my fellow townsmen. Asa New Yorker Tam proud of my State. (“Speak londer.”’) Tam much more proud of this, our Union; and whero is the American who is not yar proud of this, o@ Union? The South bas ite rights; we have our rights; ang PADI ere eg ee ngage 3 other pro- in all its Wew YORK HERALD, FUESDAY, DEQEMBER 20,.1859.—TRIPLE SHEET. we should be wil the 8. In the Judiciary act, 1780 (84th section adopting tho | seeking to captivate your fancy b; atrick of words—no! F sentence‘ Love bor as thyself.” “Bravo” tnceppisae tad des tbe constitutional laws of the several States ona recognize | seeking to exalt your Imagination any effort at deela- § plause.) Now, i, us, of the wee of every true-uearted American, That as property as mation or juence—but to meet question bravely, § and of the South, I ask toact upon maxim—tho there isno North,no South, bo East, no West—(applause 9, In the acts enumerating slaves for the of and soberly, and ask you what is to be our course maxim of the heathen—the command of the God : . 1 amas much an of the } direct taxation, especially the act of 1813, James in r woit? Gent 5 constitution guarantees § ‘‘ Render to every man bis due,” “ Love North. (‘Good ,” and ap- | approving, Ww! cageates tenet Snag oe Ket, dyeing to the people of the Southern of their ff as th: ee ee) ‘Thus we should towards plause.) Ifeel,and I believe every Amei feols, to | houses and slaves, at the value of them was Save property. In that respect it is a solemn 4 | the South ; and upon that maxim which came from Him heart sayin, Andrew Jackson, in § in money. between orth and South, a compact, are | of Nazareth we are to put no new-fangled wisdom inter- ly, that “this Union 10, In the treaty of Ghent (1814) under which, from | we at liberty to violate it? (Cries of ‘No, no.”) Are etation ; we are not to say that there are ministers of must and shail be preserved.” (Applause) Great Britain, our :0\ ernment recelved $1,200,000, and | we at liberty to seek to take some mean, aa | God at this day who are wer than the ‘of the i Chair and | Paid it over to the own: re of deported slaves. vantage of it? (Cries of “No! no!) Are we at liberty § Gospel of himself whilst here. (. These Mr. Josuva J, Hxwny then sald:—Mr. Chairman 11, In the purcha'c (f Florida in 1819, a slave-holding | to con over its particular words, and to restrict and to | maxims should govern between us var beeches, gentlemen, before proceeding tothe list of vice presidents | Territory, » Ymit lia operation, 80 a8 to acquire under itaright by { ofthe South. But, gentlemen, the question is, do they ? Dominated for your adoption, I wish to announee to this eae Sestais raat af the aot of 1706; in Fr Fig hyo eoemer gt Rp be prog carci [praoen Seg Soy tera Ree ae slavery wi ie e feel ane e imi un- meeting that the committee havo received letters from | aso. and of the like uct Cpe ene Ne upon the political Fights of our Southern brethren?-4 just? ‘That is the point to which this great very distinguished and patriotio men. The gentleman eee eis courts, feral or State, unices in one State | (‘‘Ne! no! nol”) No, gemiamnes. If it be acompactand J come. Is negro slavery unjust? If it is unjust. it violates then mentioned the names of several gentlemen. When } Sov) oa ee Cece ae neat eae | good Talib and''Nonorably up W the eter, and his due,” If it taj, {violates the law of God whic, ces, # 7 ral .) rr se we wi rahi pert Wood! wan msansioned, i ‘weal poate? an ‘ale 8 80."") fot in any miele, halfray al and inberal rays, “Love, thy ne abo aa thysel,” io hate iret greeted with loud cheers. refore, ‘be it Resol struction, seeking ter, an ive as 5 > Mr, Husa oainued—Tey Rave algo ressived tet: consttng ste" clot, moet datonto and tm. | Ach aad defeat the apr (Appia) "Peat | col be maintained a ogre tavry was nla pr. ter from a distinguished gentleman well known to you all. | portant relation that con exist between communities of tale of a house or some chattel, but it is not the way that | pared—to that Tas vue T shall not occupy your time by reading the other letters, | People, demand from each part a warm and earnest con- | honest men observe acts,even in relation to the | allusion is frequently made, and say, “There is py y' sideration for the safety and hap) of the ‘i ” has bi Tay ich Is, but there és one, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, which I | other (loud cheers), ard het sihtiierer phen ends ts | most trivial things. (‘“True,” and applause.) What a higher law w compels us’ to trample 3 bvert these ends {s hostile to the the ” | been done, having its tendency to disturb harmony under | beneath our feet the constitution established by our meus reed to thie: msoting: | 18'te froma that exninent sol-. > BEEPS 7s ie coe bowtie to:the tres of the com: | this constitution and to break down and destroy the hap- fathers, with all the blesaings it secures to their children. dier Winfield Scott. (Tremendous enthusiasm, prolonged ‘That the Coatteunnt the treaties, the laws of the | PY union now existing between these States? y, gen- | But I ingist—and that is the argument which we must applause, and then three cheers ) A large portion of the audience here rose to their feet and waved their hats inthe most enthusiastic manner. The name of the old hero of Lundy’s Lane and Mexico evyeked an outburst of feeling such as has rarely been witnessed in a public meeting. LETTER FROM GEN. SCOTT. New York, Dec. 17, 1859. To mux Hoy. J. W. Bergman, Cnairnman, &., &¢.:— Sin—I have the honor to acknowledge your invitation to be present at the Union meeting to be held in this city on Monday next, for the holy purpose of allaying the dis trust which is now sowing discord among brethren. Af ter a long 1ife spent in devotion to the glorious Union which has already made us great among the nations of the earth, and which, if happily preserved with all its com. promises and compacts, cannot fail to make us first among the great, your committee does me hat justice in announcing that J feel the liveliest sympathy in the object of the meeting. This city is certainly in the right to take the lead in the cause of conciliation; and animated by like Patriotic sentiments, there are, 1 am confident, in every State a vast majority of citizens who, in any serious out- break would be found ready to join in the national cry, ‘<The Union murt and shall be preserved.”’ (Applause. ) Except in such a case I beg to decline, as 1 have now done for many years, taking part im any public meeting; remaining a minute man, with the great reserve of mil- lions. Ihave the honor to be, with great respect, your fellow citizen. WINFIELD SCOTT. The reading of the letter was received with enthusiastic applauee, which wag renewed again and again. Mr. Henry also said: Mr. Chairman and gentlemen:—I have the pleagure to propose for your adoption the following list of Vice-Presidents. I will take the opportunity to say that every gentleman whose name I shall read, and whose name is upon this list, has signified his consent to this use of his name, and his hearty co-operation with the objects of this meeting. Here the speaker road a list of about two hundred names. PRAYER BY REV. DR. VERMILYE. ‘When the list of Vice-Presidents and Secretaries was read the following prayer was offered up to the Throne of Heaven by the Rey. Dr. Vermilye:— Ahnighty , ever'living and ever blessed God, we adore thee #8 the author of life and of all the bounties we enjoy. Thou art acquainted with all our ways. We adore thee for ‘the arrangement of thy providence, by which thou hast constituted civil society in this world. We bless thee, 0 God, for all the kindness thou hast manifested towards us, a8 & people, in this respect, in the days that are past. ‘O'God, we have heard with our ears, our fathers have told us what thou didst in their days, in times of old; how thou didst drive out the heathen’ that offend- ed thee. “We less, thee that throughout the whole course of our history in this land, thy kind, providence has.been conspicuous, constantly leading our people from day to aay, from year to year ; surroundin, us with the bounties of Thy providence, in the riches o the earth ; giving to us institutions that are calculated to develope this land and bring forth a people who shall stand before all the nations of the earth free, enjoying constitn- tional liberty, worshipping God according to the dictates ot their own’ cousciences, and in communion one with another, coming forward’ to higher and higher degrees of civilization. We thank Thee, 0 God, that Thou hast shown Thy favor to this people, and we look to Thee for the time to come that these same blessings may rest upon us. O, wilt Thou grant that at present, (A Voice, ‘Loud- er’—smothered laughter,) whilst commotion and agita- tion are found in the minds of the people in various sec- tions of the land, that Thy kind care may still be over us— that care which thou didst manifest towards our fathers in the darkest hours of revolutionary trial, whilst ‘the constitution-was about being formed, and through all the periods in their past history. We humbly beseech Thee, gracious God, to rebuke any spirit of discord, of violence, of strife, in’apy portion of our land. Grant, we pray Thee, © God, that all fanaticism ‘North or South, East or West, may subside, and that this people may too highly prize the blessings of civil and reli- gious liberty with which God bas blessed them, to jeopard them at any moment, or for any vain, idle or unatiainable good. We pray that we may go forth from year to year in the accomplishment of the great purposes of Thy pro- vidence, 80 that the world may be blessed by the ex- ample of a people walking in the enjoyment of free insti- tu:ions, and honoring God in their religious services. We pray, great God, thou wouldst mercifully look upon the Southern section of this country and bless our Southern brethren in the midst of the triais to which they are ex. pored. God grant that His care may be about them, and ay the feeling of brotherly accord arise again between the different portions of the Union, and become stronger and stronger than it ever has been in the days that are past. ‘We beseech Thee, great God, to bless those who are im authority over us, in the highest and in the lowest stations, both in the general and in the State governments. Bless Thy servant the President of these United States, and hi Cabinet, and grant them wisdom from above to direct them in all the res; ible duties that de- volve upon them. Bless the Congress at this time assembled, we pray thee, and do thou grant, 0, God, that passionmay be subdued, and all agitation may subside, and under the [feeling that we may confide as brethren one in another, may they?go on tothe accomplishment of the eervices for which they have been appointed. We pray thee, infinitely holy and govereign God, that the shelter of thy protection ped still be over this nation; that every one in authority, in the highest and lowest etations, may be taught of God and upheld by him; that the people may all realize the responsibility which rests upon them to pre- serve the institutions which have come down to us from our fathers—ipstitutions such as bless no other nation on the face of the globe; and so may we goon to hand down to coming generations these same blessings, that for all time to came the people of this continent and of this nation may be free and bappy, prosperous in the enjoy- mentol civil liberty—prosperous and blessed in the en- joy ment of their religious liberties. The eee in the meeting this evening. Grant that they who are to speak may be directed from above, and that the whole tendency and result of this meeting may be such as to satisfy the minds of the people North and South, throvgbout the whole extent of our land, that we are determined, God helping, to maintain the unity that subsists among us; God helping, to preserve these insti tutions for coming time. Hear and accept, O thou infinite God! bless this people as Thou hast blessed them in time past, and unto the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, one God, we will render praise for ever and ever more. Amen! Atthe close of the foregoing prayer, the band struck up ‘Hail Columbia ;”’ after which Mr. James Brooks was introduced, and said :—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, J am authorized by the Committee of Arrangements to report the following resolutions :— PREAMBLE. Whereas, the people of the.United States, “in order to forma mere perfect union, establish justice, insure do- mestic tranquillity,” &c., &c., as set forth in the pream- ble of the constitution for the United States, have or- dained a government of non slaveholding and of slave- holding States; and whereaf, the government is a govern- niment of compacts, compromises and concessiens— 1. In the compact of the constitution (Art. 1, sec. 2), recognizing slaves as persons to be represented by their masters, and as property to be taxed upon those masters. 2, In the compact (art. 1, eec. 8), that Congress shall have power to suppress insurrections. 8. Art. 1, sec. 9, in prohibiting Congress to suppress the slave trade’ prior to 1808, and in giving Congress the ore to impose a tax or duty upon each slave imported before that time, not exceeding ten dollars for each e. 4. In the compact (art. 4, sec. 2), to deliver up, on claim of the party to whom’ slave service may be due, th erson OF slave held to such service or labor. (Hi! 1 hi! 5. the compact (art. 4, sec. 4), upon the application of any Legislature or executive of a State, to protect said State against domestic violence. (Cheers. And whereas, the federal government has, from its origin, been administered by the executive, by Congress, and by the Supreme Court of the United States, not only in the letter but in the spirit of these compacts. (Applause. ) 1. Beforeand after the old Confederation, in the division of the then unsettled Territories, by declaring all north of the Ohio to be non-slayehslding, and all south of the Ohio to be slaveholding. 2. In the Ordinance, July 13, 1787, making free the Ter- ritory, now Ohio, Indiana, Illineis and Michigan, but pro- viding therein, also, for the surrender of fugitive slaves. 8. In the acts, President Washington approving, admit- oe into the Union the Territory of Kentucky, slave- holding, then the property of Virginia, and afterwards the Territory of Frankland, slaveholding, now Tennessee, then the property of North Carolina. 4. Inthe ordinance, April 7, 1798, John Adams approy- ing, organizirg the Missigsipp| Territory, then belonging to Georgia, now Alabama and Mississippi, in which was especially excepted therefrom the anti-slavery clause of ‘the Northwestern Territory, in these words:— “EXCEPTING and EXCLUDING the last article of the ordi- nance of 1787.’” 5. In the Fugitive Slave law of 1793, George Washing- ton approving, which passed the Senate unanimously, and the House ayes 48, nays 7. 6. In the purchase of Louisiana, President Jefferson ap- proving, ‘a that vast region west of tho Mississippi, stretching to the Pacific ocean and to the British posses- sions, all of whiei! was, under the laws of Spain or France, slayeholding, and larger in extent at that time than the whole United States, «7. In the treaty of 1788—Ninth articlo—providing against the deportation of slaye®, with the oilicial corres- pondence of Washington, Rando'pb, Gouyerneur Morris ang John Jay thereon, United States, and the judicial eae, thereupon, re- cognise the institution * slavery as legally existing; acd that it is our duty, as good citizens of acommon govern- went, in good faith to stand by that constitution n (cheers); thoge treaties (cheers), those laws and the di of tbat final arbiter of all disputed points—the Supreme Court of the United States, (Immense pe ogg ‘That inasmuch as the proceedings ‘the convention which framed the constitdtion were brought to a stand, as appears by the declaration uf Roger Sherman, ono of its most distin ed authors, until @ com} was reed to on the various propositions relating to domestic slavery, which compromise embraced A restriction on the power to prevent the.importation of slaves prior to 1808. A provision binding on each State and upon the Union to rine oti itives pes lg HG e A representation in 8 on three- fifths of the slave oe eons And a guarantee to protect each State against domestic insurrection. tion of elaves fof «lined period and for the protseion ves for a limited period, e of the system. Therefore \ Tt is the duty of every citizen and State in the instrumet these great blessings of that nt faithfully to fe obligations. (Applause. ) Pll gry against and denounce, as contrary to the plighted faith on which the constitution was establish- ed, all acts or inflammatory appeals which intend or tend to make this Union less perfect, or to jeopard or disturb its domestic tranquility, or to mar the spirit of harmony, compromise and concession upon which the Union was formed by our fathers, whose records we have cited, and whose legacies we bave in these compacts, laws and adju- dications. (Vebement applause. ) ‘That we regard the recent outrage at Harper’s Ferry as s crime (loud applause)—not only against the State of Virginia, but againet tho Union itself—(great cheering); and we approve of the firmness by which the treagen as been duly punished. (Immense aoplause, and three cheers and a tiger.) ‘That, in our opinion, the subject of slavery has been too long mingled with party politics—(cries of ‘That's £0””)—and as the result has been the creation of sectional ties, contrary to the advice, letter and spirit of the ewell Address of the Father of our common country; that, therefore, itis the duty of planters, farmers, manu- facturers, merchants, mechanic, and of every citizen, North and South, East and West, to djscountenance all parties and organizations that thus violate the spirit of the Constitution and the advice of Wasbington. (Enthusiastic applaute. ) REMARKS OF MR. BROOKS. And now, Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, the duty evolved upon me as the organ of the Committee of Arrangements is executed, but I have some few words to add upon my own responsibility. There are those who tel) us—and they are many—‘All this is well, very well; but there is a law higher than the constitution, and in conflict with that constitution, whish conscience forbids them to obey.” Sach men have broken up our miesionary stations, thrown the apple of dis. cord into tract societies, and rent the church of God in twain. If they are right, constitutions, compacts, laws, allare wrong. This is not the place, this is not the hour, for theology; but a word or two are necessary, in my judgment, to make the argument complete. When our Saviour was:on earth He was asubject of that vast slave- holding Roman empire which stretched from the Eu- pbrates in the East, beyond the pillars of Hercules in the reat, and sixty millions of slaves, it is estimated, were in that empire. ‘Hence when His eyes first opened ‘on plea: fant Bethlehem, His feet trod on the shores of Galilee or on the plain of Jericho, to be baptized in the Jordan, slaves must-have ministered, if not unto Him or His dis- ciples, unto all about Him. Aid when, on thefMount of Ohves, His foot was was last printed upon that rock which tradition or superstition now shows, while ascending into Heaven, His eyes, a8 they overlooked the great city of Jerusalem and glanced from the mountains of b to the vale of Sharon, must have rested upon thou- sands and ‘tens of thousands of slaves. Judea, where He wes born—Galilee, where He lived—Egypt, that He visited, each and all were slaveholding States. And Abra- ham,and Isaac, and Jacob, the Fathers and Patriarchs, were holders of bondmen and of bondwomen. And now if there be in the Holy Bible any such denunciations of slavery or of slaveholders—in the language of some of these modern clergymen—as we now daily hear from men calling themselves the servants of God, it is not in King James’ or the Douay version of the Bible. (Great cheer- ing.) Far be it from me, Mr, Mayor, to speak irreverently of the ministers of God. I respect their high and holy calling. I bow down in humble reverence before their august mission. When first we open our infant eyes in our mothers’ arms, the man of God takes us to the bap- tismal font and there consecrates us to heaven; when in the full flush of youth, our hearts beating with love, he ties the nuptial knot and blesses, with us, the partner of our bosom on our voyage of life; and when that voyage is over, and on the deathbed wife, children, all, have given us up, and the spirit is parting from its frail’ tene- ment of clay, our eyes Jast rest upon the clergyman, in- terceding for us before the throne of God. But, oh, ye Scribes and Phariaees—(tremendons applause)—who rail againet us publicans and sipners, that rail not as ye rail ! ‘e men of Sharp's rifles and Bowie knife pikes! Ye Beechers and ye Cheevers—(fearful applause)—wiser and better than our Saviour when on earth, go with your new version of the Bible into all the world, and shoot your goepel into every living creature. (Laughter and ap- plause.) The Bible, then, is not in conflict with the con- stitution. I move the adoption of the resoiutions. (Three cheers and a tiger.) SPEECH OF CHARLES O’CONOR. Cuantes O’Conor, Esq., was the next speaker. received with great applause. He said:— Mx. Mayor AND GENTLEMEN—I cannot express to you the delight which I experience in beholding in this great city 80 vast an assembly of my feilow citizens. A Voice in the gallery—Louder. It may be proper for me to state that I cannot speak louder than at this instant, and if that be not all that is desired I can only cease to employ my feeble voice in !his great meeting. Jam delighted, gentlemen, beyond mea- Sure, to bebold this vast assembly of my fellow citizens, called together by a body so respectable as the twenty thousand New Yorkers who convened this assembly. if anything can give assurance to those who doubt, and con- fidence to those who may have had bps Mews as to the permanency of our institutions and the solidity of the sup- port which the people of the North are prepared to give them, it is that in the queen city of the New World, in th capital of North America, there is assembled a meeting so large, £0 respectable, and go unanimous as this meeting has shown itself to be in receiving sentiments which, if observed, must protect our Union from destruction, and even from danger. (Applause.) Gentlemen, is it not @ subject of astonishment that the idea of danger. and the sill more wonderful idea of dissolution, should be beard from the lips of American citizens, at this day, in reference to, and in connection with, the ‘sacred name of this most sacred Union? (Applauge.) Why, gentle- men, what is our Union? What are its antecedenta? What js its present condition, if we ward away the evils which threaten it, what i:s future hope for us and for the great family of mankind? Why, gentlemen, it may well be said of this Union, as a government, that as it is the last oftspring, go is it Time’s most glorious and benificent production. Gentlemen, we were created by an omnis- cient being. We were created by a being not only all- seeing, but all-powerful and all wise. And in the benig- nity and the far seeing wisdom of His power, he permitted the great family of mankind to live, to advance, to im- prove, step by step, and yet permitted five thousand years and upwards to elapse ere He laid the foundation of a truly free, and truly happy, and truly independent empire. It was not, gentlemen, until that great length of time had elapsed that the earth was deemed mature for laying the foundations of this mighty and prosperous State. It was then that He inspir at noble minded and chivalrous Genoese to get forth upon the trackless ocean and discover the empire that we now enjoy. A few years, comparatively, elapsed, when thero were raised up in this blessed land a set of men whose like had never existed upon the face of ths earth, in their perception of the true principles of justice, in their comprehensivegbenevolenco— in their eapgelty to lay safely, justly, soundly, and with all the qualities which should insure permanence in the foundation of an empire. It was in 1776 that there as- sembled in this country the first, the very first, assembly of national men who have pr in clear and unde- niable form—the immutable principles of liberty, and consecrated, to all time, I trust, and im the of tyrants, and in opposition to their power, the rights of nations and the Ake of man. (Applause.) These pa- triots, as soon as the storm of war had passed away, sat down, gents, and framed that instrument upon which our Union rests, the constitution of the United States of America. (Applause.) And the question now before us is neither more nor less than this: whether that consti- tution, consecrated by the blood shed in that glorous re: yolution, consecrated by the signature of the most illustri- ous man'who ever lived, George Washington— (applause) — whether that instrument, accepted by the wisest and the best of that day, and accepted in convention, one by one, by each and every of the States of this Union—that instrument from which so many blessings have flown— whether that instrument was conceived in crime, isa chapter of abominations (cries of ‘No, no,’’) is a viola- tion of justice, is a league between strong-landed but wicked-hearted white men to oppress, and impoverish and plunder, contrary to rectitude, honor and justice, our fellow ‘creatures? (Applange.) That is the question, neither more nor less. We are told from pulpits, we are told from the political arena, we are toid in the legislative assemblages of our Northorn States, not merely by speakers, but by distinct resolutions of tho whole body, we are told by gentlemen ‘eoupying seats in the Congress of the Union, by the votes of Northern peo- ple—that that constitution seeks to enshrine, to protect, to defend & monstrous crime against justice and humanity, and that it is our duty to defeat its provisions, to outwi them, if we cannot otherwise get rid of them, and to trample upon the rights which it has declared shall be insured and protected to our Southern brethren. (Ap- plause.) That is what they declare. And the question is whether that declaration necessarily involves the destruc. tion of our Union if it be permitted to prevail as it has hitherto prevailed? And whether it shall be permitted to prevail? Now, gentlemen, I trust you will excuse me for deliberately coming up to and meeting this question—no, He was Uemen, at an early period the subject of slavery, as a mere p question, was discussed by many, and its justice or injustice made the subject of various opmions and arguments. It mattered little how Jong this discus. sion confined itself in this if it had only led to the formation of some society like Shakers, who do not believe in matrimony; some society like the people of Utah, destined to a short life, who believe in too much ma- trimony—(laughter)—or some society of like the strong minded women of our country, who believe that women are much better qualitied than men to perform the functions and offices usually performed by men—(‘aughter)—and who probably would, if they had their way, simply 0 the order of proceeding, and year (iaughiee, wo ; ‘itchen Sad emeetine ‘to the cabinet. ani lause. I say, as thi touching slavery Lonfined ‘ait to the and societies of this description it certainly could do no harm, and we could satisfy onrselves with the maxim that “Error can do little harm as long as truth is left free to combat it.” But unfortunately, gentle- Ppp dated nae ceed ee Dp As AY One ase week iy —from among assem! ages - calative philosophers, oe eee heme to benefit the on ditants of boo-la-gha—it has found {ta way into the heart of the selfish politician; it bas been made the war cry of party; it bas been the instrument whereby to ele- vate pot merely to distinction and rank and si » but to political power throughout the non-slaveholding States of this Union, men who adyocate a course of conduct necessarily exasperating the South, and rendering them in their lives and their property unsafe each hour, unsafe each night that they retire to their chambers, making it a matter of dread whether they shall dare to retire to their slumbers without sentries and safeguards my yd them against incurgions from the North. I say the effect has been to elevate, on the strength of this sentiment, men to power. And what is the condition of things at this day? Why, gentlemen, the occasion that calls us together is the occasion of a raid upon the ginia by a few misguided fanatics, though the best, the braveet and the most virtuous of all the abolition party (applause), a raid, on the Sabbath day, at the dead hour of bight, With the support of pikes, with which it was intended that the bondman should slay his master, his master’s wife, and his master’s little children. That is the occasion that calls us together, and connected with it at this instant what do we fina? That a book, which substantially recommends the same general course of provocation towards the South that has been long pur- sped, bas been recommended by sixty-eight members of your Congress (applause, hisses, and cries of “shame on ttem,”) recommended oy sixty-eight of your mem- bers of Congress (cries “shame on them,’ ap- plause and hisses), all from Northern States (hisses and applavee)—all from non slaveholding States, who with the assistance of their associates, some of whom hold their oflices by your votes, there ig great danger that they will elect to the highest office in that body, where he will sit as a representative of the people of the North, a man who recommended that work to be distributed and disseminated like poison and death through the regions of the South. (‘Hang him” and applause.) Is it not fair to say that this great and glorious Union is menaced when such a state of things is found to exist? 1s itreasonable to expect that our brethren of the South will calmly sit down ir HF ge submit quietly to such a state of things? (Cries of “No, no.) Why, gentlemen, we greatly exceed them in numbers. The non-slavehold- ing States are more populous; they are increasing daily and shortly we may reasonably suppose, that we will overwhelm them in point of numbers; and if we continue to fill the halls of legislation, if we will permit to Keep in the Executive chair public men who declare themselves to be enlisted in a crusade aguinst slavery, who censure the provisions of the constitution, which secure that spe- cies of property, whan can we reasonably expect from the people of the South but that they will pronounce the con- ‘stitution--with all its glorious associations, with all its sacred memories--this Union, with all its manifold present and pro- mised bleesings—actually an evil which threatens to crush and to destroy them in their dearest institutions, to make their country a wilderness and wortiless unto them; and why should we expect them—why should we expect them, pect Lady conduct a it, to submit to sucl conduct, to reeognise us as brethren, and to to the perpetuation of this Union? I don’t see, for my part, apy- thing unjust, anything unreagonable, in the cry of the Southern members, “If you will thus aseail us with in- cendiary pamphlets, if you will thus create a spirit in your country which leads to violence and to bloodshed amongst us, if you will aseail all the interests upon which the pros- perity of our country depends, and will elevate to office over us men who are pledged to carry out such objects, we cannot—much as we revere it, and greatly as we hoped for blessings from it— ‘we cannot stand by this Union.”’ For my part, gentlemen. if the North continues to degrade itself in the selection of representatives to the Congress of the United States as it has, from perhaps a certain degree of negligence and in- attention upon @ subject heretofore degraded itself, the South is not to be censured if it withdraws from the Union. (Hieses and applause, A Voice—That’s so,” Three cheers for the Fugitive Slave law.) We are not, entlemen, to hold a meeting to say that ‘we love this ‘nion; we delight in it; we are proud of it; it blesses us and we enjoy it; we shall fill all its offices with men of our own choosing, and, our brethren of the South, you shall enjoy its glories; you shall enjoy its mighty recollec- tions, but it shall trample your insti:utions in the dust.” ‘We have no right togay it. We have no right to exact so much; and an opposite and entirely different cewrse, fellow citizens, must be oure—must be the course of ‘the great North, if’ we would preserve this Union. (Applause ang cries of “Good.””) And, gentlemen, what is this glorious Union? What must we sacrifice if we exasperate our brethren of the South, and compel them, by injustice and breach of compact, to separate from us and to dis- solve it? Why, gentlemen, the greatness and the glory of the American bame will ‘then be a thing of yesterday. The glorious Revolution of the thirteen States will be a revolution not achieved by us, but by a nation that has ceased to exist. Thename of Washington will, to us at least at the North, (cheers,) be but as the name of Julius Cesar or some other great hero who has lived in times gone by, and whose nation has perished, and exists no. more. The Declaration. of independence, what will that be? Why, the declaration of @ State tnat no longer haga being. All these bright and slorious recollections of the past must be obliterated rom our memories and become mere memorials of a bygone race and people. Aline must divide the North andthe South. What will be the consequence? Will this mighty city, growing as it now is, with wealth pouring into it from every portion of this mi a Bye ppg it continue to flourieh as ithas done? (Cries of ‘No, no !?”) ‘Will your marble palaces that line Broadway and raise their proud tops to the sky, continue to rise until,as isnow promised under the Union, it will present the most lorious picture of wealth, prosperity and happiness that the world has ever seen?’ (Applause.) No! gentlemen, no ! such things cannot be. I do not say that we will starve, that we Will perish, as a people, if we separate from the South. Draw tho tine. Let them have their prosperity and we have ours; but meagre, small in the extreme, compared with what {s promised, will then be the prosperity of each. Truly has it been gaid here to- night, “We were made for each other; separate us, and although you may not destroy us, you reduce each toso low ascale that well might humanity deplore the evil courses that brought us tosuch an end.” True, gen- tlemen, we would have our share of the glories of the Revolution left. Our pees shed their blood, sent forth their heroes and sent forth their patriots as well as the South. But the line, gentlemen, would take away from us the grave of Washington, which is in his own beloved Virginia. (Cheers.) "Tis in the State and near the spot where this treason that has been growing up in the North culminated in bloodshed and violence. We would lose the grave and lose the name of Washigton. And our philanthropic and our pious friends who fain would lead us to this result, would, of course, comfort us with the congoling reflection that we had the gtorious memory of John Brown in its place. (Great laughter and cheers.) Are you, gentlemen, prepared to make the exchange? (Cries of ‘No, no.”) Shall thettomb of Washington, that rises upon the banks of the Potomac, receiving its tribute from every nation of the earth— shall that become the property of a fallen State (‘No, no”), hostile to us im its feelings, and shhll we erect a monument in North Elba, among the wilds of the interior (Never, never’’), and make pilgrimages there to congole us for the loss of every glorious recollection, to console us for our severance from being connected with him who was recognized as the Father of his Country? (Cries of ‘No, no” and cheers) No, gentlemen, we are not Lp d Bt Past Beds ome ue are not prepare ust, either our glories, to give ‘up our affection for the South, nor are we re to have our section of the country made to take its share in the loss and aes of the blessings and advan- tages which would result to each fram this most uahay Py sentiment of disunion. Gentlemen, we never would ave attained the wealth and prosperty as a nation which we have attained but for our connection with these very much despised and trodden upon slaveholders of the Southern States. felt tee if the dissolution is to take place, we part with the wealth of the South, we part with tho trade of the South, and we are told from good sco that we must not only part with the non- slaveholding States, but that our young sister with tho golden crown—rich, teeming California, which has added the Inst requisite item to the greatness of this nation—will not come with us. She will remain with the South. A Vorcr—And so will Cuba. Gentlemen, if wo allow this course of injustice towards the South to continue, these are to be the consequences— evil to us, evilto them. Everything of which wo are most proud, as well as everything which contributes most < our greatness and ity as han pars from us, and bably will pass away from 5 And the question is, why should we permitit? There is a reason preached to us for permitting it. We are told that slavery es ‘we are told that it is @ matter of con- science to put it down, and that whether treaties or com- pacts, or laws or constitutions havo been made to sanction ‘and uphold it, it is still unholy, and we are bound to tram- ple upon those institutions and stand by what these men arrogantly. tell us is the law of God and the principles of natural justice. These two things, gentlemen, are not dis- inguistable. ‘The law of God and natural justice, as be- tween man and man, aro one and the same. The wisest philosophers of ancient times—heathen philosophers—said (The rule of conduct between man and man is, to live honestly, to injure no man, and to render to every man his due.) In words far more direct and emphatic, in words of the most perfect comprehensivences, the Saviour of the world gaye us the same rule in one short meet, and on which we must come to a that sball govern our actions in the future selection of repre- sentatives in the Congress of the United States—I insist that negro slavery is not unjust. (Long continued ap- plause.) It is not unjust. (Hisses, followed by applause, and cries of “Put him out.’’) Let bim stay, gentlemen. Pxesipent—Let him etay there. Order! Mr. O'Conot mts have the of hissing. Good men will be sil wr ‘3 lege it here, one again of “Put him out,” calls to order; for @ time. ) ‘t—If anybody hisses here, remember evo- rybody has their gp ir way of expressing themselves, and a8 some birds only understand hissing, so will they hiss. (Applause. ) z Mr. O’Conon—Gentlemen, there is an animal upon this earth that bas no faculty of making its sentiments known in any other way than by a hies. am for equal rights. Fae cheers were here given for Mr. O’Conor, three for ernor Wise, and three groans for Joho wn.) I beg of you, gentlemen, all of you whoare of my mind at least, to preserve silence, and leave the higsing apimal in the full enjoyment of his naturak privileges. ores, of ‘Good, good,” po aaa first woman that of do so by hissing animal. (laughter The first human society that was broken trance of discord and sin was broken up bj entrance of that animal. (Applaure.) Therefore, I say it is his privilege to hiss. him hiss on. (Cries of ‘Good, good,’ laughter and applause.) Gentlemen, I will not detain you much longer. (Cries of “Go on,””*« go on.?” I maintain that negro slavery is not unjust (a Voizo— “ No sir,”’ applause) ; that it is benign fn its influences upon the white man, and upon the b‘ack man (Voices—* That’s 80, that’s 0,” applause); that it is ordained by. nature; thet it is an institution created py nature itself; that it carries with jt duties for the black man, and duties for the white, which duties cannot be performed except by the preservation and—if gentlemen please—the per- petuation of the system. (Applauge.) And one of the reasons for this is, that I have been taught it by the high- est tribupal in our country, and the most venerable expo- nent of the priveiples of “justice and of the bearing and eflect of your constitution. The Supreme Court of the United States has told us, what wisdom will ever pronounce to be sound and just doc- trine, that there are some principles known, well understood, universally recognized and universally acknowledged among men, that are not to be found written im constitutions or in laws. The people of the United States were, as every other nation must be, in some sense cular and different from other uations of the earth. fe were white men, of—what is commonly called by way of distinetion—the Caucasian“race. We were a monoga- mous people; that is to say, we were not Mobammedans, nor followers of Jo Smit with half a dozen wives a piece. (Laughter.) Itwas a fundamental principle of our morality that no State could exist or be tolerated in this Union which should not, in that respect, resemble al? the other States of the Union. Many other distinctive features might be stated which mark us as a people dis- Upet from others, incapable of fe vagers ay Rew terms of perfect political equality, as friends and fellow citizens, with gome kinds of people that are to be found upon the face of the earth. As a white nation, we made our consti- tution and made our laws, vesting political right in that race of white American people. (Applause.) “As to the negro, why we allowed bim to live under the shadow and rotection of our laws. We gave him, as we were und to give him, protection sgainst and contumely; we denied to him, however, rights or the power of government; and we left’ him, as Jong a8 the community in which he lived should please so to or- der, in the condition 0: @ bondman. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, to that condition the negro is 4 by na- ture. (Cries of ‘‘Bravo”’ and “That's so,” and applause. > The history of mankind shows that his class cannot pros- r—that they die out and become extinct in any cold or in any very temperate clime; but in the warm, the ex- tremely warm* regions, his race can prosper and be per- petuated. He has stret and is competent to labor, but. pear aee which - gitin denied to = either the 54 tellect to govern or ness to work. (Applause. Both were denied him. That nature which abated him of the will to labor gave him a master to coerce that will, and made him a useful and valuable servant in the clime in which he was capable of living for himself and for the master over him. (A use.) Now, gentlemen, I main- tain that it is not injustice to leave the negro in that condi- tion in which nature placed him—to leave him in a state of pupilage and give him a master to govern him and supply his deficiencies. Nor is bs Sided him of any of his rights to compel him to r in return, and afford to that master a just compensa tion for the labor and the talent employed in governing him and rendering him useful to Mf and to the — which he lives. (Applause.) These are the principles, gentlemen, which the extreme measure abolitionists compel us to meet. This ig the ground that we must take, We are not to talk about slaves being an evil—of slavery being a thing which, though pernicious, must be tolerated because we have a tw tolerate it. We are to look at it as it is; we are to a itby the voice of inspiration, as to be found in the Sacred. Volume, which nowhere condemns the bondage’ of those who are only fit for bondage. We must look at it with the eyes of sound philosophy, and we must pronounce it just, benign, lawful and proper We must consider that the ‘constitution established by our fathers, which pre- serves and maintains it, is not unjust, not wicked, but. sound and wise, and entitled to our fullest and hearticst , Protection; and that our execrations are due to any man, whoever he may be, who dbjects to enforcing the provi- sions of that constitution with the utmost faith, or and applause. by oes, who seeks, by any indirection, to get away ite bind- ing obligations, and to sew unhappiness, insurrection, discord or trouble of any description throughont the territories of our Southern neighbors. (Loud Theee are the principles upon which we must act. » This is what we must say to our brethren of the South. If we have sent men into Congress who are false to these views. and are eeeking to violate the compact which binds us together, we must ask to be foregiven until we have an- other chance. We must tell them that these men shall be consigned to pri —(applause)—and true men, men faithful to the con: ion, men loving all portions of the country alike, shall be elected in their stead. And, gen- temen, we must do more than promise that—we must rform it. (Loud applause, followed by three cheers for ir. O’Conor, and a tiger.) Buta word more gentlemen and Lbave done. (Cries of “Goon.”) Ihave no doubt atall that what Ihave said to you this evening will be greatly misrepresented. It is very certain that I have not ad time enough to enlarge properly and fully, to explain the interesting topics which I have ventured to express myself bold)y and distinctly upon taking the consequences, be they what they may. (Applause.) ButI will say a single word by way of explanation. I have main- tained the justice of slavery; I have maintained it because I hold that the negro is decreed by nature toastate of pupilage under the dominion of the white man in every clime where God and nature meant the negro should live at all. We oroge I say a state of pupilage; and that I may be rightly understood, I say that it isthe duty of the white man to treat him kindly; that it is the inter of the white man to treat him kind- ly—(applause). if the white man in the climes where slavery exists is only let alone by the crazy fana- tics who are raising disturbances in tho climes where slavery does not exist, whatever laws, whatever im- provements, whatever variations in the conduct of society are necessary for the purpose of enforcing in every in- stance the dictates of interest and humanity, as between the white man and the black, will be faithfully and fairly carried out in that progress of improvement in all those things in which we are all engaged. It is not that the master has a right to slay his slave; # is not pre- tended that he has a right to be guilty of harshness and inhumanity to his slave. The laws of all these Southern States forbid that. Why, we have not a right here at the North to be guilty of cruelty and inhumanity to a horse. It is an indictable offence to commit such cruelty. The #ame laws exist in the South, and if there is any failure in enforcing them to the fullest extont, it is due to the mis- conduct of this external force which is pressing upon the Southern States, and compels them to abstain per- haps from many acts beneficent towards the ne- ‘0, which otherwise would be performed. Applause.) in truth, in fact, in deed—in truth, in ‘tact in deed, the white man in the slaveholding States has no more right to the exercise of authority under the law of the Jand over his slave, he can no more violate humanity with reaptor to them than any one of you, or any father in any of the free States of this Union can exercise acta violative of humanity towards his own son under the age of twenty-one. So far as the law is concerned you own your boys, you have a right, and have a right to their fervices until they are twenty-one. You can make them work for you; you have the right to hire out their ser- vices and take the pay for it; you have tho right to chas- tige them with judgment and reason if they violaie your commands; and they are entircly without political rights. Not one of ‘them at ibe age of twenty years and eleven months even can go to the polls and give a vote. There- fore, gentlemen, before the law, there is but one differ- ence between the freo white man of twenty ears of in the Northern States, and the negro bondman in the Southern States. The white man is to be emancipated at twenty-one, because his God-given gifts entitle him to emancipation and fit him for the duties to devolve upon him. The negro, to be gure, is to be a bondman for life. He may be sold from one master to another, but where 19 the ill in that?—one may be as as another. If there be laws with respect to the mode of sale, which Pi bg icotee oy Hover and wife do lead to that which shocks humanity, and may be said to violate all ag and all conscience. If are dong le South alone and they will correct Tet our bi n of the South take care of their own domes- tic institutions, and they will do it. Cppiause:) will go govern them as to put an end to any acts of [tag bec if they are occasionally committed, - haps they are, which are contrary to all juat’ of right and humanity. I have never yet & na- tion conquered from evil practices, brought to. an of religion the Givilization, brought to the a of nowledge of the Gospel by the bayonet, nal laws, by external persecutions of any kind. mee no way by raising declamations and outcry against a le from those abroad and outside of their tel you can improve their manners Or their morals in any respect. No; if you attack the vices of a people, you make them cling to their vices from the not very censurable feel of manhood and patriotism. Tet them alono, gentiemay and if there be any orrors in this respect they will odr= rect them. There is bat one way in which you can leave them to the guidance of their own judgment, which you can retain them in this Union as our brethy