The New York Herald Newspaper, October 19, 1859, Page 2

2 THE “TRXEPRESSIBLE CONFLICT.” Wm. H. ‘Seward’s Brutal and) Bloody Manifesto. for our November Election. Propesed Total Destruction of tbe Southern States and thelr Insthutieys, e True Iss Seward’s Black Republican Pro- gramme for 1°60, &e., Ke, —ne ‘The first overt act in the great drama of national @ieruption which has been plotted by thst dema- fogue, Wm. H. Seward, has just closed at Harper's Ferry. It opened in treason, robbery end murder, and has appropriately closed in the blood ef the misguided fanatics who lent themselves to; the doctrine of the “irrepressible conflict.” No reasoning mind can fail to trace cause and elect between,“ the bloody and brotal manifesto of William F,, Seward on the banks of the Genesee, and the terr’ fete scenes of violence, yapine and death, that he ve been enacted st the wonfiuence of the Potomac end theShenandoeh. In ‘order that there may be r @ mistake in regaré to the Jogica] and natural conr ,e¢tion of the two, we sub- join a reprint of the R edhester manifeste, that it may be read and stud’ @& in face of the tragical do- ings at Herper’s Ferry,, %o the reports of which we Gevote a considerable portion of our space to-day, Here is the manifest: g:— SEWARD'S S) BCH AT ROCHESTER. THE If ROE OF MR CaNVase ‘ Fei.0w Cinzeys—' fivo unmistakeable outbreaks ¢f zeal which eccur all aro ged me show that you are earnest men—cod sucha m ge ami. Let us, therefore, «t least for a Ue, pass by i'l secondary and collateral questions, whether of a persc gue or of a general natuge, and consider the main subject ¢ (whe present canvass, The democratic party—or, t0 Sp g& more accurately, the party which ‘wears that attrac sve name—is in possession of the federal government. T' ge republicans propose to dislodge that ‘party, and dism ss ivfrom its high trust. The main sub: ject, then, if W Jether the democratic party deserves to yetin the conf @enee of the American people? Tn attempt- mg to prove it umwerthy, 1 think that 1am not actuated By prejudices against that party, or by prepossessions in favor of its adversary, for Thave learned, by some ex- perience, the & virtue and patriotism, vice and selfishness, gre found ja all/parties, and that they differ legs in @heir motives ‘than in the policies they pursue. Our country is @ theatre which exhibits, in full operation, two -gadically d ifferens political systems—the” one resting un the Basis of sircile or slave labor; the other on the basis of vo- freemen. The laborers who are enslav cms more or less purely of African derivation. Bret ( only accidental. The principle of Bhe system is, tc! labor ; in every soviety, by whomsoerer per- rmed, is necessarily wintellectwal, growling and base, ‘and that the tazorer, equaily for his own good and for the sorifare of the Blate, ought to be enslavet. The white laboring man, whether xive or foreigner, is not enslaved only le. fause he canmect, as yet. be reduced to bonlage. You need net be told pow that the slave syetem is the older of the two, and that once it was universal. The emancipation of our own anoestors—Caucasians and Europeans, as they were—hardly dates beyond a period of five’ bundred years. The great melioration of human society which modern tnzes exhibit, is mainly due to the substitution of the system of voluntary labor for the old one of servile Jabor, which has already taken place. The African slave ystem is one which, in its origin and its growth, has ry altogether foreign from the habits of the races Which colonized these States and established civilization Bere. Jt wag introduced on this new continent as an en- gine of conquest, and for the establishment of monarchi- al power by the Portuguese and the Spaniards, aud was yapidly extended by them over al] South America, Central America, Louisiana and Mexico. Its legitimate fruits are Been in the poverty, imbecility and anarchy which now ervade all Portuguese and Spanish America. The free bor syetem is of German extraction, and it was estab- Kast carat county, by .gmniegants, from Sweden, Hol- ‘ascribe to its infiuence the strength, wealth, greatness, in- telligence and freedom which the whole American people mow enjoy. One of the chief elements of the value of buman life is freedom in the pursuit of happiness. INHUMANITY OF SLAVERY TO WHITE MEN, ‘The slave system is not only intolerant, unjust and inhu- man towards the laborer, whom, only because he is a laborer, tt loads down with chains and converts into merchandise, but scarcely less s0 to the freeman, lo whom, only because he is @ latorer from necessity, it denies facilities for employment, and whom it expels from the conimunity because it cannot enslave and convert him into merchandise also. It is neces- Sarily improvident and ruinous, because, as a general troth, communities prosper and flourish, or droop and de ele, in just the degree that they practice or neglect to practice, the primary duties of justice and humanity. The e labor system. conforms to the divine law of equality, which: is. written in the hearts and consciences ot meu, and therefore ig always and every where beneficent. ‘THE SLAVE BYSTEM ONE OF DANGER AND SUSPICION. The slave system is one of cometant danger, distrust, sus picion and watehfulness. It debases those whose toil alone tan produce wealth and resources for defence to the lowest de- ~ gre of which human nature ts capable, to guard against mutiny and insurrection, and thus wasies energics which wiherwixe might le employed in national developement and eygrandisement. The free labor system educates all alike, SES vr opening all the fields of industrial employment and sii the departments of authority to the unchecked and, equal rivalry of all classes of men, at once secures uni- wersa! contentment, and brings into the highest possible activity all the physical, moral and social energies of the whole State. In States where the slave system prevails the masters, directly or indirectly, secure all. political power, and constitute a ruling aristocracy. In the States where the free labor system prevails universal suffrage necessarily obtains, and the State inevitably becomes, sooucr or later,a republic of democracy. “Russia yet maintains slavery, and is a despotism. Most of the other European States have abolished slavery and adopted the system of free labor. It was the antagonistic political Sendencies of the two systems which the first Napoleon mplating when he predicted that Europe would y be either all Cossack or all republican. Never id human sagacity utter a more pregnant truth. FREEDOM AND SLAVERY CANNOT EXIST UNDER ONE GOVERNMENT. The two systems are at once pesceived to be incrongruous. Bul they are more then are incompatible. They never have permanently existed in one country, and they never can. It would be easy to demonstrate this impossibility, from the irreconcilable contrast between their great principles and characteristics. But the experi- ence of mankind has conclusively established it. Slavery, ne I bave already intimated, existed in every State in Europe. Free labor has supplanted it everywhere, except im Russia and Tukey. State necessities, developed in amodern times, are” now obliging even those two nations to &e. Guntary labor are ali negroes ae encourage and employ free labor; and already, despotic us they are, we fiud them engaged in abolishing slavery. In the United States slavery came into collision with free Jabor at the cloge of the Jast century, and fell before it in New England, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, ‘but triumphed over it effectually, and excluded it for a Feriod yet undetermined, from Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia. Indeed, so incompatible are the two systems that erery new State which ts ized within our ever-extending dumcin makes ils first political act a choice of the one and an exclusion of the other, even at the cost of civil war, if neces- Bary. The slave States, without Inw, at the last national elec- tion, fortade, within their own limite, even the casting of soles for a candudate for President of tre United States sup- sposed Lo be favorable to the establishment of the free labor sys- dem in new States. Hitherto the two systema have existed in different States but side by side, within the American Union This has happe: ecause the Union is a confed- @ration of States. Bat, in another aspect, the United States Poustitute only one nation. Increase of population, which , % filling the States out to their very borders, together with & Lew and extended net work of railroad and other ave- mues, and on internal commerce which daily becomes More intimate, is rapidly bringing the States into a higher and more perfect social unity or consolidation. ME DECLAKES FOR COLLISION AND AN IRREPERSAIBLE CON- FLAT BETWEEN THE NORTH AND SOCTR—A BLOODY ISSUE. Thus these antagonistic systems are comtanuall; coming into closer contact, ayud collision results. Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who thisde that it is accidental tennecessary, the work of interested or famatical agitators’ : @nd therefore ephemveral, mistake the cane allogdher. It is an Srremessitle conflict Letween opposing and ing forces, tL means that the United States mustand will, sooner of Later, tecome entirely @ slaveholding nation, or entirely a free Zabor nation. Either the cotton and rice fiede of South Caro. dina and the gugar plantations of Louiviama will ult We tilled by free , aul Charleston and New Orleans be- ‘come marts for eae ‘merchandise alone, ar else the rye Fulds and wheat Of Massachusetts and New York must in Le surrendered Vy ter farmers to slave culture and to Pratuction of slaves, aid Bostom and New York become ence more markets for trade im the Lodirs and souls of men. 3t is the failure to 4pprehend this great truth that induces Bo many unsuccessiul attempts at final compromise be- Sween the slave and free States, and it is the existence of this great fact that renders allench pretended compro- mise, when made, vain and ephemeral. Startling as this Naying mey appear to you, fellaw citizens, it is by no waeAD# an original or even a modern oLe. ‘THE FRAMERS OP THE COMETTUTION FORESAW THE ABOLITION OF pi SLAVERY, aan : forefathers knew it to be true, aud unanimously Tnited Lert When they framed the constNution of the in oe They regarded the exietence of the servile aan they ontny Of the States with sorrow aad shame, : openly conf |, and they looked ugion the theion ke oan which was then just reveal 'e now Aecustomed Tenens oa ustomed to deplore, wit ‘ree labor, and » therefore, free—little @ short period of one hundred years Gescendants Would bear to be told ‘by Bpy orator, however ar, that the utterance of that principle. was merely’ @ rhetorical rhap Fody; or by any Judge, however ven. "Aled, that it was attended reservations which Sendered it hy mental pocritical and false. By the ordinance of 1387 <>ev dod) cl all the national domain not yet pointed by sinyory Ww ‘ree Jnbor immediately, thengeforth and for ever, wi ai 5 adieaaeumume by the new cor atution and Jaws they invited foreign free Jabor from i! lands under the sun, and interdicted the importe;yon of African slave labor at all times, in all places,and under all circumstances whatsoever. It is ‘ue that they necessarily and wisely modified this policy ‘of freedom by leaving it to the several States, affected as they were by differing circumstances, to abolish slavery in their own way and at their own pleasure, instead of confiding that duty to Congress, and that they secured ¥ ) the slave States, while yet retaining the system of slave" -y a three-fifths representation of slaves in the fe/jeral government until they should find themselve, ablo to relinquish it with safety, But the oy ™ ture of these modifications fortifies my position, Vue fathers knew that the too could not the Union, and that within a short + would disappear forcver. Moreover, in et¥ier that these modifications might not altogether defeat their grand de- sign of a republic maintaining universal ¢ quality, they pro- vided that two-thirds of the States stamend the con- Stitution. It remains Roy. on bes spt ony anal word to guard against misapprehension. “these arenes to become universally slaveholding, I do not pretend to eay With what violations of th ¢ constitution that end shall be accomplished. Om the (dher hand, while I de conf- dently believe and ‘hope that wy country will land of wniversal freedom, I “to not made 0 sores erry be oh the agp States 00: ting with vernment, acting tn evict conformity with peg ine comstites- tions. The strife and conteftion concerning slavery, which gently disposed persons “habitually deprecate, is nothing mere than the ripen’ ‘of the conflict which ‘the fathers themselves not only tius regarded with faver, but which they may %e said to have instituted. £ SLAVERY TO RE EXTENDED ALL OVER 79 U'ION is not to be denied, Rowever, that thus far the course of that contest has not“cen according to their humane antici- pations and wishes. In the field of feéeral politics, sia- vory, Geriving unteoked for advantages from eanmercial changes and energies, and unferescer from the faculties of combination etween members ef ‘the slaveholding class and between that clase and olber property classes, cary rallied, amd has at length made e-siand, not merety to retain its ofiginal defensive position, but to extend Its y throughout the whole Union. Itis certain that the Weholding-class of American citizens indulge this bigh wmbition, ard that they derive encouragement for it from che rapid and effective political success which’ they have already obtained. THE WAY IT 18 TO BE DONE. o The plan of operation is this ——By continued appliances of patrosge and threats of disunion, they will-keep a ma- jority fevorable to these designs in the Senate, where vach State bas ah equal representation. Through that ma- ity they will defeat, as they bestean, the admiesion of Siates, and secure the admission of slave States. Under the protection of the judiciary they’will, on the pringtple of the Dred Scott case, carry slavery into all the Terriiories of the United States now existing and hereafter to be organized. By the ection-of the President and the { Seusic, using the treaty making power, thoy will annex foreign glayeholding States, Jn a favorable juncture they will induce Congress to repeal ihe act which prohibits foreign slave trase,and to they wil Africa, at the cost of oniy twenty dolic erough to fill up the interior gf the continent, ‘Thus rela- tively increasing the numiber of slave States, they will low no amendment te ‘the constitution prejudicial to their interest, and so, having permanently established their power, they expect the federal judiciary to nullify all State laws which shall interfere with internal or foreign commerce in slaves. When the free States shall be suffi- csently demoralized to tolertate these designs, they reasonably conclude that slavery will be accepted by those Slates themselves. HE THREATENS TO EMIGRATE. I shall not stop to show how speedy or how complete would be the ruin whieh ‘the aceomplishment of these slaveholding schemes would:bring upon the country. For one, I should not remain in the country to test the sad experiment. Having spent my manhood, though not my whole life, in @ free State, no aristocracy of any kind, much less'an aristocracy of Slayeholders, shall ever make the laws of the land im which I shall be content to live. Having seen the society around me universally engaged in agriculture, manufactures and trade, which were inno- cent and beneficent, I shall never be a denizen of a State Where men and womenare reared as cattle, and bought and sold as merchandise, When that evil day shall come, ud all further effort at resistance shall be impossible, then, if there shall'be no better hope for redemption than L can now foresee, I shall-say with Franklin, while look- ing abroad over the whole earth for a new and more con- genial home, “Where liberty dwells, there ie my coun- uy.” You will tell me that these fears are extravagant | aud chimerical. Lanswer, they are so; butthey are so | only because the designs of the sleveholders must and can be defeated. But it is-only the possibility of defeat that | renders them so. They cannot be defeated by inactivity. | There is no escape from them compatible with non-resist- | ance. RE DOOMS THE DEMOCRACY TO DESTRUCTION. How then, and in what way, shall the necessary resist | ance be made? There is only one way. The democratic party must be Permanently dislodged from the government. the damocri ‘The reason is rly ts inextricably com: mitted to the of theslaveholders which Ihave described. Let me be well understood. Ido not charge thatthe de- mocratic candidates for public office now before the people are pledged, much less that the democratic masses who support them really adopt those atrocious and dangerous designe, Cundidates:may, and generally do, mean to act Sune wanciy ears peeteclaltw whan thew shall be elected: fe maunisters’ amd SeFeAMNS, WoL ws ‘but they become tators, of the power which elects them. ‘The policy whic a party shal) pursue at a future period is only gradually | developed, depending on the occurrences of eveuts never fully foreknown. The motives of men, whether acting as électors, or in any other capacity, are generally pure. Nevertheless, itis not more true that ‘hell is paved with good intentions,’ than it is that earth is covered with | wrecks resulting from innecent and amiable motives. The very constitution of the democratic party commits it to execute all the designs of the slaveholders, whatever they may be. It is not a party of the whole Union— of all the free States and of all the slave States, nor yet is it a party of the free States in the North and in the Northwest; but it is a sectional and local party, having practically’ its seat within the slave States, and count- ing its Constituency chiefly and almost exclusively there. Of all its representatives in Congress and in the electoral colleges, two-thirds uniformly come from these States. Its great element of strength lies iz the vote of the slayeholders, augmented by tue representation of | three fifths of the slaves. Deprive the democratic party | of this strength, and it woula be a helpless and hopeless minority, incapable of continued organization. The demo- cratic party being thus loca! and sectional, acquires new strength from the admission of every new slave State, and loses relatively by the admission of every new free State into the Union. A party is in one sense a joint stock association, in which those who contribute most direct the action and management of the concern. The slave- holders contributing in an overwhelming proportion to the capital strength of the democratic party, they necessarily dic- tate and prescribe its policy. The inevitable caucus system enables them to do so with a show of fairness and justice. Uf it were possible to conceive for a mument that the demo- cratic party should disaiey te lehedts of the slaveholders, we should then see a withdrawal of the slaveholders, which would leave the party to perish. ‘The portion of the party which is found in the free States as a mere appendage, convenient to modify its eectional character, without im: pairing ite sectional constitution, and is less effective in regulating its movement than the nebulous tail of the comet is in determining the appointed though apparently eccentric course of the fiery sphere from which it ema- nates. To expect the democratic party to resist slavery and favor freedam, is ag unreasonable as to look fir Pro- testant missionaries to the Catholic Propaganda of Rome. A BLACK PICTURE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. The history of the democratic party commits itto the policy of slavery. It has been the democratic party and no other agency, which has carried that policy up to its present alarming culmination. Without stopping to ascer- tain, critically, the origin of the present democratic party we may concede ite clain to date from the cra. of good feeling which occurred under the administration of Presi- dent Monroe. At that time in this State, and about that time in many others of the free States, the democratic party deliberately diefrauchised the free colored or Afri- can citizens, and it has pertinaciously continued this dis- franchisement ever since. This was an effective aid to slavery; for while the slaveholder votes for his slaves against freedom, the freed slave, in the free States, is pro- hibited from voting against slavery. In 1822 the demo. hg reine the election of John Quincy Adams—bim- self before that time an acceptable democrat—and in 1828 it expelled bim from the Presidency, and put a slavehold- er in his place, although the office had been filled by slaveholders thirty-two out of forty years. In 1836, Martin Van Buren—the first non-slavehold- ing ‘citizen of a free State to whose election the democratic party ever consented—signalized his inauguration into the Presidency by a gratuitous an- nouncement that under no circumstances would he ap- ‘ove a bill for abolishing slavery in the District of Colum- ia. From 1838 to 1844, the gubject of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia and in the national dock yards and arsenals, was brought before Congress by repeated popular appeals. The democratic party thereupon promptly denied the right of petition and effectually sup- pressed the frecdom of speech in Congress, as far as the institution of slavery was concerned. From 1840 to 1842 good and wise men counselled that Texas should remain outeide of the{Union until she should consent to relinquish her self-instituted slavery; but the democratic party pre- cipitated her admission into the Union, not only without that condition, but even with @ covenant that the State might be divided and reorganized 0 as to constitute four slave States instead of one. In 1846, when the United States became involved in a war with Mexico, and it was apparent that the struggle would end in the dia- mnemberment of that republic, which was a non- veholding power, the democratic party re. ted a declaration that slavery should not © established thin the territory to be acquired. When, in 1850, governments were to be instituted in the Territories of California and New Mexico, the fruits of that War, the democratic party refused to admit New Mexico as & free State, and only consented to admit California as a free State on the condition, ag it hag gince explained the transaction, of leaving all of New Mexico and Utab open to élavery, to Which was also added the concession of per- pe slavery in the Districvof Columbia, and the pas- Sage of an unconstitational, cruel aud humiliating law for the recapture of fugitive slaves, with tion that the subject of elavery ehoald paver ane BOSEE tated in either Chamber of Congress” Wie, i ata the slaveholders wore cimtamtedly re om these great ad- vantages, then 30 recenlly wom, the democratic party unme. cessarily, oficioualy, ind ws euper.a pe , auakencd them from their slumber to offer and furce op the abrogation ‘of the law which detent a slavery nor involuntary servitude « “er exis within that part of the ancient Territary of Liuis. ana which lay outside of the State of Missonrt tnd nor of the Of 80 degrees 20 minutes of north Latitude. & aus which, with the caception of one other, only tate of from then Tenant in the federat cote In 1856, when the people of Kansas organized a new State within the region thus to slavery, and applied to be admitted as a free State into the Union, the «emocratic party contemptuously ted their petition. ana Grove them, with menaces and intimidations trom the halJe of Congress, and armed the President with mili tary power 10 enforce their submission to a slave code duir that 08 in the yoned int ' se e ifrom bor that stand pro may ye the acceptsr.ce of slavery. has ure d from @ supreme judctary, fied in its interest, a in ery 7 lb uegistative authority either, r several iutery * The der-otvatic party, finaly leeree that shar exists, force the constitution, be hoy oe igh cd esiding in Ce . Stich is the democratic party. has no pol or federal, for finance, or trade, or manufactures, or commerce, or education, or internal improvements, or for the protection, or even the secu- rity of civil or religious liberty. It is positively and un- coimpromisingly in the interest of slavery—uegative, compromising and vascillating in regard to everything else. It boasts its love of equality, and wastes its strengt! and even its life in fortifying the enly aristocracy known inthe land. It professes fraternity, and so often as slavery requires, allies itself with proscription. Jt magnif for ests in forcign lands, but it sends the na- le i ut Als tional’ eagle forth always with chains, and mot the olive Uranch, talons. HUGBEAR OF THE REVIVAL OF THE SLAVE dark record shows you, to announce at am ea: of a whole rape Cary ‘slaveholdis _ Consumaied~ihe abrogakion of he law which slave trade. Now, 1 know very well “that the democratic party has, at ‘every stage of these proceedings, disavowed the motive and the policy of for tifying and extending anyery, and has excused them on entirely differentemad more planeiole grounds. But the y and frivolity of these pleas prove still more conclusively theeguilt I ps padi ae ‘that party. It must, indeed, necesserily excuse such guilt before mankind, fand even to te consciences of its own adherents. There as an instinctive abhorence of stavery and an inborn and in- Rerent love of fradom othe human heart, which renter palliotion” of such gross misconduct ind 5 It disfranehised the free African on the ground of a fear thar if left to enjoy the right of sufferage he might seduce the free srhite citizen into amalgama- tion with his wronged «and despised race. The de mocratic party condemed and deposed John Quincy Adams ‘because be expended twelve millions a year, while it justifies his favored geccessor in spending seventy millions, eighty millions, and even a hundred millions @ year. Itdenie’ emancipation in the District of Columbia, even with compensstion to masters and the consent of the people, on the ground of an implied constitutional in- hibition, although the constitution expressly confers upon Congress sovereign legislative power in that District, and although the democratic party is tenacious of the princi- ple of strict construction. It violated the express pro- visions of the conatilution in suppressing petition and de- bate on the subject of slavery, through fear of disturbance ‘of the public harmony, although it claims that the electors have a right to instruct their representatives, and even de- mand their resignation in case of contumacy. It extended slavery over Texas, and connived at the atiempttospread itacress the Mexican territories, even to the shores of the Pacific ocean, under a plea of enlarging the area of free- dom. I abrogated the Mexican slave law and the Missouri compromise prohibition of slavery in Kansas, not to open the new Territories to slavery, but to try therein the new and fascinating theories of hon-intervention and popular sovereignty ; and, finally, it overthrew both these new and elegant systems by the English Lecompton bill and the Dred Sectt decision, on the ground that the free States ought not to enter the Union without @ population equal to the representative basis of one member of Congress, al- though slave States might come in without inspection as to their numbers. Will any member of the democratic party now here claim that the authorities chosen by the suffrages of the party transcended their partisan platforms and so misrepresented the pas in the various transac- tions Ihave recited? Then J ask him to name one demo- cratic statesman or legistator, from Van Buren to Walker, who, either timidly or cautiously, lke them, or boldly and de- fianlly, like Douglas, ever refused to execute a Uchest of the slareholders, and was not therefor, and for no other cause, immediately denounced and from his trust and re- pudiated by the democratic party for that contumacy. THE DOUBTS OF REPUBLICANS ANSWERED. I think, fellow citizens, that I haye shown you that it is high time for the friends of freedom to rush to the rescue of the constitution, and that their very first duty is to dis- miss the democratic party from the administration of the government. Why shall it not be done? All agree that it ought to be done. What, then, shall prevent its being done? Nothing put timidity or division of the opponents of the democratic party. Some of these opponents start one objection and some another. Let us notice these ob- TRADE. be unetlli that cehie i Uhawe sul -only one yet to be forbi African | jections briefly. One class say that they cannot trust the | Tepublican party; that i has not ai tg hostility to sla- very loldly enough, or tts affection for freedom earnestly enough. “Y ask, in reply, is there any other party waich can be more safely trusted? Every one knows that it is the republican party, or none, that shall displace the democratic party. But T answer, further, that the cha- racter and fidelity of any party are determined, necessa- rily, not by its pledges, programmes and platforms, but by the public exigencies and the temper of the people when they call it into activity. Subserviency to slavery is alaw written, not only on the forebead of the demo- cratic party, but also in its very soul. So resistance to slavery and ‘devotion to treedom—the popular elements now actively working for the republican party among the people—must and will be the resources for its ever renew ing strength and constant invigoration. Others cannot support the republican party because it has notsufficiently exposed its platform and determined what it will do and What it will not do when triumphant. Zt too ive for some and too conservative for others—as if any party ever foresaw so clearly the course of future <vente om to nlap a universal scheme for future action, adapted to all possible emergencice. Who would ever have joined even the whig party of tho revatution if it bad been obliged to answer, in 1775, whether it would declare for independence in 1776, and for this noble federal constitution of ours in 1787, and not a year carlier or later? The people of the United States will be as wise next year, and the year afterwards, andeven ten years hence, as weare now. They will oblige the republican party to act as the public welfare and the interests of justice and humanity shall require through all the stages of its career, whether of trial. or triumph. Others wilimet venture an ¢fort, because Sear that the Union would not endure the Willsuch ‘oljectors tell me how long a constitution tin bear a strain directly along the filres of which 48 composed? This ts a constituties af Freedom. It is being converted into a con- stitution of” Slavery. It is a republican constitution. it is being made an aristocratic one. Others may wish to wait until ¢ome collateral questions concerning | temperance or the exercise of the elective franchise are properly settled. Let me ask such a person whether time enough bas not been wasted on these points already, with. out gaining any other than this single advantage, namely, the discovery that only one thing can be effectually done at one time, and that the one thing which must and will be done at any one time is just that thing which is most urgent and will no le rip admit of postponement or de- lay? Finally, we are told by faint hearted men that they despond; the democratic party, they say, is unconquera- ble, and the dominion of slavery is consequently inevita- ble. I reply to them that the complete and universal dominion of slavery would be intolerable enough when it should have come after the last possible effort at escape should have Leen made. re would in that case be léft tous the consoling reflection of fidelity to duty. But I reply further, that I know—few I think know better than I— the resources and the energies of the democratic party, which is identical with the slave power. 1do ample prestige to its traditional popularity. I know further— few, 1 think, know better than I—the disadvantages and difficulties of organizing a new political force like the republican ty, and the obstacles it must encounter in laboring without prestige and with- out patronage. But, notwithstanding all this, I know that the democratic party must go down, and the republican party must rise into its place. The democratic party derived its strength originally from its adoption of the principles of equal and exact justice to all men. So long as it practised this principle faithfully it was invulnera- ble. It became vulnerable when it renounced it; and since that time it has maintained itself, not by virtue of its own strength, or even of its traditional merits, but because there as yet had appeared {n the political field no other party that had the conscience and the courage to take up and avow and practice the life-inspiring prixciple which the democratic party had surrendered. MISSION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REVOLUTION. At last the republican party has appeared. It avows now, as the republican party in 1800 did, in one word, its faith and its works: ‘Equal and exact justice to al! men.” Even when it first entered the field, only half orga- nized, it struck a blow which only just failed to secure a complete and triumphant victory. In this, its second canpaign, it has already won advantages which render that triumph now both easy and certain. The secret of its assured success lies in the very characteristic which, in the mouth of scoffers, constitutes} its great and lasting imbecility and reproach. It lies in the fact that itis a party of one idea; but that idea is a noble omie—an idea that Fills and expands all generous smile—the idea lity — the equality of all men tefore human tritunals and human laws, as they areal equal tsfore the Divine tribunal and Di- vine laws. Iknow, and you know, gun. know, and all the world knows, that revolutions never golackward. Twenty Senators and a hundred repre- sentatives proclaim boldly im Congress to-day senti- ments, and opinions, and principles of freedom which hardly so many men, ewn in tht State, dared to utter in their own ‘homes twenty years ‘ago. While the government of the United States, under the cot duct of the democratic party, has been all that time sur- rendering one oe and castle after another to slavery, the people of the United States have been no less steadily and perseveringly gathering together before the forces with which to recover back again al! the flelds and all the castles which have been lost, and to confound and over- throw, by one decisive blow, the betrayers of the consti- tution and of freedom forever. More Obscene Stereoscopes. UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT. Before Hon. Judge Ingersoli. Oct, 18.—The United States vs. One Case of Photographs marked H. H., Haight, Halsey & Co., Claimants. The United States vs. Three Cases marked H. H., containing Stereoscope Views. [he Same vs. Two Cases of Photo- graphs marked E. S.—These causes were submitted to the jury for the confiscation of obscene ste: jews. There ran wo gefenceomered, reoscope views. vious to the verdict of jury being recorded, the Hon. John ne (associated with Br. J. Craig), ae couneel for the claimants, made a few observations to the court and jury. He said, that in aseonting to the ver- dict of conde mnatian in these cases, he did not wish it to be understeod that it was a plea of guilty of importing indecent prints, butthat in consequence of the adverse verdict of the, in the firat case tried, and the ruling of the court, in excluding evidence that pictur:s of a question. able or indecent choracter were jwyidden by the {importer to be put in his gools, therefore the claimants in these three cases iuteud tv apply to she Becretary of the Treasury, who, under the act of Gen- greet, has tho power to afford them relict. Verdicts were then formally recorde. cowiseating the goods. Mr. C. H. Hunt, Assistant Un tc lates District Attorney, appeared for the governmweut. Devizes (Eng.) Gazetle states that M i by his warm sympathy Darby Griffith, Th MP : prom, for the Italian established ver tmem by fraud and usurpation. At erery | constitutionaliste, h.!8 proceeded to italy to obtain personal fuleequent tage G contest which has since raged in | information on the stave of affaires. Tho fon. yemuleman Konias, the demecracs’ batty has lent tls hies, its aid, | bas visited Ty Pp and all the powers of the gmvernment which I on to | Mei , Florence ! enforce slavery upon thal ycnthiding and injurch prople, | cach cf these scats of legisla, *¢ | And now, even to this day wid it mocks us with the | with the newly elected politi eras, &c. diet Kansas is free’ the de. Meratic party keepa | With the galinut G VV Grint bad | owe ¥ of NeW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1859—TRIPLE SHEET. By OTe, ae a AN THE ABOLITION OUTBREAK IN VIRGINIA, The Negro Insurrection at Har- per’s Ferry. SEIZURE OF THE AR0RY. Arrival of Troops frm Virginia, Maryland and Washington. FIGHTING IN THE STREETS. BATTLE AT BRIDGE. Nine Citizens and Fifteen Insurrectionists Killed and Wounded, The Insurrectionists Taken in an Engine House. Attack of the Troops on the Marine Mfortally and One Slightly Wounded. Two Insurrectionists Killed and One Se- riously Wounded. One Captain John Brown, the Leader, Reported Mortally Wounded. SKETCH OF HIS. CAREER. Gov. Whe Actively Engaged in Suppressing the Revolt. Between Thirty and Forty, in all, Killed and Wounded. Slaves. END OF THE OUTBREAK. Views and Opinions of the Black Re- The Virginia Insurrection of 1831 and the Tennessee Outbreak of 1856, THE VERY LATEST, Rey Ree ke. ‘Tho insurreciionary movement at Harper’s Ferry, the news of which caused such intense excitement wherever it was known, is atan end. It was suppressed promptly and finally, thanks to the energy and determi: dation of the President and of the State authorities of Vir- ginia and Maryland. At first the accounts received were £0 con- fused, and the whole affair was so incredibly strange, that no rational theory of the origin and object of the movement could be arrived at. A strike among the laborers at the Armory, or some discontent at the stoppage of the works—if such causes had existed—might have accounted for a riot, but could not have accounted for the serious and alarming proportions which the affair took. In fact, the whole scheme, and the reckless and Yetermined manner in which it was persevered in, could duly have been referred to the wildest and maddest fanaticism. That has proved to be the case. Jt was a movement ofa party of insane abo- litioniets, increased by runaway slaves, and headed by that determined firebrand who was known by repute to the whole country as ‘“‘old Brown of Ossawattomic.’’ It is supposed that the design was to form a rendezvous for discontented slaves, and then to arm them and turn them loose upon the community; but it is also said that, through some inadvertence, the plot exploded pre- maturely. Be that as it may, we know that last Sunday night the United States Armory, at Harper's Ferry, was stealthily, and without Tesistance, taken possession of by some score of white men and some half dozen of free negroes; that arms were sent mto the interior, trains stopped and railroad ,employés fired at and killed, the telegraph wires cut, the bridge acrogs the Potomac defended by cannon, and the federal and State authorities set at deflance; and we also know that quick as the news reached Washington, Richmond and Baltimore, troops were despatched to the scene, and that the earliest rays of yesterday’s sun saw the stronghold of the insurgents carried by the federal troops, and the insane fanatics who were collected therein shot and bayo- neted—all save two being either killed or wounded. Among those who were, killed or mortally wounded are Ossawatamie Brown and his gon. So much for the general facts of this strange occur- Tence. The details are copious. We give the following:— THE DETAILS. THE FIRST DAY'S OPERATIONS. {From the Baltimore Sun, Oct. 172 P. M.] The reports of a servile insurrection at Harper’s Ferry are undoubtedly true and without exaggeration. The lead- er told conductor Phelps, of the Baltimore and Ohio rail- road train, that ‘they were determined to have liberty, or die in the attempt.” Their object in stopping further trains was to save blood- ebed by preventing the arrival of troops. One of the pas- Sepgers was imprisoned by them for half an hour. The United States marines from Washington have been ordered to Harper's Ferry to protect the mails and the United States armory, of which they have taken posses- sion. They will probably be accompanied by troops from this city and from Frederick, in an express train from this city, in a few hours. From a gentleman well known in this city, who came pasgenger in the Western express train, which reached Harper's Ferry about one o'clock this Morning, and was permitted to ieave at five o'clock, reaching Baltimore about noon to-day, we have the following account. Our eo eet foie aL os tebe ng the violent scene there enacting, 80 far as he was able to make obecrvations the time above indicated :— me ‘The express train in which our informant was Paasen- ger reached Harper's Ferry about one o’clock this morn- ing. On arriving, the clerk of the Wager House informed Captain Phelps, conductor of the train, that serious trouble was existing in the town, and there were great apy prehensions of danger. le #tated that a large body of men had myst come into town during the evening aud night. fatey mr furrotinding country, and were about to take possession of the place—that they had already ehot one man dead and barged a ae) both of whom were con- nected with the railroad company ag wate. ge agent, or patel watchman,» Hman and bag. Another person was ascertained to have wounded, aud being missing it was thought tees thrown into the river. The insurrectionigts, when they hed the ¢ rancor Of the rain, were armed with the | rivk of hi | J notid z him in the most peremptory manver Herp “1 to proceed further jt would be at the | tee nerosg [be be be in Stampede of Two or Three Hundred | surgents, all of ¥" om were armed. The conductor deomod it most prude ot to remain, as he feared some terrible accident in 4” yempting to cross the bridge, supposing its arches Or" ambers might have been cut, Every jight in the town had been previously extin- guishe”, yy the lawlers mob. ‘The train therefore remained static gary, and the passengers, terribly aifrighted, re- Me’ ned in the cars all night, Twas stated that a large number of muskets and con- fiderabie amthunition were found in the wagon of a coun- Wyian, Which they armed themselves with, It is thought that this was a biiqd to procure arms, and fully under- stood by the outlaws as a part of their pla, During the night the rioters sent word to the landlord of the Wager Hotel that they required meals for forty-tive men, who were inside the arsenal yard, and for as man: outside as might want something to eat, To this the land- Jord replied that he could not mect their wants. «Very soon an armed force of several men was dis- patched to him, with peremptory orders that he must in five minutes, or take the consequences. Fearing his life would be required to pay the forfeit, he complied, and gave them all the eatables he had. ; It was thought there were probably two hundred rioters in the arsenal. ‘The Cuptain of the outlaw band, er a person who seemed to be prime mover, was a middie aged man with gray hair, beard and moustache. His name was signed to a paper, or note as Andress, or something similar thereto. He assumed to be the chief of the insurrectionists, and was heard to gay, in addressing the conductor, that + it you knew me and understood my motives as well as I and others understand them, you would not blame me so much.” ‘This person algo announced, in a bold, determined man- ner, that if he was interfered with or resisted, his party would instantly set fire to the town and destroy it witl everything therein. He likewise threatened to burn down the railroad bridge and cut off al! communication. ‘The citizens were in a terrible state of cousternation— moat of them being shut up in their houses, and not a light to be seen in the streets or anywhere around. The belligerepts seemed to evince no actual antipathy against the railroad. What government employés they eould find were captured by them, and pressed into their service, being forced under threats to take up arms. In anotber speech the marauder chief was heard to exclaim— “If you knew my heart and history, you would not blame me.” ‘The government watchmen and the railroad watchmeo were the first persons arrested by the rioters. ‘They were instantly placed in the arsenal. The insur- gents exhibited indomitable boldness, and declare they camnot be taken captive. Our informant states that the consternation was intense. It was difficult to divine the cause of this outbreak or tack. Some are of opinion it was a bold, concerted scheme to rob the government pay house of funds be- lieved to have been deposited there on Friday or Satur- day previous. Others imagined it might have been a de- monstration of abolitionists connected with some negro affair. About five, or half past flye o’clock this morning, the de- putation of armed insurgents approached, the conductor, and gave him five minutes to start his train and cross the bridge. He accepted the offer aud started, crossing the bridge in safety, though with great fears, through a dense throng of armed marauders, who had taken posseasion of it. ‘The train reached Baltimore about noon to-day. The terms were, that if the train did not pass in the time above stated it would be wholly delayed, and all persons therein arrested. Wheu our informant left, the whole town, government works and everything else, were in the hands of the in- eurgents, who seemed to be gradually receiving reinforce- ments, composed of negroes and white men from the sur- rounding country. ‘One man was killed instantly; another was found, hay- ing been shot through the body and believed to be dy- ing. A good deal of firing Was heard at different sur- rounding points. The negroes were armed or given arms instantly upon being pressed into the service of the outlaw band. The ringleaders were desperate and determined. No paseenger belonging to the railroad train was in- jured, nor did there appear to be any disposition on the part cf the outlaws to molest them beyond detaining the cars. There were but few ladies on board. The Wheeling express train, in charge of conductor Phelpe, reached the Camden station at twelve M. The train was detained by the rioters at Harper’s Ferry until | seven o’clock this morning. From Mr. Jacob Cromwell, the baggage master of the train, we gather the following particulars:— ‘The train reached Harper’s Ferry about twelve o'clock midnight. Knew nothing of the disturbance or the plot going on in the town until the train was stopped on the ridge by a band of armed men. At the request of Con- ductor Phelps, ] went abead with a lantern, and was im mediately confronted by two men, who, with rifles at my head, told me to stand. At this moment one of the watchmen on the bridge, a colored man named Hayward Sheppard, was confronted in the same way, and being told to stand, became frightened and ran, and was shot through the back. Thinking that moment was my best chance, I then started and dodged behind the bridge, but was fired after before I could gain shelter. The other watchman at the bridge was subsequently taken by the insurgents, and confined under a guard in the office at the bridge. When this condition of things was made plain to conductor Phelps, he ordered William Wollery, the engineer, to back the train, and went forward himself and had a conference with the rioters. He was introduced to the reputed captain of the insurgents, an old man, who was called Anderson. Conductor Phelps told them he was in charge of the train, and carried the United States mail, and desired to go through. This was granted, and he was given five minutes to pass. Phelps was then conducted to his train, with a man before and behind, with a rifle pointed at his head. He was told not, on pain of death, to look either way. The train immediately left, and that is all I know. The reputed leader of the insurgents (Anderson) it is stated, made his appearance in Fi "s Ferry about the first of last week, and brought wilh him a trunk well filled aud heavy. He had been observed going about the town, and in frequent ,consultation with other unknown Persons, but no suspicien was attached to his movemants The participators in the insurrection are both white and black. Everybody entering the town was being arrested and confined under guard, and the workmen in the goy- ernment shops were seized on going to their work this morning. All persons supposed to be in authority were under surveillance or closely confined under guard. [From the Baltimore Patriot, Oct. fr ‘We learn by telegraph from Frederick that a negro in- surrection of a very serious nature had broken out at Harper's Ferry, at 10 o’clock last night—the negroes, headed by some 250 whites, supposed to be abolitionists, and that the Se! ap have taken possession of the United States arsenal, carried off a wagon load of rifles, and had gent them over into Maryland. They haye also cut the telegraph wires east and west of the Ferry, so as to prevent communication, The information was for- warded from Frederick, We learn that President Buchanan has ordered a com- pany of United States marines to proceed to Harper’s Ferry this afternoon to protect the government works and arrest the insurgents if they can be found. It is the opinion of Mr. Garrett, the President of the Baltimore and Obio Railroad, that the difficulty is not 80 serious as the despatches would lead to apprehond in re- gard to the trains. The train due at five o'clock passed the Monocacy at eight, and arrived here a little before twelve o'clock. We are indebted to ©. W. Armstrong, Esq., of New York, and W. C. Warren, Esq., of Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, passengers on the train justin, who have kindly furnished us with the following information. ‘The leader of the party called himself §. C. Anderson, and who had about two hundred men, all armed with Minnie rifles, spears and pistols, who said he expected a reinforcement of 1,600 men by seven o’clock this morn- ing. Every avenue to the ferry was strongly guarded by this banditti, and the conductor of the Eastern Expréss, Captain Phelps, was informed by Anderson that no more traine ehould pass. Captain Phelps’ train left at six, having been detained five hours at theferry. Itis true that the negro Haywood, a porter, was shot, but was not killed, as stated by telegraph. Captain Phelps pursued the insurgents, and fired upon them twice when first assailed; they returned the fire, and threa- tened that if he did not yield they would shoot pe Leavis a the train, and then fire the lown. One of the passengers, Mr. Logan, of this city, was arrested on the ‘bridge ‘and was searched for arms. Mr. Logan attributes his escape to saying that he was from Ohio. After telling bin that they were fight- ing for freedom, and he giving them to understand he was in favor of their movements, they then manifested more leniency towards him and let him off. Mr. Logan was very thankful he got off so easy, as he had $10,000 on his person, which was untouched. @ passengers, especially the ladies, were greatly alarmed, and feared the party was a gang of rob- bers who intended to rob the government Treasury, which contained $16,000, and + also rob them. The information is that the rifles were brought down from the works on the Shenandoah, and the partics at the Ferry were armed with them, and the wagon which brought them down afterwards drove off with outriders; and it was su ) When the train left, that they had taken off the treasure in the wagon. The band appeared to be well drilled, and Captain Ander. son had entire control, as his men were yery obedient to his orders. It is thought some 100 negroes were engaged in the in- surrection. We learn also that before the train arrived at the Ferry, about midnight, the insurgents had arrested ail the watchmen except an frishman, who escaped them and gave the alarm to Captain Phelps when his train came ip. Just before this train left Captain Anderson mounted one Of the cars and told them to go off quietly and quickly, and none of them should be hurt, but there was no telling What would be the consequence if they delayed their stay. Tzey were glad to hear this, and started at once. Itappears very strange, but our informant tells us that these banded ruflians act with great coolness in all their Movements—baving countersigus, and otherwise are well disciplined. None of them were known about the Fer- ry, all being strangers, and where they came from none could tell. Captain Anderson was about sixty years of age, with @ heavy white bvard—cool, collected, but with &@ determined and deeperate demeanor. The whole thing is shrouded in mystery, which we trust soon will bo cleared up, the desperactocs captured and dealt with as their outiawry and murderous conduct justly deserves. Our citizens were startled y: morning 1A thes receipt of a despatch from Frederick announcing that a eervile insurrection bad broken out at Harper's Ferry; that the urmory had been seized, the trains stopped, and ists. the town was in full [ene nip insurrection} iscredited, and was on to at inited The report was at first be based on a strike among the workmen States armory or a trouble among the railroad employés; but later despatches persisted in confirming the truth of the first reports. At noon, by the arrival of the Western train, which had been detained by the insurgents all night at Harper’s Ferry, we received {all details of the condition of affairs, though the origin, cause and charac ter of the outbreak remaived an impenetrable enigma, and still continues so up to the time of writing. Ifasiave inaurrection, it seems singular that so large a number of white mon should be connected with it; and ff an attack by a band of robbers, it is still more singular that slaves should be involved in it, or that they should romain in possesion of the town, Wo Jearn that a stranger arrived at Barnum’s afew days since anid purchased ati the pereussion caps that he could find Jn the city, toa heavy amou purebasing a large lot fro tf wholes be inquired if they gout v2 Many t k in forty-#%g Phe xPeat 9 and is now supposed to have had some connection with. this outbreak. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE INSURGENTS— THEIR LEADER'S APPEARANCE, ETC. (From the Baltimore Evening American, Get. 17.] ‘We learn by telegraph from Frederick that a negro in- surrection of a very serious nature had broken out at. Harper's Ferry, at ten o'clock last night—the nogroes,, headed by some two hundred and fifty whites, sup] to be abolitionists, and that the insurgents have taken: possession of the United States Arsenal, carried off a wagon load of rifles, and had them sent over into Mary- land, They have also cut the telegraph wires east and west of the Ferry, so as to prevent communication. g information was forwarded from Frederick. ‘The train due at five o’clock passed the Monocacy at eight, and arrived hore a little before twelve o'clock. We: are indebted to ©. W. Armstrong, of New York, and W. C. Warren, of Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, pas: sengers on the train just in, who have furnished the fol- lowing information:— ‘The leader of the party called himself 8, C, Anderson. He had about two hundred men, all ‘wither Minuie rifles, spears and pistole; he gaid he expected a reinforcement of one thousand ve hundred men by seven o’clock this morning. Every avenue to the Ferry was strongly guarded by this banditti, and the conductor of the Fastern Express, Captain Phelps, was informed b, Anderson that no more trains should pass. Capt, Ph sips? train left at six, having been detained five hours at the Ferry. It is true that the negro Haywood, a porter, was shot, but was not killed, as stated by telegraph. Captain. Phelps pursued the insurgents, and fired upon them. twice when first assuiled, they returning the fire, and threatening that if he did not yield they would shoot every pagsenger in the train, ‘and then fire the town. One of the passengers, Mr. Logan, of this city was arrested on the bridge, and was searches for arms, Mr. Logan attributes his eseape to saying that he was from Ohio, After telling him thas they were fighting for freedom, he gave them to un- derstand that he was in favor of their movements; they then manifested some more leniency towards him and Jet bim off. Mr. Logan was yery thankful he got oif so easy, as he had $10,000 on his person, which was un- touched. The passengers, especially the ladies, were greatly alermed, and feared the party was a gang of robbers who intended to rob the government treasury, which contain- ed $16,000, aud might also rob them. The information is that the rifies were brought down from the works on the Shenandoah, and the parties at the Ferry were armed with them, and the wagon which bronghf them down afterwards drove off with outriders, and it was supposed, when the train left, that they had taken off the treasure in the wagon. The band appeared to be well drilled, and Captain Anderson had entire control, as bis men were very obedient to his orders. It is thought some one hundred negroes were engaged in the insurrection. We learn also that before the train arrived at the Ferry, about midnight, the insurgents had. arrested ail the waicbmen except an Trishman, who es- caped them and guve the alarm to Captain Phelps wher» his train came tn. Just before this train Je’t Captain Anderson mounted. one of the cars and told them to g> off quietly and qu and none of them should be hurt; but there was no tell- ing what Would be the consequence if they delayed their- stay. They were very glad to hear this and started at once. It appears very strange, but our informant tells us that. these banded ruftians act with great coolness in all their movements, haying countersigns, and otherwise are well disciplined.’ No one of them is known about tho Ferry, all being strangers, aud where they came from none could tell, Captain Anderson was about sixty years of age, with a heavy white beard, cool, collected, but. with. a determined and desperate demeanor, CAPIURE OF THE BRIDGE PERSONS KIFLED—THE TOWN IN POSSES~ SIXTEEN SION OF VIRGINIA TROOPS. Haxrer’s Ferry, Oct. 1$—2 A. M. There has been serious work at the bridge, and a num ber of lives have been lest on both sides. The Virginia yolunteers opened with their cannon on the insurgents om the bridge, and the first gun was just fired when a mus- ket bail pierced the heart of the marine who fired it. Nine or ten lives were lost in taking the bridge, but after that the taking of the town was quick work. The insurgents, at least all of them who are alive, are. barricaded in the engine house, within the Armory en- closure. They have a number of citizens with them whoms they refuse to give up. Several companies of Virgiuian troops are on the ground and now guard the village. The marines are posted at the Armory. Several of the citizen,s have been killed. and they have killed several of the insurgents. MILITARY DESPATCHES. Ricumonp, Oct. 17, 1859—2:207. Ww. Col. Joun Tuomas Givson, Fifty-fitth iment, Charles- town, Jelferson county, Va., care of Join W. Garrett, q. Sir—The Commander-in-Chief calls your attention to the provisions of the first section of chapter 29 of the code, and directs you to call out immediately a sufficient. force from your regiment to put down the riots at Harper’s Ferry. The Commander-in-Chief is informed that the arsenad and Governor of that place are in possession of a band of rioters. ‘You will act promptly and fully in this emergency, and! command the troops called out in person. By command, WI H. RICHARDSON, Adjutant General. DESPATCH FROM THE PRESIDENT. WasuinGton, Oct. 17, 1859. Joun W. Garrgrr, Esq.:— « Your despatch has been received, and shall be promptly attended to. The order issued is for three companies of artillery from Old Point Comfort, and I have already accepted the services of Captain Ritchie’s company, at Excdvs ick. You will soon hear further from the Secretary of War or from myself. JAMES BUCHANAN. STATEMENT OF C. W. ARMSTRONG. ONE OF THE PASSSENGERS ON THE BALTIMORE AND OHIO EXPRESS TRAIN. Reaching Harper’s Ferry, on the Baltimore and Ohio ex. press train, about two o'clock on Monday morning, the- passengers were thrown into great excitement from a re- port given bya man, a clerk) in Wager Hotel, near by, that the bridge keeper had been shot, and in all proba- bility an effort had been made to destroy the train by pre- cipitating it into the river. In company with others, 1 got out of the train, and soon found the conductor, Cap- tain Phelps, talking with the clerk of the hotel. He in- formed us that just previous to the arrival of the train—as. is the usualcustom for the bridgeman—he left the house to see if all was in proper condition at the bridge. He had been gone but a few moments when a report of a gun was heard, and the bridgeman not returning, tho clerk concluded thathe had been murdered. He for some time feared leaving the house himself, but finally hearing the train appreach, concluded, for fear something serious might happen, he would try and give the engineer the signal te stop, which he did successfully, and to him the passengers are, without a doubt, indebted for their lives, for there isno. knowing what were the plans of the rioters. ‘The conductor, accompanied by the engineer, baggage master and two of the passengers, at once concluded to go up to the bridge and see if anything bad occurred; they had hardly reached its entrance, when they were stopped by three men, one a colored man, all armed with rifles, who ordered. them to etopand not approach a step further or they would be instantly killed. The conductor, Mr. Phelps, demanded the cause of their actions, but they made noreply. Finally they told them that they would soon Jearn. While they were thus conversing with the men on the bridge, a colored porter at the Wager Hotel came up, intending to cross over to.see to the baggage by the train; ashe neared the bridge the condactor with his compa- nions turned to leave, when some one inside the bridge fired a shot, the ball entering the colored man’s Tight side; he fell, exclaiming—‘ 0, my God, I am shot.’? They im- mediately ran up to him and found him withhis hand upon the wound. They conveyed him to the ticket office near by, and everything was done to relieve his suffering, but with little success, a8 no physician could be had. His recovery is thought to be impogsible. About half past two - o'clock, Mr. Logan, one of the passengers, concluded that he would try and cross the bridge; he was urged upon not to do 80, but he determined he would try it, and started for the bridge. When about midway he was seized by four men, one a negro, who de- manded of him what he was doing on the bridge. He said he was a passenger in the train, and wanted to cross, One of the white men replied, ‘‘D—n you, if you attempt to move an inch further I will blow your brains out,” at the same time p!acing a pistol to his head. Mr. Logan replied that he would comply with their request, and asked them why they stopped him. They replied that it was none of his business, and he must ask no questions, They then took him to the other side of the bridge and put him in charge of one of the armed men. While standing. in custody of his guard, he observed three men approach ing the north side of the bridge. As soon as they got in- side they gave the countersign, which was, ‘“Number- one.” They appeared to be at once recognized by one of the party, and a conversation cusued among them. Mr. Logan, after a short time, asked his guard why ne was detained, and what was the reason of their shooting persons without a cause; he also stated that if it was his money they wanted, they were welcome to it, (Mr. Logan. had $10,000 on his person, but very prudently did not tell them the amount he had.) The guard, who was a negro, replied that they wanted vothing ut thefr freedom; that he had been in bondage long enough, and was now bound. to be free. Mr. Logan at once saw what was out, and concluded, for his own safety, to coincide with them in alb they said. He soon told them that they might count on. him as one of them; that he sincorely felt for them, and hoped they would be successful, He was, however, for some time kept in close custody, but finally the leader of the gang, whom they cailed Captain Anderson, came: up, and ordered bit to return to the train and tel the conductor that bis train could pass over, bat that it was the last one, and they would give him but twenty minutes to got of Mr. Logan accordingly left, but ry moment expected a bullet from one of the: crowd. Dorivg the absence of Mr. Logan the passengers: were ty (he greatest fear, fooling assured that Mr. Logan Had been Killed! and that an attack 1 he rade sony Shey bette fp sae beta BUOY IAL Come §) Le eunciawion thas