The New York Herald Newspaper, October 19, 1859, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD. JAMBS GORDON BENNETT, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. OFFICE N. W. CORNER OF NASSAU AND FULTON STS. TERMS, cash in advance, Money vent by mail will be af the eidel the Senders “Pokage aamnpe! wot received as ntecription ‘THR DAILY HERALD. two cente , $7 per a THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Ruturduy, eke cout per Baraca Beton oF Great Britaln, num, pe is py bp at ete cente per copy, ° tats, $8 tony. both to include i kts Bion mond at att cena PORE FAMILY TERALD on Wednesday, at four cents per ba td ota CORRESPONDENCE, containing important fany quarter of the world; weak, Fog ‘Bay un Foxsiow CORRESPONDSSTS ARE PaRvcuLaR.y Requasred 10 SeAL AL LSTTERS MONO NOTICE taken of anonymous correspondence. We do not ADVERT & ISBMENTS renowed Mn the Weawut Hana, PaMiLy ‘and tn the berted aaa ditions. California ENG cxccuied with neatness, cheapness and de- patch ‘AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth astreet.—Irauuan raka—Een ari. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Borx to Goop Lucx— An Hove ut Ssvuue—Latest Faom New Yorx. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Tuzes Rep Mex—Fine- uax’s Buipe. WINTER GARDEN, Broadway, opposite Bond streot.— Cuamoont THE Tanp—Youxa Actuxss, WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway.—Fast Men OF THE ‘Onpex Tiuz—Bataine. LAURA KEENE’S THEATRE, 624 Broadway.—Minsum- xn NiGer's Degax. NEW BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Tuxz Man ix tux non Masx—Carimunan. THEATRE FRANCAIS, 585 Broadway—Daarron’s Par- Lor OPERAS AND Lybic PRovenns, | NUMS AMERICAN: MUSEUM. Broadway.—After- | noe Wis axe Wave 70 Make Aub Bueaxe “Kvealuge | Our oF Tim Durtus. 1 WOOD'S MINSTRELS, 885 Broadway.—Eraiorias Soncs, Dances, 40.—Damon axp Prrazas. BRYANTS’ Bumssauxs, MINSTRELS, Mechanics Hall. 472 Broadway.— { Sones, Danoxs, &c.—Hor or Faswion. | COOPER INSTITUTE —Puor. Mircneu’s Lecroxe ox ‘Tue ORGANIZATION OF THE STRLLAR UNIVERSE. COOPER INSTITUTE.—Dx. Boyxron's Lecture Ann Ex. | TWERIMENTS IN NaTugaL Pumoseruy and Gatvanic Exxc- | PRigiry. Pra) HALL, 663 Broadway.—Tmopon’s Taratne oF 2T3, TRIPLE SHEET. _ New York, Wednesday, October 19, 1559. MAILS FOR THE PACIFIC. New York Herald—California Edition. ‘The mail steamship North Star, Capt. Jones, will leave ‘this port to-morrow afternoon, at three o'clock, for San Juan del Nord. ‘The mails for California and other parts of tho Pacific Will close at one o’clock to-morrow aflernoon. The New York Weekity Heratp—California edition— Containing the latest intelligence from al! parts of the world, will be published at eleven o’clock in the morning. Single copies, in wrappers, ready for mailing, six conts. Agents will ploase send in their orders as early as pos- sible. The News. We give to-day full particulars of the insurrec- tionary movement, which commenced at Harper's Ferry on Tuesday night, and was brought toa bloody close yesterday by the United States ma- rines, the militia of Virginia and Maryland and an armed body of workmen of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Between thirty and forty persons have been slain In the conflict. The insurrectionists at Harper's Ferry, it is believed, at no time numbered more than seventeen white men and five negroes They were led by Captain John Brown, formerly a Kansas free State politician, and an active leader in the late border forays of that Territory. His most active abettors were his two sons and John E. Cook, who has likewise figured in Kansas broils. Brown was wounded in the fight, and though at last accounts he was alive, he was not expected to survive Some of the insurgent white mon anda Jarge number of negroes, are supposed to be se- creted in the mountains, where they will be spec- dily haunted down and brought to punishment. By the arrival of the overland mail at St. Louis we have news from San Francisco to the 2¢th ult., and later accounts from the Amoor river. Judge Terry had been placed under $10,000 bonds to an- swer for participating in the duel with Broderick. Fires had occurred at Monte Christo and Diamond Springs, involving the loss of a large amount of property. There had been no arrivals at San Fran- cisco from Atlantic ports. Business continued dull, but without change in prices. The accounts from the Amoor river state that a company of Americans had launched a steamer capable of ascending the river, and also that they had obtained the privilege of navigating the river. $ Judge Osborne yesterday rendered a decision of the case of Lane, the alleged Fulton Bauk default- er, dismissing the complaint. We give the Judge’s decision in full in another column, as it contains Some intcresting points. After the decision was rendered, a complaint for false pretence was pre- ferred against Lane, and a decision on this will be given in a few days. The steamship Bremen, from Southampton on the 4th inst., arrived yesterday morning. Her news had been anticipated by the North Briton and Hammonia. The annexed table shows the temperature of the atmosphere in this city during the week ending October 15, the range of the barometer and ther- mometer, the variation of wind currents and the state of the weather, at three periods during each day, viz: at 9 A. M., and 3 and 9 o'clock P. M.:. -—Morning, cloudy ; afte cloudy; afternoon, overcast; night, ie yi F j night, Sanday—Morning, cloudy; afternoon, overcast; night, onday—Morning, cloudy; afternoon, clear; night, clear, _Ruceday—Morning ‘and aflernoon, clear; aight, muon. | ‘eWednesday—Morning and afternoon, clear; night, | moonlight. | ‘Thursday—Morning and afternoon, clear; night, clear. | Friday—Morning, clear; afternoon, overcast, with heavy | showers; night, cloudy. Saturday—Clear all day. ‘We have news from Honduras dated at Belize on the 23d of September. A serious dispute had oc- curred at the port of St. George, Granada, between the joint owners of the American schoner William H. Sandford. F.Sousie, an adopted citizen of the NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1859.—TRIPLE SHEET. tive policemen, but finally liberated, when Captain Lane sold his half to Mr. Bourie and teft for New Orleans. T.e Bourd of Supervisors met yesterday, but transacted no business of general interest. The Board of Ten Governors adopted a resolu- tion yesterday appointing a committee to report the «» ount of compensation allowed to the heads of the several institations and the employés, and what changes are necessary in order to secure an @ ual d's'r.bution of official position. Several o matters also came up, which are mentioned ia our report of their proceedings. A meeting of the members of Engine Company No. 34, and others, was held last evening to take measures with reference to the decease of the late Senator Broderick. A committee was appoint- ed to make arrangementa for a grand funeral de- monstration of the firemen of New York and the ycinity, and another committee was chosen to in- vite"Senator Douglas to deliver a eulogy on the oc- casion. The late Senator Broderick was at one time foreman of No. 34. ‘The cotton market yesterday exhibited 2 stronger feel- ing, though without quotable change in prices. Thy sales embraced about 1,800 or 1,400 bales, on the basis of quotations given in another place. The receipts at the ports since the first of September last embraced 375,000 bales, against $40,000 in 1858, 161,000 in 1857, 208,000 in 856, and 331,000 in 1855. The exports embraced 136,000 bales, against 87,000 in 1858, 60,000 in 1857, 64,000 in 1856, and 182,000 in 1855. The stock on hand embraced $19,000 bales, against 281,000 in 1858, 144,000 in 1857, 210,000 in 1856 and 274,000 in 1866. The four market was less buoyant, and common graces were easier, while good to prime extra brands were unebarged, Wheat was inactive and sales limited. Corn was unchanged, with moderate sales, chiofly at $1 for mixed and yellow. Pork continued firm for mess, which tended upward, while prime was qnict. Mess soid at $15 35 a $15 37, and prime at $1075. Beef was steady, wih mederae rales. Lard was less buoyant. Sugars we © less active, but prices were quite steady; the sales embraced about 364 hhds. , chiefly within thorange of 63;c. a 67%c. Coffee was firm. The auction aale held yestorday com. prised 5,113 bags Rio, common quality, at 102{c. a 12%c., | average 11Xc, The gale was a spirited one, and indi- cated an advance of ic. a 3yc., quality considered. 64CO bags Rio, of the Brazilian’s cargo, were shipped for New Orleans on owner’s account, and 230 bags Mara- caivo were sold at 9c. a 127%%c. The stocks embraced 55,470 bags Rio, 22,600 mats and 2,090 bags Java, and including packages of all kinds, 93,427, ‘There was more breadstufls offering for English ports. To Liverpool 600 bbls. flour were taken at 2s., and 5,000 bushels wheat at 6d., in ship's bags. To Glasgow 10,000 bushels whicat, in ship’s bags, at 8d., and 500 bbls flour at 2s. 6d. The Virginia Abolition Insurrection—Its Causes and Probable Consequences. Our readers will perceive, from the intelli- gence on the subject which we publish this morning, that our first startling reports of an abolition conspiracy and insurrection at Har- per’s Ferry, Virginia, were substantially cor- rect. The plot, the outbreak, and its sup- pression within a few hours, have become matters of history. The conspiracy, itappears, was the work of that notorious Kansas free State abolition madman known as Ossawa- tomie Brown, and comprehended the madman’s idea of the extinction of slavery in Virginia and Maryland by force of arms, beginning with the seizure of the United States Arsenal at Har- per’s Ferry as the shortest method of pro- curing the weapons of war. ‘The inevitable consequences have followed instantly upon the heels of this reckless experi- ment of an insane Kansas abolitionist and his deluded followers, whites and blacks. Yet there was something of method in their mad- ness. Harper’s Ferry, on the river boundary between Virginia and Maryland, is surrounded by a slaveholding community, with a number of counties on the Virginia side possessing each alarge slave population, such as Jefferson, Clarke and Frederick. From any of these counties the free State of Pennsylvania may be reached by a fugitive slave, in a forced march, in the course of forty-eight hours, by crossing over the thin partition of Maryland. Hence the frequent escapes of slaves from all that region, from which Brown may have received his first impressions of a general disaffection of the resi- dent slave population. The labyrinth of mountains and their intri- cate valleys, covered with forests and under- brush, which mark the country between Har- per’s Ferry and Pennsylvania, afford many advantages to fugitive slaves—advantages which doubtless suggested themselves to the conspirators in anticipation of a running guerrilla system of military operations, The seizure of the government arsensal, too, at Harper’s Ferry, it was doubtless calculated would not only furnish arms for the powerful nucleus of a general servile rebellion, but would also rally at once the slave population, far and near, to the rescue, Such, we conclude, were the calculations of the conspirators; and it is probable that, hit or miss, they may have also taken into their esti- mates that larger calculation of the moral effect of this terrible enterprise in the work of re- kindling the waning fires of the slavery agita- tion. At all events, the inevitable effect of this abolition insurrection in the midst of the un- suspecting slaveholding community around Har- per’s Ferry will be, throughout the Southern States, a highly exasperated feeling ofhostility to all the slavery agitators at the North, not only including W. H. Seward and his followers to “aff irrepressible conflict” with the South, but even Mr. Douglas and his disciples of ‘popular sove- reignty” in the Territories. Not many days, we apprehend, will elapse before the conse- quences upon the Southern mind of this despe- rate experiment of abolition treason in Virginia will be recognized in the North as pregnant with danger to the Union. We have thus before us some of the ripening slavery agitation in 1854, commenced by Douglas and Pierce as Presidential candidates for the decisive vote of the South in the Cincinnati Covention. There would have been no border war in Kansas between Southern pro-slavery adven- turers and Northern anti-slavery emigrant aid societies had there been no invitation to them to fight out the slavery issue, face to face, on the soil of Kansas. And this man Brown was only a discharged guerrilla free State soldier from the border ruffian scenes of that bloody United States, bought one-half of the schooner in New York in June last. The other half was bought by C. M. Lane, of New York, who was to be captain, and the vessel was intended to be run between Belize, Ruatan and New Orleans. As a fall freight could not be had for Belize from New York, she took a part cargo for Granada. She ar- rived at Granada on or about the 27th of July. While there some difficulty arose between the owners, which resulted in the captain's flocking up the vessel, discharging the mate and part of the crew. This proceeding turned out J. F. Sousie, the other owner, who, with his wife and family were living on board, and were passengers from New York for Belize. This induced him to apply to the local authorities for assistance and protection. The Captain was put under arrest by na- Territory. Flushed with the success of the war for freedom there, and rendered daring, reckless, and an abolition monomaniac, by the scenes of violence and blood through which he had passed, he believed the time at hand for carrying the Kansas war for freedom into the | heart of the Southern States. He has met with the fate which he courted; but his death and the punishment of all bis criminal associates | will be as a feather in the balance against the mischievous consequences which will probably follow from the rekindling of the slavery ex- citement in the South. We trust, however, that something of good will result from this wild and fanatical aboli- tion explosion at Harper's Ferry and its bloody results. From the extracts which we publish in this paper on the eubject, from seve- ral of our republican cotemporaries of this city, it will be seen that they betray some signs of alarm—that they do not like the shape which Mr, Seward’s “ irrepressible conflict” is assum- ing. Let the people of this great conservative State, however, remember that this insurrec- tion in question is but a natural appendage of an “irrepressible conflict” with Southern éla- very, and the author of this treason may re- ceive a lesson in November which will afford some security to the peace of the country at large, as well as a sense of safety to the South from abolition conspirators, Ought Rowdy Politicians to be a Privi- leged Aristocracy? The measures contemplated by the honest, upright and moneyed laborers, mechanics, manufacturers, merchants and financiers of the city of New York, to throw off the yoke which has been imposed upon them by the brutal demagogues of Tammany and Mozart Halls, and of the black republican party, have terri- fied the press organs of those corruptionist cliques into just such utterances of wrath and fear, as were to have been expected. The out ery raised by the Leader, News, and Tribune against interference in politics by those who wash their faces and wear clean linen, betrays the direst tribulation and anxiety. Their theory in plain English, is, that honest men should build up the country, and that a hand‘ul of rogues should be permitted to destroy it; that pains-taking industry should accumulate muni- cipal and national wealth, and that dissipation, profligacy and vice should expend it; that the consequences of the Fourierite axiom, “property isrobbery,” should be exemplified by the legiti- mation of public plunder. The recent comments in the three expo- nents of rowdyism we have mentioned, upon the great prising of the vast industrial masses against the tyranny of shoulder-hitters, gamblers, gougers, keepers and owners of dens of prestitution, pothouse loafers, criminals from Blackwell’s Island and from Sing Sing—the very offscouring of the com- munity—show that they accept this leprous mi- nority as the constituted anti-“divine right” essence of American government. “Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh ;” and, down in the depths of the venal souls of these children of pad-foot Mammon, lies the ecstatic idea of a leaky national and city trea- sury, from which they may gather the drip- pings. This is their thought by day, and their dream by night. Around it reyolye the free- wool instincts of Weed, the aspirations of the thousand dollar philanthropist, and the “fancy” exuberances of the muscle heroes of Syracuse. Unless the rowdy five thousand, out of the eighty thousand voters of New York city, ean screech down the reform democratic agitation which has commenced, the very whiskey will be snatched from their mouths, Their time will have come, and they will have to be provided for in conformity with our penal laws. The history of democratic government, from the beginning until the end of time, will con- vey the same lesson. It is a struggle, as im- mutable as the psychological laws that govern the human soul, between men—placed origi- nally upon a basis of equality—some of whom deliberately aspire, while the remainder, with equal deliberation descend. The starting point of the eighty odd thousand voters, of the city of New York, was substantially about the same. Born in a country offering the highest prizes for industry, each had before him a future of distinction, wealth, and education, or else, if the beastly element predominated, of shame, sorrow and misery. Seventy-five thousand out of the eighty, have, beyond a question, pre- ferred being good and conservative citizens, to joining the ranks of those dissolute, abandoned make-shifts, whom the Leader, News and Tri- bune glory in exalting. The former, however, have, unfortunately, neglected politics, and devoted their energies to building up the ma- terial welfare of the nation, while the latter have, gradually, usurped power, and reduced the country .to the verge of ruin, bya long course of misrule. The future of the United States will be a sad one, if the experience of the past does not teach wisdom for the future. The records of Athe- nian democracy show that just so long as the wise, educated, good and prudent governed the republic, its halo of glory enlightened the world. When, after the days of Pericles, helot corruption overruled higher counsels, it fell into a slavery, from which it never emerged again. The decay of Sparta, was synonymous with the increasing power of unadulterated blackguardism. The history of the Italian re- publics of the Middle Ages, is glorious or degraded, in proportion as the rule of men of integrity or a minority rabble was permitted to prevail. The Senate of old Rome was nothing more than a firm, permanent Fifth Avenue Hotel protest against agrarianism. But for the untiring zeal and fortitude of the purer element of society, there would not have been, even a second Carthagenian war. Rome’s unhappy days dawned upon it with the rowdy subordi- nates of Scylla, and its ruin was identical with the Five Point oppression of half the world, by the shoulder-hitters of seventeen hundred years ago. In every democratic community, the neglect of duty, by the respectable majority masses, and the transfer of power to the-hands fruits of that mischievous reopening of | of the base and vile, is the signal for decay. | the The Billingsgate of the News, Leader and Tribune is employed in presenting the leaders of the Fifth Avenue Hotel movement, as a kid glove, scented, silk stocking, poodle-headed, degenerated aristocracy. Is this the truth? Most of the able, and intellectual individuals of New York city, derive their origin from precisely the same ranks, as those who will vote at the next Tammany primaries, or who occupy cells with Huntington at Sing Sing, or are prominent in urging “irrepressible con- flict” theories, or have been put forward as Mozart candidates for office. The latter have fallen and the former have risen. To the virtue of the one and the inherent viciousness of the other, are to be exclusively attributed the respective fates of each. But ho arrogance more absurd, no presumption more abominable can be imagined than | that the toiling tens of thousands, who consti- | { | | | tute the bone and sinew of all classes in the State and land, should be told that the prospe- rity they have created for themselves and the country, is the very reason why they should have no share in its government, but should leave it in the hands of enemies of order, and those who wish to cut asunder the tie that binds ' the Union together, ‘William H. Seward’s irrepressible Con- filet at Harper's Ferry—A Warning to the Mom of New York. The events of Monday at Harper's Ferry are such as call for the serious consideration of every honestly disposed man in this commu- nity, ia this State and in this country. Be- tween events and idens there is always a logi- cal connection, and the bloody and brutal speech delivered in Rochester very nearly a year ago, reprinted in our columns to-day, and the bloody and brutal acts committed on the banks of the Potomac two days since, present this connection as clearly as the sun at noon- day. One is the process and the other the fruit of the slavery agitation. The question of slavery formed one of the holiest compromises of the constitution, which is based upon the great truth that self-governed States, having different social organizations, can exist and prosper in political union. Upon this depends the very existence of the theory of political self-government. Forty years ago ambitious demagogues endeavored to disturb that compromise, and their sophistries perilled the existence of the Union. Then it was that the statesmen reasserted the com- promise, establishing what is known as the Missouri Line. Twenty-six years later the demagogues again raised the question, aud in 1846 it was thrown like a fire- brand into Congress in the shape of the Wilmot Proviso, where it was fanned into a flame by such men as Preston King and Wm. H. Seward. From there it was carried to Buffalo, and stea- dily fostered by John Van Buren, John A. Dix and others, for their own purely selfish purposes: In 1850 the statesmen again struck hands on it, and seemed to put the question at rest by the admission of California into the Union, and the so-called compromise measures of that year. Clay and Calhoun, Webster and Benton, stood side by side in their support, and with them, and in their presence, the whole country took a solemn oath not to resuscitate the ques- tion again. On this pledge poor Pierce was elected in 1852, when the doctrines of Seward proved so disastrous to the veteran hero General Scott. But the politicians are all alike, and the very thing that had swamped Seward in 1852 was in 1854 again broached by Jefferson Davis and Stephen Arnold Douglas, bent alike on their own selfish aims, The Kansas-Nebraska bill, which was forged by them, and which Pierce was fool enough to support, opened the flood- gates of agitation which patriotism and states- manship had twice closed. This produced the Kansas girife, and that strife brought into existence the Browns and Ander- sons, who are ever ready to lead igno- rance into the field of blood and plunder. Driven from Kansas by the wisdom of Mr. Bu- chanan, the preachings of Seward have attract- ed them eastward, and lead them to think that in the populous counties of the northernmost slave States they can re-establish with impu- nity the lawless and bloody conflict they main- tained in the wilds of the Kansas frontier. We place these teachings again before our readers to-day, and their precepts and their consequences should not, for a single moment, be lost sight of. In that brutal and bloody Rochester manifesto Seward proclaims that this Union is the theatre of an “irrepressible conflict” between two antagonistic social sys- tems, one of which must prevail throughout the Union; that the system of negro slavery in the South is inhumanity to the white man in the North; that free labor and slave labor cannot exist under one government; that it is “an irre- pressible conflict between enduring forces;” that the cotton, sugar, tobacco and rice fields of the South must be tilled by free labor, or the rye and wheat fields of the North surren- dered to slave culture; that the act of 1808 is to be repealed, and slaves enough imported to fill the interior of the conti- nent; that this result is to be prevented only by destroying slavery in the South; that slavery in the South can only be destroyed by getting the control of Congress; and that this is the great object and aim of the republi- can party. Mr. Seward’s friends defend him, by asserting that he wants to carry out these destructive tendencies only through constitu- tional means; but they might as well argue that a murderer does not wish to kill a man, but only to cut his jugular vein. Shguld William H. Seward ever be elected President of the United States, his brutal and bloody “irrepressible conflict,” started by po- litical demagogues in Kansas, and blooming again at Harper’s Ferry, will spring into life and action in all the northern border counties of the slave States. A thousand times the ex- citement would be witnessed among the slaves everywhere that was felt during the Fremont campaign, when, notwithstanding that Fremont rejected the ideas and the help of Seward, the slaves were very generally impressed with the idea that they were to be freed. Flaming dwellings and murdered families would rouse ‘our Southern brethren on all sides to arm, not alone to put down servile insurrection, but to resist that insane federal Congres- sional action which Seward would impress upon the government. The slavery com- promise is the grandest and holiest of the constitution. It involves the right of self-government in the North as well as in the South. If sixteen Northern States may dic- tate to fifteen Southern ones what their social institutions shall be, then nine Northern ones may again dictate to'seven other Northern ones, what their social organization, their tenure of land, or even life, shall be, and the principle of self-government receives its inevitable death blow. Congress has nothing to do with these things. The constitution gives it its ex- istence, and the constitution is a high and holy compact for political union, in order to admin- ister the domestic intercourse between the States, and our relations as a body to foreign nations. Men of New York, it is upon these things that you are called upon to decide at your com- ing election. If you elect for your government the list of State officers that has been prepared for you by the managels and followers of Wm. H. Seward, you sanction his ideas, you sanction the bloody and brutal attack upon your fel- low citizens, who have as much right to model their social forms as you have to model yours, and you sanction the placing of demagogues where only statesmen should be placed. Mer- chants, farmers, manufacturers, mechanics, la- borers, your best and deepest interests are involved in this question. The welfare of the South is necessary to the welfare of the North. There is no “irrepressible conflict” between them, but there is an irtepressible harmony, which pervades all, animates all, and binds all, The bleeding fields of Kansa@ and the bloody scenes of Harper's Ferry are the only gure and certain fruit of the sophistries of Wm. H. Seward. The sounding forge, the busy work- shop, the thronged mart, the clustering ships, the reward of industry and the joyous home, are the rich tributes of the constitution and its compacts, as our fathers made it and as wo inherit it. Judge ye between these when ye go to cast your votes in the urn which Freedom holds to gather your suffrages. New Phase in Religious Morals. It is impossible to read the proceedings in the case of Bishop Onderdonk, without arriving at the conclusion that there is a screw loose in the framework of our religious institutions. Here is a prelate of one of the most respecta- ble of our Christian sects, who was suspended from his sacred functions on charges of the grossest immorality, seeking restoration to his diocess without either an acknowledgment of the justice of his sentence or of penitence for the offences of which he was found guilty. He evidently calculates on the altered character of religious feeling and discipline in the church, or he would not have ventured to make an ap- peal for the removal of his suspension under such circumstances. What, in plain terms, does his petition amount to? An insult to the House of Bishops, for it tells them distinctly that he is in no degree changed from what he was when he fell under their interdict, that he has no professions of repentance to offer them, and that itis from them, and not him, that reparation is due. Now, considering the overwhelming cha- racter of the evidence on which he wasconvicted, the imputations of perjury which he threw out against the respectable ladies whom he had out- raged, and the impartial and purely ecclesiasti- cal constitution of the tribunal by which he was tried, it is clear that he must calculate ona greatly relaxed state of discipline and moral feeling amongst his religious brethren to ex- pect that the petition for the removal of his suspension would be attended with success. We are afraid that the Bishop's hopes were based on but too many well founded indica- tions. It has been for some time past remarked with grief by the friends of religion that whilst a tendency was being indulged by the Episco- pal and other clergy towards Puritanical and irrational abstractions, but little effort was being made to give practical effect to Christian doctrines or to promote the principles of a sound morality. Thus, whilst they were de- voting” their time to getting tp agitations against the running of railroad cars on the Sunday, the indulgence in innocent and healthful Sabbath recreation, and the efforts of the poor newsboys to pick up a few cents by the sale of newspapers, but few attempts were made by them to check the vices that were really demoraliz- ing the community and altering its religious constitution. It is to these facts that are un- doubtedly to be traced the profligacy, dis- honesty and shamelessness of which we have daily such afflicting proofs in the upper as well asin the lower strata of society. Peo- ple’s notions of morality have altered so com- pletely within the last few years, from this ne- glect of their duties by the clergy, that Bishop Onderdonk may well be excused for falling into the error of supposing that offences which were formerly deemed of the most heinous cha- racter had come to be regarded in merely a ve- nial light. That he was but too correct in this conclu- sion we have seen from the action of the large body of clergy and laity by whom his petition was supported. They evidently do not think that the lustful practices of the Mor- mon bishops are sins of any very great degree of gravity in the prelates of their own church. How else are we to interpret their zealous in- tervention on behalf of a man who had brought disgrace upon their denomination by offences which still remain unatoned for, either by acts of contrition or by repara- tion to the witnesses whose feelings he had outraged and whose characters he had sought to blast. Nothing, we repeat, can more clearly mark the lax state of religious feeling and dis- cipline in our community than the facts con- nected with and the names attached to the shameful memorial sent to the Convention on his behalf. Fortunately, a sense of the duty which they owed to their own high positions, and probably a disinclination to their again coming into per- sonal contact with a person who had been thus degraded by their own sentence, prevented the bishops from complying with its prayer. Had they, in the first instance, made that judg- ment, what it should have been, in view of the gravity of the offence, a final one, they would have escaped the pain of this second decision. Like all compromises, however, which are merely evasions of principle, it only served to bring embarrassment upon themselves and dis- credit upon the church. In the condition of society which these facts indicate, no event, however singular or unna- tural, can of course excite any great degree of surprise. Thus we hear of seductions, assassi- nations, forgeries and defalcations of the most colossal kind amongst the educated classes, without any of those feelings of alarm or con- cern which would be experienced elsewhere. Why, in a community thus constituted, our Custom House authorities should take it upon themselves to confiscate indecent stereoscopic pictures, or other similar objects, we are at a loss to comprehend, unless, indeed, it be to appropriate them to their own use. They clearly can do no harm ina city in which the nude effigy of the Goddess of Love is enshrined in its public places, and where females and clergymen are to be seen amongst her most ad- miring votaries. After all, it must be admitted that the latter are consistent in their actions. What they do not think wrong in a bishop they have no reason to feel scrupulous about in their own conduct. According to the new code of clerical morality, it is less sinful to kiss a parishioner’s ‘wife, or to examine the beauties of a nude Venus, than to permit healthful coun- try recreation or the sale of a few newspapers on the Sunday. Discuarcg or THE ALLEGED Fuuton Bank Deravtter, Lang.—A decision was rendered yesterday by Justice Osborn in the case of young Lane, charged with defrauding the Ful- ton Bank, of which he was an officer, out of some sixty thousand dollars, by means of false entries in the books of the concern. The particulars of this case are fresh in the memory of our readers. The prosecution at- tempted to establish their cause on the 35th section of chapter 1 of the Revised Statutes, which declares that— Every person who, with intent to defraud, shall maka The defence set up was, that no offence against this statute was committed by the de- fendant, because only one class of books is | here referred to, namely, those kept betweem the bank and dealers with the bank, and the en tries are mentioned in connection with @ delivery or contemplated delivery. The Cours in this case has decided that, although the de~ defendant committed s gross moral fraud, he did net make himself amenable to a criminal prosecution, and therefore he was entitled to a discharge. Perhaps the Court read that section of the act correctly; but, if we are not mistaken, the case of Lane does not differ much, if at all, as far as the law is concerned, from that of Car- pentier, Parot and Grellet, decided here ia j December, 1856, when the defendants were given up to the French authorities under the Extradition treaty, and sent back to Paris. However, this last bank fraud of young Lane’s has only been disposed of in the usual fashion, His re-arrest on a charge of false pretences, which followed his liberation, we presume will terminate in the same way. It is very singular that the bank managers should consent to try him on what seems ¢o be a manifestly defective issue, based upon the section of the statute upon which the charge was laid. Tue Ovenixe or THe Oreraric CamParan,— The untoward commencement of the metropoli- tan operatic season on Monday is a ciroum- stance very much to be regretted; but as one swallow does not make a summer, so one ope- ratio defeat doos not decide the fate of the campaign, or settle the great and original prin- ciple upon which it is to be fought. We have seen, in the first place, that the managers of the Opera commenced with the novel and startling theory that the connoisseurs of New York are quite as able to judge for themselves as those of London or Paris, and that there is no reason why we should not have the artists in the firat place fresh from the gardens of Italy. Acting upon this principle, Mr, Stra- kosch brought out several new artists, of whom we knew nothing. They were to be judged upon their owa merits. There was a prima donna, young, handsome, and said to be clever. Public curiosity is oxcited to the highest pitch; the habitués make up their mouths for a sensa- tion; everybody believes that the critical repu- tation of New York rests on his particular shoulders—when lo! and behold, the prima donna, instead of making her own appear- ance, sends a physician’s certificate, the most uninteresting document that ever was penned. The opera of the night is changed, and.another prima donna, likewise newly im- ported, was substituted. The public forgot all about its critical reputation, and became abso- lutely ill-natured. While in this charming temper, the proverb that sorrows never come singly was illustrated by one of the old artists, whose voice, from some mysterious cause, went after the missing prima donna. Under these distressing circumstances the public was called upon-for the first time to have a mind of its own. It had only a bad temper, from which the new prima donna was the principal sufferer. Of course, with the public in such a mood, fair criticism was out of the question, and the first attempt of the managers to put New York on an art level with London and Paris was what the French would call a succés d’estime, which is a polite way of saying that it was a comparative failure. But it was not to be expected that New York should at once take a position asa first class art me- tropolis. We will be a great operatic centre all in good time. Even now all is not lost. The impres- sarit of Irving place have other strings to their bows, end will try two of them to-night. One is a tenor, who has sung once or twice at Boston, and was much liked by the savants thereabouts, and the other is a baritone, for whom great things are claimed. As for prime donne, we have yet to hear Spe- ranza, and by stirring their stumps the mana- gers may secure Gazzaniga, who has not yet gqneto Europe. We cannot give up our critical ‘reputation, nor resign the Opera because of a temporary defeat. Let us try a little more modestly, and without doubt the result will be'more propitious than that of the event of Monday. If Mr. Strakosch’s artists do turn out well, he has beaten all the other managers, as by the latest accounts the director of the Italian Opera at Paris issnes his programme without any of the new names which it was expected the war and political troubles in Italy would place in his hands. He has no fresh ar- tists, while our manager has brought over several, and certainly deserves credit for his bold attempt, however it may turn out. Tue Recency Oroans anp TRE CanaLs—Tus Isstz or THE State ExEction.—The organs of the two Regencies at Albany—the Allas and Argus, organ of the democratic Regency, and the Journal, organ of the Seward Regency—are hammering away at ‘each other on the Canal question, on the pretence that it is the great issue at the approaching State election. The Argus, in multitudinous columns of abuse, ar- guments, figures and large capitals, is endea- voring to prove that the ruin of the canals and the vast indebtedness of the State are due to the mismanagement of the Sewardites; while the Journal retorts in equally ponderous fashion the charge upon the democrats. Was there ever apter illustration of the fable of the kettle ana the pot? The leaders of both parties have been using and plundering the canals from their very origin, as each had power in succes- sion, employing them for personal and party purposes, until the unfortunate canals are beg- gared and the State is left to account foradebt of forty millions for their mismanagement. The canal improvements of the State began with De Witt Clinton, and he had to contend against the organized hostility of both parties : in carrying out his views. The demoorats, of whom Van Buren was the leader, opposed him with all their might. The Erie canal was called Clinton’s big ditch, Clinton’s folly, and other opposition names, until they found that the canals were popular, and then they undertook to manage them themselves. When Seward and the whigs came into power, they also took hold of the canals; and so on, from that day to this, as each party attained supremacy, the canals became the object of plunder. In tho same manner the railroad interests of the State were made the prey of these unscrupulous