The New York Herald Newspaper, February 23, 1859, Page 1

THE NEW. YORK HERALD. WHOLE NO. 8207. MORNING EDITION—WED ADDITIONAL FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE AFRICA. THE WAR QUESTION. Impertant Debate in the British Par- tiament. Speeches by Lord Derby, Lord Palmers: tou, Lord John Russell, Disraeli and Others, "Whe Peace of Eurepe Depending on Napeleon, THE AUSTRIAN AND SARDINIAN LOANS, HEAVY EXPORTS OF GOLD FROM AUSTRALIA, ke. ke. &e. The Cunard steamship Africe, Captain Shannon, which Joft Kiverpool on Saturday, the Sth instant, at eleven oto’ in the morning, reached this port at nine o’clock yerterday morning. The news by the Africa has been ina great measure an- Aistpated by our telegraphic report, to same date, from ‘St. Johns, N. F., published last Friday morning, after the arrival of tho Prince Albert from Galway. ‘The London Times, in some extended remarks on the ‘Atlantic telegraph, eays that the tests for faults give such “results as almost 0 lead to the belief that continuity bas ceased, and the wiro is completely parted, but that never- theless there are not wanting able men who express themselves confident that the wire is stil! capable of being restored to good working order. The Loudon News points out that there are two Italies in presence of each other—the Papal-Austrian and the Sardinian-French. The peninsvia can only be pacified by an already mutilated treaty being superaeded by the en- franchisement of a nation. ‘The pohtical department of the London journais of the Sth instant is devoted to the question of war. The Times does not think either France, Austria or Piedmont wil! de- rive any encouragement to break the peace of Europe from apything that was said in Parliament on the 4th inst, ‘The project of the'London Post is a recommendation of the treaty of 1816, Let the Powers of Europe fat! to take thiz couree, and, though no declaration of war may be made, a collision on the frontier will arise. Piedmont is gure to be involved in hostility with Austria; France w: be bound to succor Piedmont; and the torch of war on lighted, no one can tell when it will be quenched, Tue city articles in all the London papers of the advert to the grave aspect of political aflairs on the Con- tient and at home, ‘The Mews augurs from the remarks of the Premier and the Chancelior of the Exchequer, that the position of fo- reign affairs is most critical. Ministers are unable to fur- aish anthoritative explavationa respecting the intentions Of the French Emperor. Jt is felt more clearly than ever that the key to the pretent difficulty ts in Paris, and that the preservation of peace depends on the will of one individual. In the Fimes it is agserted the conviction is that war is tutended to be provoked. ‘The discussion in both houses of Parliaynent has nad avery discouraging effect, which has been greatly aggravated by adespatch announcing the intention of Sardinia to attempt to make a loan, and by the imperial pamphlet on Italy. A Paris wziter in the London Times states that two Eng- lish engineers were to leave Southampton, before the Africa sailed, for Greytown, Nicaragua, in order to notify the Presidents of Nicaragua and Costa Rica of the ap- proach of a staff of engineers and workmen, under obarge of M. Belly, who would commence work on hi imteroceanic canal. The fret stone of the work would be Jaid with great ceremony. Mr. Cobden will shortly pay a visit to the United States. Advices from Naples report a conspiracy in the fleet, ‘and the seizure of twenty naval officers. Uneasiness continued to prevail in Lombardy, end trade wes paralyzed. ‘The nian Parliament, after having unanimously de- clared for union with Greece, passed a resolution to elect 8 Parliamentary Committee for the purpose of considering what further measures should be taken. Mr. Gladstone, in consequence, addressed a message to the Parliament, stating that this resolution was contrary to the constitu: tion, and advising that the committee be merely empow- ered to address a petition to Queen Victoria, Acting on this, Mr. Gladstone was furnished with the address of the Committee to the Queen, with a request to lay before the great Powers their desire for a union with Greece, On the 4th instant Mesers. Rothschild intimated to the Stock Exchange that the subssription list of the Austrian Toan, instead of being closed on Monday morning, woald be kept open until the next Friday evening. Jt was probably Fel that no one would subscribe pending the uncertainty as tothe speech of the Emperor of the French. The Loudon Times of the 5th instant says It is pre- sumed the new Sardinian loan must be intended to be raised at Turin, or if that be impracticable, at Parie, un der & French guarantee, a8 originally reported. In Lon- don st world scarcely be entertained for a moment, The fall in the ewisting five per cent has already been equal lo nearly ten per cent since January 1. The last price of the three per cent Rentes on the Paris Rourse, on the 4th instant, for money, was 66, Compared with the closing prices of the previous day this price shows a fresh fall of 3 to 3¢ per cent, making a reduction of nearly 134 per cent in two days, and a total fall of fully 6) per cent since New Year's eve. The screw steamship City ef Manchester sailed from Liverpool for New York on the 2d inst, with about 100 passengers. Our London Correspondence. Lonpon, Feb. 4, 1859. The Opening of Parliament and the Peace of Europe—Ig- norance of the British Public in Foreign Affairs—The Po. pular Sentiment—Fulsehood of the Aristocracy—The Co- burg Spoitmongers—How They Back Up Austria—Iheir Desire Kill Louis Napolon—Plot of Leopold, the Head Coburg—Key to Louis Napoleon's ‘Threat to Baron Hub- ner—LHow the Coburg Plots Rule Europe—Reform in Eng- land—Gist of Mr. Bright's Plan, do., de. Parliament was opened yesterday. Neither from the Queen's speech nor from the public journals wil! you ob. tain much insight into the merits of the Italian question, which now, above all others, occupies the European mind. Franco and Sardinia are held up as aggressors—as being ready for the sake of their dwo aggrandisement to disturb the peace of Furope. Groat Britain is calmly waiting the course of events; Austria is the lamb whose waters have deen muddied by the French wolf. The facta are very different. The British public take no part in forcign affairs, and are wholly’ ignorant of the course of our diplomacy. Their business bas been merely to pay, and they are contented with an occasional growl, ‘when an incompetent aristocrat, either as commander-in chief or diplomatist, loses an army or an opportunity. There is, not unnaterally, a strong remnant of the old feeling of national dislike of the French. To this I fear Must now be added a sentiment of jealonay, caused by ‘the feeling that with al! our sacrifices, ail the devotion and bravery of our troops, the French came out of the Russian-war with éclat, while the Kogtish lost caste. Disposed as they thue are to believe in any represonta- tion that chimes in with the anti-French feoling, the aris- tocracy , who know better, dare mot discloge the facts of the case, because an open quarrel with the court, a disclosure Of the profligate way in which the boat intorosts of the Country are prostituted to the advancement of the Coburg family, would endangor, if not their existence, at any rato the supremacy they now onjoy. ‘Tho general merits of the Italian causo aro well under- Stood in the United States, Austrian, Papal and Noapoli- tan tyranny aro too notorious to require comment. But r there ts « sustaining power behind these t} 4 yrante—an in fluence by enables them with apparent impunity to and oppression ead ware, Bpoliation, imprisonment be fon behind the Balls ie idan bal © assassination of Louis Napoloon (alroady attempt 00) should encceed, the Queen of Spain or read wee between the Coburgs and universal dominion in Karope, for their Orleanist connections would at once be seated’ both on the French and Spuniah thrones, Some months since, Leopold, the bead of the houee of $ Coburg, commenced a negotiation with Austria, to divide Lombardy into two kingdoms—one Lombardy, the other Venevie—ander two Austrian Archdukrs, one of whom is Leopold's gon in-law. This embryo scheme it was that caused Great Britain so disgracefully abandon her ally, Sardinia, in the Cagliari case. Forced by public opinion to interfere against Na- ples, tbe provigé of Austria, to restore to liberty two Britieh subjects tilegally imprisoned, we basely abandon- ed Sardinia, whose cause of complaint was precisely the game. This treachery vaturally threw Sardinia into the arme of her other ally, France. Prussia, with her usu, astutenees, eagerly took advantage of the opportunity ofiy. ed her, and the revelation of Leopold’s Intrigue a8 to Lombardy, which would at once have shut the door On all the chances for Sardinian and Italian freedom, was the signal for the memorable warning addressed by Louis Napoleon to the Austrian Minister on New Year’s @y. Thus to the selfish policy of one family “of ad- venturers is duc the fact that within twenty-four hours the Fag 4 of Europe sustained a Ciminution ip value of over £100,000,000 sterling. Louis Napoleon, it is true, carried out the policy of the Frenck repablic of 1848 by continuing the occupation of Rome. Tt was a false step; Dut once taken, as the Austrians were in armed pos- session of the Legations, to withdraw was ‘impossible at the time: the French would, however, have loog since withdrawn from Rome, but that Coburg ambition kept up the iliega! Austrian oocupation of the Duchies and the Le- ations. be The other question of tho day is a home ques. tion—retorms in the parliamentary ‘representation of the country. It would be uninteresting to American readers to go into detail on this sutject. To intelligent freemen it is enough to say that the population of Great Britain by the census of 1851 (since largely increased) is 27,475,271. Those possessing the right to vote are under 1,000,000; that, under these circumstances, the country is taxed and governed for the benefit of the rich at the ex- pense of the poor; that the rich man’s tea is taxed at the rate o1 20 per cent—the poor man’s at 100 per cent; the rich man’s tobacco at 30 per cent—the poor man’s at 300 r cent, need surprise no one. Reformers desire no vio- lent change. At a period of profound peace and great prosperity, they think it eafer to make a change in the direction of progress and hberty than to wait for the con- vuleton that will occur when near scarcity of food and commercial distress are comceident. At present Great Britain is represented as follows: — Population 3 pn Me 1,000,000 out of 27,475,271 return Do. do, for counties... . for boroughs Mr. Bright proposes that, with the dense population— Electors Members. 2,000,000 should return for counties. 279 Bo, do. for boroughs 379 OE ER RGR ARNE Dhenanatnasieney sess 658 For this moderate procosa! he is denounced by the aris- tocracy in the most scurrilous and disgraceful language. These idiots would prefer to wait until they feel the knife at their throats. Which are the true conservatives? THE WAR QUESTION. Important Debate in the British Parliament on the Critical Condition of Europe. The third session of the fifth Parliament of Queen Vic- toria’s reign was opened on the 3d inst. with all those ac- cessories of state and regal grandeur which still make this oft recurring event one of the most impregsive and splen- did of all the great ceremonials of the nation. HOUSE OF LORDS. The doors of the House of Lords were opened at twelve o'clock, and considering that the fair sex are in question, it is rather surprising to seo the numbers that are thero intime. Ina very few minutes after that hour both sides of the galleries are nearly filled, and the dresses look like a rich band of variegated colors which relieves the effect of the dim impressive grandeur of the chamber above. All are, of course, in full evening dress, Hong the labors of the toilet are at present concealed under shawls or cloaks, for the day is far from warm, and some of the storied windows above the seats have been left open, making gaps in the succession of one line of kings. The peeresses arrive fast in little groups of twos and threes, and after much bowing and talk with friends, are at length ushered to their places by the messengers, aud occupy themselves in gazing at rich, angular, but strictly Gothic throne, now uncovered, and disclosing to view the only uncomfortable seat in all the House of Peers. It 18 not much to look at, but still it is something, and would be bailed as an object of 1oterest to the poor ladies who, by dint of friends and interest, Lave obtained tickets for the Royal Gallery outside in the of seeing the Ppeeresses go through to the House. But the peeresses come by another avenue, and the ladies who are waiting 80 patiently now, as they did last year, will see aboutas much of the chief personages of the cerémonial as if they had stood with the crowd outside. The first gentleman to make his ice in the house is the new Sergeant-at Arms, the P. Talbot, who, in in ‘‘possession of the the stiffest of uniforms, rei floor,” attracting an amount of observation which he CA a to flod embarrassing, till joined by the venerab! eld Marshal Lord Combermere, in the uniform of olonel of the Life Guards. The body of the House is gradually filling up, and most of the front benches are occupied. At one o’clock there isa great and sudden influx of noble ladies, all superbly dressed in the fullest amplitude of the mt fashion, and who remain in the body of the nouse, looking with something like dismay at the very narrow aperture between the shes for the peers, through which they are required to pass. In vain the messenger says, ‘“ Now, pray, ladies, now, pray, move.” The ladies are all smiles, but as immoveable as Stonehenge, opposing a passive resistance—the most effectual of all obstructions to officials who have to be polite and do their duty at the same time. At last they settle down witha great rustic, as an unknown Baron, with two new bars of ermine in his robes of state, saunters in, followed by the Ear) of Albemarle. Through the glazed doors of the Prince’s chamber are seen bright groups of peers, mixed with the rich uniforms of ambassadors and the great offi- cers of State. An audible whisper runs through the house as the Duke de Malakotf, wearing the badge and order of the Bath, enters with bis beautiful bride. The Austrian and Hanoverian Ministers, with the Bishop of London, are the next notabilities, and these are followed by a batch of nameless peers, who sit and talk with the peeresses, and relieve with their scarlet robes the light colors of the ladies’ dresses, which now, at a little dis- tance, make both sides of the House resemble two rich parterres. The Lord Chancellor, with Judges Wightman, Erle, Hill, Crompton, Pollock, Crowder, and Bramwell, enters almost simultaneously. The Sardinian Minister foliows, making a stiff and rather distant bow to the Duke de Malakoff. Lord Derby enters in walking dress to con duct the Countess and Lady Emma Stanley to their rests, and in the wake of the noble premier follow the Arch bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Salisbury, London, Exeter, Winchester, Carlisle, Bath and Wells. The Bishop of Oxford comes last, wearing the riband of the Garter Chaplain of the Order, and with him come Lords Chief Justices Campbell and Cockburn and Judges Williams and ‘illes. The American Minister, wearing the distinction of a plain black coat, enters the seats reserved for the diplomatic corps, where his simple dress is at once conspicuous amid the rich uniforms and glittering orders which all around him wear. The Swedish and Pescara gregh follow with the Minister from pares whem, though what is politely termed a gentleman of color, Mr. Dallas, nevertheless, cordially recognizes ed ihe: hands with.’ An unknown Minister from some of the small States of South America next enters, in a diplomatic costume so exceedingly like the dress of the’ beau of Queen Anne's reign as to attract universal attention and a tilter of surprise. ir Augustus Clifford, the usher of the Black Rod, ap. pears with bis wand of ofice, which is white, for oo this ocenrion he represents the Lord Chambertain of Eugland, He is accompanied by the Gold Stick in Waiting, whose baton, on the same lucus a non lucendo principle, is black. A little before two, and the Duke of Cambridge, with the Dukes of Hamilton and Newcastle, the Marquises of Wincoester, Salsbury and Bath, and the Farl of Derby, ali in their robes of state, enter and remain talking near the throne, while the Lord Chancelior and the judges in “a terrible row’’—thirteen in number—are engaged in conversation on the bench before the woolsack. Attwe o'clock messenger enters rather in a hurry, and requests “my lords and ladies to uncover,” at which there is a general uprising of all the ladies present, and amid a great rustle and audible laughing, mantles and stawis are laid aside—no one knows where, though ef- fectuatly out of sight. There is a long pause of anxious expectation, during which the Far! of Balaclava reputa. tion, and who has for his motto “en grace afir”” (om grace depend), walks slowly up the House, Immediately after him come the late Speaker of the House of Commons, the Marquis of Westminster, the Earl of Malmesbary and Viscount Ebury, the latter in the very newest robes of state, Again there is a long pause, during which so many peers comb ip that aaditional benches have to be sent for, though bardly a peer, comparatively speaking, of the li: beral party is present, The ladies are filling up tueir time by putting on their shawls, with as much care as sich a furtive toilet admits of, when the doors are thrown open and the heralds enter two by two, bowing stiflly in their rich and awkward tabards, as they pass before the empty throne. The great officers of the house. hold, in their splendid uniforms, succeed, followed by the Earl of Derby with the Sword of State, the Marquis of Winchester bearing the Cap of Maintenance, the Duke of Hamilton carryimg the crown betore the ‘Queen, at whose appearance all rie and stand, Her Majesty was superbly attired, in @ robe of white and gold tissue, covered with a mantle and train of crim. son velvet and ermine, the heavy folds of which were borne up by her ladies in waiting. On her head was the high crown of brilliants used on slate her Majesty also wore a Nants to match. Prince Albert wore the uniform of a Ficld Marshal, and took his seat on the loft of the throne, where he was almost hidden by the Karl of Derby. The seat for the Prince of Wales, on the right, retained vacant. The Duke of Norfolk, as Karl Marenal, with the Lord Chancellor carrying the Great Seal, stood on the right of her Mjosty. Immodiately after ascending Me throne and adjustioy tor footstool, her Majesty commanded the House to be seated, while the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod was de spatched to summon the attendance of the Commons. During the interval that elapsed her Majesty con- verned with the Prince Consort, the Karl of Derby and the Marquis of Worcester, ill the silence was brokon by a confused rush of feet, and, headed by the Speaker and Mr, Disraeli, the “farthfal Commons,” with noisy and tu- multuous eagerness, assombled at the bar of the House, Her Majesty then rose, aud receiving the speech from the Lord Chancellor, proceeded to read it, though the frat “Paragraph was almost inaudible from the repeated ‘hush- wee” bY the members of the Lower House. Boyord this slight ¥ ,terruption, every word was audible. y ve foreign Powers assurances of their friendly felis vate and confirm those feel to mainiain tov! the fu of public treaties, and to contribute, as far as my {ntluence ean extend, to the preservation of the general peace, nre the ab- Jecta of my unceasing solicttude, T nave concluded with thy Sovereigne who were parties ithe Treaty of Parieof 1856. gon, vention relative to the orgavization ofthe Priveipaliies of Molda- via and Wallachia. Those Kouman provinceaare row proceed- ing to establish, under its provisions, their new form of govern- ment. A treaty of ich I have concluded with the imperor of Russia, and which will be laid belore you, is a satisfactore indication of the complete re-establishment ot those amicable relaions which, until their la'e intortunate interrup tion, had jong subsisted between us, to the mutual advantage of our respecuve dominions, ‘The messures which, in concer: with my ally the Emperor of the French, I thought it necessary 10 take upon the coast of China. resulted fo a Beaty, by which further effusion of blood has been prevented, and whi holds out the prospect af greatly inc intarcourse with that extensive and densely peopled empire. Ai treaty into whleh I have entered with the Emperor of Japan opeae-& Sresh feld for commercial enterprise in a populons and highly civiized country, which has hitherto been jealously used ‘against the intrusion of foreigners As soon ae the Fatiioations of these treaties shall have been exchanged, they will be laid defore you. Ihave great satisfaction in announcing to you that the Emperor of the French hus abolished a system of megro emigration from the east coast of Africa, against which, as tn avotdably tending, however quarited. to the encouragement af the lace trade, my government has never ceased to address to hia Ime rial Majesty” te moat earnest but friendly representations. is Wize act on the part of his” Imperial Majesty in- duces me to hope that ne, now in progress at Paris may tend to the total abandonment of the system, and to the substitution of a duly regulated supply of substantially free labor, ‘The state of the republic of Mexico, distracted by civil war, has induced me to carry forbearance to ite utmost lttuits, 4o régard to wrongs and indjgnities to which British residents have been subjected at the banas of the two contending par. ties They bave at lengih been carried to such an extent that Thave been compelied to give instructions to the commander of my naval forces in those seas to demand, and if neceasury to enforce, due reparation. GENTLEMRN OF THE House oF Commons:—I have dire sed that the estimates of the ensuing year eball be submited to you. They have been framed with a due regard to economy ‘and to the efficiency of the public service, The naiveraal intr> duction of steam power into naval warfare will render neces- sary a temporary increase of expenditure in providing for the reconstruction of the British navy; but Tam peraui you will cheerfully vote whatever ‘sums you may find to be requisite for an object of such vital importance ag the mainte- nance of the maritime power of the country: My Loxps aND GetiEMEN:—Your labora have tn recent sessions been usefully directed to various measures of legal and social improvercent In the belief that further measures of a umilar character tay be wisely and beneficially tntro- duced, 1 have desired that bills may be sumitied to you. with- out delay, for assimilating and g the laws relating to bank? uptcy and insolvency; for bringing together {nto one set of statutes, #0 a classified form, and wit experience will suggest to you offences in #ngland ana Ireland; for enabliv, land in Kngland to obtain for themselves an indefeasible ut their estates and interests, and for ring simplicity and security. Your attention will be called in Parliament, and I cannot doubt but that you will give to great subject & degree of calm and impartial consideration pro- Rortioned to the magnitnde of the interests involved in the reault for the of your diwcussions, These, and other pro Amendmentot the laws, which willbe notice as the progress of public. b mend to the exercise of ) Our deliberate judgment; end’ I earn- as to inaure tenance and improvement ently pray ihnt your counsels may be so guided the stability of the Throne, the m: and of our institutions, and the general welfare and happiness of my people. ‘juumeoiately after reading the speech her Majesty rose and bowed and retired, the House standing a3 when she entered. In another minute the whole of the brilliant agsembly were hurrying to leave the building, and ere the Park guns were done firing the Queen’s speech was sell- ing in the streets; for the ceremony was over, and the session of 1859 fairly begun. The House re-assembled at four o’clock, but the first hour was occupied in purely formal business. THE ADDRESS TO THE THRONE. ‘The Loxp CHANCLLOR then read to the House the speech which bad been delivered by her Majesty. SPEROH OF THE PRESENT PRIME MINISTER. The Earl of Derny said—My lords, in tollowing the very a Ngee has just been eaves e will, I trust, pardon me use p warm sekuowleag: we severally moved and teconded the Address in reply to her Majesty's gra- able and temperate by my noble friend, for asipgle moment to express m: ments to my two noble friends who cious Speech. bd And, my lorda, there never was a time at Which Tam Siete see eee the wel anc peace of Ki aa as 'P- piness of this country, that there should boa well od lear, hear.) Atall times the weight of public opinion in England must exercise a great and deserved and re prpteordg ia combined public opinion could of wi ser power than at the crisial period ‘Before I proceed to and ne accordance of opinion between us upon points. ( salutary when gr ater force and greater in which we now are. f lear, ee) more important topics, I will just allude for a moment to the criticisms of my noble friend upon the subject influence on Europe; and of matters which are omitted from the speech than of any- thing which is contained in that speech, and I will endea. vor, as shortly as possible, to give an answer which, I trust, will be found en At all events, I will for I can assure your lord- ues nor myself have aught (Hear, hear.) My noble friend began by in- timating his opinion as to the abstinence from certain to- the speech and in tbe address, and he oon- peak with perfect frankness ships that neither my colleagt to conceal. pics, both int cluded that I had given advice to my nobie friends care- fuily to avoid those particular questions to which be has I can assure my old friend that I gaye no such udvice; did give my noble friends such information as # which are dealt with in the specch, and I presuméd that, according to the usual cus- tom, my noble friends would have for the most part ad- dressed themselves to the topics which are treated of in * * * Now, the principal matter of which my noble friend complained, as not being noticed yn the speech, is the case of the Charles et Georges. The In the firat.place, fo many subjects are treated of in the speech that it is more than ordinarily lengthy, and it was not deemed desi- rable to encumber it with any matters which it was not ab- The case of the Charles et Georges is one upon which the government will not hesitate to give the House the fullest information in its papers be — satisfled in bo respect whatever have the government adverted. they desired upon the that document. reasons for that omission are obvious. roluteiy necessary to introduce. and I am quite sure when the power, lordships you will are before your that fallen short of the requirements of the treaty of Paris, nor of the obligations which our long standing friendship with Portugal im; But the non-introduction of such a subject into the royal speech is easily to be accounted for. It i8 not customary to introduce into the speech questions which may have arisen between two forcign Powers with which the British government is not directly concerned. Upon this occasion the discussion was between France and Portugal, upon a matter as to which full information is not before ber Majeaty’s government, and thus it would have been impossible for them to form any accurate opi nion; but they adopted the course which I believe was suggested by my nobie friend opposite, that of offer. ing to both parties their best advice and friendly offices. Unfortunately, however, neither party accepted’ that ad- vice, one declining it upon one point, and the other upon a different point; but we have not the less received an as- surance from Portugal of satisfaction and gratitude for those friendiy offices which were tendered before they were asked for. No doubt, in that question there were circum- stances which enlisted in favor of Portugal the sympathies of this country, because it appeared as though Portugal were suffering unjustly for attempting to put a stop to pro- ceedings which it regarded as a revival of the slave trade. 1 will not now enter upon the discussion of that question, butI will say that we never for a moment varied our opinion, or in the expression of that opinion week after week to the French government, that it was impos- sible to separate the so cailed free emigration sanctioned by them fro the commission of acts of the slave trade in the interior of Africa, even if no irregularities were com- mitted by their own officers. While we have never ceased to preas that view as strongly as had been done by my noble friend opposite, who lately filied the office of Secre- tary for Forcign Affairs, I believe no recommendation, no circumstance could have brought the mater so home to the convictions of the French goverumeut as the facts elicited by the inquiry into this very case of the Charleset Georges; and it 18 creditable to the French government that as soon as their own experience satisied them of the immense difficulty, if not impossibility, of preventiag one system from degencrating into the other, they immediately gave orders to put a stop to the ex- portation of negroes from the east coast of Africa, where the greatest difficulties prevailed, and now ar. rangements are pending, with a proepect of speedy termi- nation, by which the French government intends to put a complete stop to negro emigration from either coast of Africa, and, moreover, to give us cordially and readily a more active co-operation for the esston. of the slave trade. (Hear, hear.) As to the case of the Ionian Islands, it is impossible for me at the present moment to enter upon a full digcussion of the steps that bave been takea in that matter. Within a very short time the very distingnished gen- Ueman who has undertaken a temporary mission to those islands will return to this country, and be enabled to give his own version and his own Gan ne) of the duties he has had to perform, and the rin which he has ae }4 at oe e -~ * Imay, however, passing, be permi say, with res; tthe treaty which bas been concluded with Russia, tna 63. wikn my noble friend who has just spoken has adverted, that it is not only to the treaty itself, but to the whole course At proceedings adopted of late towards thie country y juasia, that the expressions of satis- faction to be found in her Majesty’s speech at the ro-es- tablishment of friendly relations with that Sovereign are to be attributed. (Hear, hear.) I make this statement, because I think it is due to the Emperor of Russia that 1 should bear testimony to tho fact that even before the sig nature of the treaty British subjects, having been pro: viously placed ina more unfavorable’ position than the ‘subjects of other nations, he voluntarily conceded to them all those advantages from which had #0 long been exclusively debarred, (Hear, hear.) Nor can I, my ore paw over the question of treaties without adverting to those which have been concluded with China and Japan, and without expressing my ly admiratiog of the conciliatory but, at the same time, firm and detérmined course which Lord Elgin has pursued in the difficult post tion in which he was placed. (Hear, hear) I derive, my Jord, inoroaeed Satisfaction (Som the mocoss Which’ bas NESDAY, FEBRUARY such modifications as the laws relating to crimes and the owners of je to such titles with it to the biate of the laws which regulate the representation of the people sélended @e efforts of that noble earl, and the zeal aud | ‘abiuity which he had displayed, from the cwenmstao te that, alftough he was appointed to bis present position by my ‘Ors in office, | wag one of the ret to iatroduce him imo public life us successor to Lord Metcalfe in Ja maica, and subsequently in the government of Canada. Ear) Grey—I beg the noble eurt’s pardon. Lord Elgin was Dot appointed Governor of Canada until after I bud ome Secretary of State. ‘The Karl of Drkny—I can assure the noble carl that I | BO wish to deprive him of any credit which might accrue to bim from having appointed 1. Figia to the governorsh'p of Canada, It is quite true that Lord Bigin | did not succeed Lord Metcalfe iu that office until the noble earl became Secretary of State, but it was wel! known pre- viously that Lord Metcaife would be obliged to resign office in consequence of the state of his health, and Lord Elgin was looked upon as the person who wag to supply his place. Earl Grey—When the noble car) left the Colovial Oillce Lord Metcaifo was in a state of health which rendered his ecessary, but novbing had veen The Earl of Dexny—I shall not pursne the question fur- ther, I may be inerror; bot, whether that be or be not the cage, tbe satisfaction with which my personal friead ship for Lord Eigin causes me to regard the mauner in which he has performed the duties which were recently committed to his charge can undergo no diminution. (Hear, hear.) But, to advert to the other topics of whieh mention is made in tbe Royal speech, I can assure your lordships if Lave as yet omitted to allude to the important subject of India, it is not because I in the slightest degree under- value its magaitude, or do not fully appreciate the grext and distinguished services of those men—civilans as well a8 miiitary—by whose efforts such ¢ fe been attained in that country. (Che confident | ged Jordships, without a single exeeption, re- Jolee at the success that has already crowned their ua- paralleled and inimitable exertions, and tbat you will con. cur with her Majesty in hoping for the fulfi/ment of tho expectation—which God gravt may at no vistant day be realized—that her Incian empire may be compictely paci. fied, and that we may be able to devote all our energies— and | am sure there is no object nearer to the heart of the Sovereign—to the improvement of that too long neglected portion of her dominions, and to the obliteration of all dif- ferences between the various classes of its inhabitants. Cheers.) Nor, my lords, do I think we nead lespair that the time will soon arrive; for, although the unhappy rebellion which lately broke out in India still continues, yet it does so only to a certain extent; everything like organized resistance bas been put down, and our troops are now, I am happy to eay, engaged rather in pursuing bands of desper: robbers than in contending against any formidable mili- tary display. (Hear, hear.) And now, my lords, Icome to a most important topic, to which my noble friend opposite also adverted in the course of his speech, and in reference to which it affords me much pleasure to think I can follow him throughout the entire of his observations without feel- ing that there exists the slightest difference of opinion between us as to the course which it is desirable that the government of this country should pursue. The subject is one, no doubt, of considerable delicacy, but, notwithstand- ing that such is the case, I feel that it ie due to your lord. ships, in the critical position in which matters stand, that I should speak with respect to it plainly and unhesitat- ingly. (Cheers.) Iam fortunately in a position to do 80, because in the present state of Europe, and with respect to that portion of ‘it which now gives juat cause for anxiety , England has no separate interest to subserve , no re- ‘venge to gratify, no rankling ambition to urge her on; and, above all—and I say it emphatically—because she has nose: cretengagement with any Power whatsoever which would interfere with, fetter, or hamper ber free action. (Loud cheers.) But there are, my lorés, principles which her Mojesty’s government have never shrunk from expressing, and to which they have over and over given utterances, no} in any hesitating terme, but with that frankness of speech which my noble friend thinks we might bave some difficulty in using towards the Emperor of the Freach, but which we have not abstained from using towards all par- ties, in order that they may be placed fully and distinct! in possession of the views which we entertain. And if, my lords, in the Queen’s speech allusion has not been made to the state of hensions under which Europe z atthe present moment labors; it is simply because in them England has no direct concern—no direct concern, I mean, beyond that which a commercial and maritime Power must almays have in the general peace and prosperity of Eu- rope. 1am enabled, moreover, to say that, 60 far as the iniormation of her Majesty’s government goes, not only are we upon perfectly friendly terms with all'the great Powers, but that I know of no question at present pend- ing between any of those Powers beyond the reach of the most ordinary diplomatic intercourse, or which could ia the slightest degree justify a resourse ‘to the fatal arbitra- ment of war. Nevertbeless, my lords, it is not to be doubt- ed that there are circumstances in the present state of Eu- Tope and in the attitude assumed by various Powers, which are calculated to arouse serious apprehension and alarm. The state of Italy is one of constant danger to the peace of Europe. I concur entirely in the description which bas been y country: ty oF ‘that enthusiastic dream of Italian which, at ail times, and under all cireumstances, has indulged in, ‘but whieh is never likely to be fulfilled, because it is not batred of f ers, but internal 8 and in- terval differences the Italian which, if even there Petts fread ‘from any freed government, would render euch a union an abso- jute im) jilty. (Hear, hear.) Ientirely concur with my noble friend as tw the point at which he considers tnat the greatest danger to the peace of Europe arises. It may be true that the normal state of almost the whole of Italy is that of a slumbering volcano, of which the internal throes are exhibited by muttered’ rumblings, and which at apy moment is liable to burst forth in an eruption, and to overwhelm the country in a torrent of destruction; but it is not in Lombardy nor in Naples that the main dan- ger exists. My voble friend drew a just picture of the state of government in Lombardy. Those provinces have littte to complain of in the administration of govern- ment; and of late years, more especially, the'labors of the Austrians have been vnremittingly applied to improve the condition of the country. The people may have certain grievances and certain causes of discontent, but the main, the single, the irremediable grievance is that they are placed under the yoke, and have to submit to the government ofa different, and, as they consider, a foreign nation. (Hear hear.) ‘That’is a source of discontent which absorbs all others, and in anxiety to overcome which Lombardy has too often forgotten that of which my noble friend has pro- perly reminged us, namely, that struggles for Italian free- dom have terminated, in every case, simply in a change of masters, and that the dream of Italian independence has bever been—and it is diilicult to say when it ever can be —substantially realized. Whether, under these circum- stances, the Lombard provinces, rich, prosperous, and fertile as they are, are a source of strength to Austria, and form a desirable possession for her, I do not pre- tend to say; but of this there can be no doubt—and cordi- ally do 1 subecribe to the doctrine of my nobie friend on thesubject—that with the internal government of Lom vardy, with the manner in which Austria exercises her - nion over her Malian provinces, be it wise or unwise, be mild or severe, be it prudent or tmprudent, we have nothing todo, (Hear, hear.) By inberitance, by long continued possession, by the faith of treaties which, if ouce broken through, must canse incalculable mischief to the tranquil- lity of Europe—by all these ties, Austria has acquired a hold over her Italian provinces of which neither we, nor ‘any nation, under an; or upon any pretext, have a right to deprive her, (Cheers.) My lords, I say nothing of the state of Naples. The government of Napies is one repug- pant and abhorrent to all our notions of government, and quite unsuited, at all events, to any other atmosphere than that which actually surrounds it. (A laugh.) But, at all avents, in Naples there has been no necessity on the part of the sovereign to put down discontent by the inter- position and control of foreign troops. (Hear.) Ido not say, that, if any of the nations of Italy rose to redress wrongs, whether r imaginary, exaggerated or other- wise, it would be the Part of this country—on the contra- ry, I deny that it would be tho interest or the duty of this country—to interpose, either for the purpose of maintaining order or of encouraging the efforts of a struggling people and of overthrowing the existing dynasty. My opinion—an opinion which I have never shrunk from avowing—has always been that, in matters of this kind, the de facto government must ever be re- spected by this country, and that in our relations with other nations we have no sort of right, as we have no sort of interest, in interfering as to the form of that government and the persons who administer it. (Hear, hear.) It is not in Naples, however, it is not in bardy, that we must look for the principal cause of auxiety and alarm, but it is in that unt PRY Portion of Central Italy which is eubject to the temporal jurisdiction of the spiritual head of omg hg ~ Saad (Hear.) ‘That is the reat gue spot , (Hear, hear.) {ft is in this point of i Peninsula that discontent rises 2 ite height, aud there it bas rison to such a height that it is notorious to all the world that, if pubtle feeling were not kept down by the | presence of two forcign armies, all the respect and venera- tion which are paid to the Sovereign Pontiff in his spiritual capacity would bot prevent the overthrow of his tottering throne, or be held to compensate in the minds of his | subjects for the weak and paltry oppression by which the | government of that country is sustained. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is from the presence of these two armies— not placed there in eithor case to uphold the liberties of Italy, but only to maintain by their joint efforts an incom- petent goverament—that the real danger of serious dis- | turbance in Italy is to be apprehended, Now, upon both the Powers by Whom those armies are kept up her Majes- ty’s government—whether effectually or not 1 do not pre- tend to say, nor will I affirm that Tentertain any very sanguine expectation as to the result—bave prossed with all the earnestness of friendship the necessity of coming to some understanding with regard to the advice they shall | wnder to the Papal government for diminishing the grounds of dangerous discoutent which under the present system can but exist there. I mention these two Powers especially, because it is their mutual jealousy which keeps aiive the real source of danger, because they aro the two | ns Roman Catholic Powers of Europe, and because, h a8 having local interests, and also as’ being able to speak with a of authority and of influence which no other Stave could agsume, ey are: ebriously the parties whose union and whose ious action would he most likely to be effectual with the Papal govern- ment. (Hear, hear.) It would be idle for any Pro- testant country to pretend to proffer its advice, but we have assured both Austria and France that if thoy will combine to ee ‘salutary counsel, our best endeavors will not be wanti of to second their eflorts for the amelioration of the int administration of the Papal States, (Hear. ) My lords, there is one part of Italy which, aa my noble friend very emphatically said, up to the present moment we have taken the deepest joterest. I allude, { need not say, 10 that smail but heroic State—one of far greater im- portance than ite geographical limits indicate—the king- dom of Sardinia. (Hear, hear.) That bas been hitherto @ bright spot amid the surrounding gloom—(hear, hear) — and there it has been proved experimontaily that the concession of a large amount of covstitutional liberty does not impair the loyalty of the people to their sove- 23, 1859. PRICE TWO CENTS. rights ond of its own internal union, tho 7 which ought clearly to bave been parsved by 6 @ State was io busy itgell with terval ipprevements— (hear, bear) — notte mayptain ap army disproportionate Lo its iuanves | and ruinous to its eredit—(bear, near)—not to truss to the cftorts of ite army, bowever valiant, but to rely on toe sympathies of the world at large, and on Yann of the tresties which secure its dompioos—treaties precisely Ue sare as Those under wlich Austria olde her Iblisn ; (Hear, hear ) was the 0 8 policy -ardinia, und gneh wae the povoy by which, in tne face of, ond othe bow tat #he May yet pursie—an example of moderation, of firmnees, aud Of cousttutioual |Iberty, which Should shame tbe most despotic goverpinent, aud lear it not to put her institavions ane seek to atiam her prosperity. (fear, bear) It may he that such a governme f have referred to will be shamed by the contrast which will be py the discontent of i's own subjects and th Prosperity of the Sardinian people, and sex to imitate a sytem which throws 80 strong a light upon the errors of iis own adm istration, Bi q ul, however there were auything which could tataliy ‘ tion ip which free msvtutions are beginning to be held in taly—if there were anytuing which could withdraw from Sardinia the sympathy io which sbe is entivie’, and whieh has been Fo largely bestowed upon ber in uhis country’, it would be by her affording @ proof, bot that free institu tions tend to internal tranquillity, bus vat they are caicu- lated to encourage the warhke propeusities of ® monarch, and lead him into ecbemes of aggression upon lis neigh bors under the plea of resisting (Hear, bear.) Itis, therefore, in as friendship for Sardinia, ana of the ©: well doing, that we jook with aux given expression to Our anxiety, upoi hich of late she appears dispose) ‘to take—an attitude inconsttent aleke with her interests, with her duty to sockly at large, and with the maintenance of Uvit sympathy and regard which her previous conduct has olvained for her ice and , have I trust that itis throughout the ewilized world, (Cheers.) This ai these opinions, not ouce, but over and over a} we pressed on Sarcinia. (Hear, hear.) not too late for that country to reconsider the apparently she had contemplated. (Hear, were omipous words w. from royal lips, have the deepest siguide trust that Sarainia will be better advised—(t and that she will reconsider the e was apparently about to enter. the slightest intention of interfe cerns 01 the domicions of any of her neighd to confine herseif within ber own limits anc within the obligations of treaties, und to direct her attention exclu. sively to the administration of her own affairs. Sardins vocations for hostiliuies which may i fustiflable war, but which, at all ev seriously ruinous to her internal pros} erity. provocation from Austria. and loyal course which be has hitherto pursued. ance in ev Austria, 1, above all, of absta interest and honor of France. that ‘memorable expression, thousands of bayonets and millions of money. They bear.) If, unfortunately, believe that those sentiments were altered, and (Hear, hear.) There have been indica’ how much war interferes wi that they have triumphant, hitherto kept France in the position of peace. pursued. vernmet prepared to pr would be @ satisfaction are perfectly ready to take tn avy contingency the ich their duty and the honor of this country might ap. in present circumstances, there ie [ttle or no great ditfer- ence of opinion; and, no doubt, a moral support will be given to the goverament in the preservation of peace by the manifestation of opinion on both sides of the House. (Cheers. policy of the country. Hear.) on menting our naval force, SPEECH OF LORD BROUGHAM. opposite, tbat, in the present critical state of Tope, it was of the utmost importance that no difference of opinion between the govern. ‘ment and those on the other side of the House, but that their lordships ehould, with one heart and one voice, con- cur in the principles which bad that night been laid down. Having lately come from France, it might be necessary tbat he should state his entire adoption of those principles, lest his gilence should be misconstrued—not in France, where there was the most entire unanimity of opinion among all ranks and all classes—(hear, hear )— ut in Sar- din’ might be supp that he did not share the opinions which had been so generally expressed, more especially as the course which he took upon a former oc. casion in the other honee of Parliament had alreaty been referred to. It was then bis fortune to lead on the attack which was made upon the Holy Allies, as they were called, for intermeddling in the government of foreign couutries; and he had been asked how he, who complained of the “three geniiemen of Verona’’—Pruesia, Austria and Russia—for having undertaken to put down the constitution in Spain, could abstain from objecting to the proceedings of Austria in Italy, and especially to the thral- dom in which she was said to bold the Lombards, His answer was sbort and clear, The objection taken to the proceedings of the Holy Allies was aggravated, no doubt, by the circumstance that they were endeavoring to pull down & free constitution in Spain; but the gravamen of the ebarge against them was their interfering in foreign aflairs at all—(hear, hear)—their undertaking to perform the duties of the police of Europe: and if, by one of those accidents or inconsistencies to which despotism was sub. Ject, it had bappened that they had interposed to support @ free constitution against tyrannical rulers, the ar. gument would have been precisely the same. Taey nad no right, even for that good cause, to interfere with the aflairs of another State. He would put a caso which ap- plied to the present subject. Suppose the Hoi; rai i cpp he Sa pn set 8 support inst Sardinia, the objection of those who attacked ont woe have been fata Le same. They would have said that they were sorry it the Genoese were subject to the Sardinians, bat that that was the result of the treaty arrangements of the Congress of Vienna in 1816, and that, in the very fit language of hor Majesty's speech, ‘the faith 2 i Must be maintained inviolate,” a 4 = pretext of supporting the liberties e' Geno- ese, the Holy Allies had no right to interfere with the solemn arrangements of the treaty of Vienna. Now, it must be observed, that with all that was said against the Holy Allies, they had at least no interest in the proceed ings which they undertook. It was not with any view to thoir own aggrandisement or to the increase of their ter. ritories that they interfered. It was in order to putdown, upon principles which wore false and ever to be roproba. ted, the constitution of Samia; but, at least, it was not for thelr own aggrandisement that they undertook that task, He wished he could say the same with respect to Sardinia reign, while it contributes largely to the prosperity of the country. Supported by the sympathies of all the free na. tions of the world, strong in the consciousness of its own atthe present moment. The pretesce was to favor the oppresred Italians, but he feared that under that pretext lurked no small disposition to enlarge the territories 0 attack from them. r.) Those ich fell froafthe lips of the King of Sardipia, ahd words in such a stave of things, falling (Cheers) We have the strongest assurances on the part of Augstria—and [ believe those gasurances—to the effect that she has not ing in the internal con- Hear, hear.) So long as this is really the intention of Aastrig would be most i] advised. if she should offer pro- rotve her in an un- 18, cannot bat be y. (Hear, hear.) But there is great danger. {t is impossible that Sardinia, 80 Comparatively weak as opposed to Austria, could enter upon a struggle upon whatever plea and expect that it could conclude in any other resuit but ber own dis comfiture, unless she thought that she might rely on external aid. To no country for that aid could she look but France; and I cannot’ bring myself to believe, looking to the manifest interests of France—looking to the sagacity and prudence, and let me add to the Joyal adherence to the faith of treaties which has hitherto characterized the ruler of that grest nation, France—I cannot believe, I say, that under apy circumstauces, un- Jess, indeed, of provocation and aggression taking place on the part of Austria, he would sanction on the part of Sar- dinia, even by his moral support, and stil! less by his great military means, an unjustifiable and aggressive war, un- dertaken by Sardinia in vi lation of treaties and without (Cheers.) I do earnestiy trust—and I do not abandon the hope—that the Emperor of the French will still persist in that wise, and prudent, Hear, hear.) We have represented in friendly and cneas terms the importance ot exercising the utmost forbear- ery Tespect in any differences he may have with ‘ing from holding out the idea to Sardinia that apy assistance would proceed from France in case of un aggressive and unprovoked war with Austria, and we have received aseurances that 80 long as Austria confines berself* to her own limits Sardinia must not expect from France any assistance in an aggressive (Cheers.) This course is consistent both with the (Hear, bear.) It capnot be forgotten with what satisfaction Europe heard “ L'Empire—c'est la .”” Those words regounded throughout Europe, and ‘were more valuable to the Emperor of the French than (Cheers. ) tended to confirm the stability of his own dynasty, and promoted the internal improvement of France. (Hear, ‘the Emperor should departfrom such @ course, and should induce the people of Europe to that the ew empire is again returning to the lust of universal do- mipion—if Europe should have any reason to suspect that he has any design of placivg on different thrones in Italy subordinate sovereigns connected with himself by alliance, ‘and of thereby Mn aterm ee Ty sg yo the in- troduction of which ultimately led to the fall of the great Napoleon, he will shake the confidence of Europe in the intentions and dispositions of France, and, by awakening suspicion from without, he will gestroy credit at home. tions, aad so far most satisfactory indications, on the part of the world at large, with how much reluctance it wou!d see a war entered {nto on any ground, and there prevails @ strong opinion those domestic internal and Pursuits which no couvtry more than France of late bas shown a desire for. There can be no demand for glory on the part of the French people. Of enough and to spare, and the idea ‘would be lamentable of employing their legions, so often gratuitously in a war for the purpose of gain- ing fresh laurels, unmmdful of the good faith which had Iwill not believe, whatever may be the appearances in Enrope, that the Emporor of the French wiil enter into so dangerous a course, or £0 greatly mistake the interesta of his country and the interests of his dynasty, whose maintenance could by nothing be more effectually secured than by the preva- of continued peace aud prosperity in France. Cheers.) But if, unhappily, a different course should be if, notwithstanding the friendiy efforts of this go- made in respect to France, Austria and Sardinia, war should be the result of questions which [know not how to characterise—which 1 koow not whether w style questions or mutual, suspicions, and mutua! armaments, Leach other against supposed danger— if war, I say, should ultmately be the result, it to thé government, taough & melancholy one, that they had done ail in their power by friendly remonstrances to prevent so formidable a calamity; and such is their position, that they are bound by no secret obligations, treaties, or understandings, but ourse pear to require. (Uheers.) I believe I bave now touched ob most of the important points which have been referred to; I rejoice to find that between the noble ear) and myself, with respect to the present position of aifairs, and with respect to the course which this country ought to parsue ) Far! Gxey said that it was with great pleasure he had heard the speech of the noble Eari, and he cordially cou, curred in every word he said in reference to the foreign He was glad to hear the govern. Ment was determined to maintain the faith of treaties. @ Karl of HaRpwicks was gratified to find that the noble Earl concurred in the necessity of in some way aug. Lord Brovcnam heartily agreed with his noble friend airs in Eu. bere should of the Sardinian kingdom. No one eld rejoice more beartiy than be did at the eat +f & free covetitution in Piedmoat; no one could moro mire the conduct Of those who, in spite of many obsta- jew, maiplaioes that consuitation; and it was with a whi tbe shared with his nobie friend behind, and’ hie noble friend opposite, that he saw this departure row the sound, honorable aud straightforward princ «toch bad heretofore regulated the conduct of the Sar- dinian government. He hoped and trusted that the uni- renal reprolation, or, if that were too strong a term, uni- rerral sorrow whach was feltut their ‘¢ from @ sound ond righteous policy would cause them to think twice, and more than lwice, Lefure Uvy persised wn it. With respect 10 Prayce, M8 whole interest, differing as it did most eg- wcpually trom it poeion forty years ago, when it had ho commerce, no manufactures, no accuroulation of eapi- \#), DO Tallways, BO commercial speculations, either of bome or foreyn trade—the universal opioion of al) clasees and ail purties against any breach of the peace, aud tbe vpitorm good faith of tbe French government, of which we had recenuy had u striking instance in the vase of the African slave trade, all led him to form the st copiident expectation—bope woulu, indeed, be ardly (oo strong @ Word—that op the part of that coun- wy there would be bo attetmpt to join in the Sardinian speculation, a8 it wag called, aod that that speculation would wn out an entire failure. Ia Germany the Jee\lug Was the same. Iu ai) parts of Germany tocre was but one feelpg and ope opinion deprecating any breach of the peace of Europe, and strongly urging the maintaining inviolate te faith of treaties. He did not be lve that the French government had given any engage ment to help Sardinia to extend her territory. The ut moet that they bad done was to give an assurance that i Sardipia were attacked by Austria, of which there was no chance, she should receive assistance from Frauce. A greater calamity could mot be conceived than such @ move- ‘ment as was threatened in Italy, because, louking at the state Y Europe, it was impossible that a war between Sardinia and Austria could lny be confined to Lombardy. Sooner or later it must end ina general Ei war. Such @ calamity a8 that it really frightened one to costempiate, and be beartily joined with his uoble friend who had ad- dressed their lordships in expressing a sanguine hope Ueat no such misfortune would befall us. (Hoar, bear.) ‘Tbe Earl of Caiisux did not rise to prolong the dis- cussion on the subject which had naturally engroased the greater part of the speeches delivered that night. He re- lerred especially to the speeches made by the leaders on each side of the House, full, weighty, and admirabie as they were, and which he trusted would have their effect botoply within those walls, bu: inthe country and through- out bs; or He was most happy to find that those speeches had confirmed his owa strong opinion on the great topic which now interested the public mind, and gave ground for the hope that Eoglaud would be kept to the latest moment—he would fain say forever—from the guilt and madness of wantonly engaging in war. The address in answer to the speech from the throne was then put by the Lord Chancellor, and declared to be carried nemine dissentiente. THE DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. The Lower House met formally at half-past one, but for more than half an hour previously the members had be- gun to assemble, The SreakER announced to the House that he had at tended her Majesty in the House of Peers, where her Ma- Jesty had been pleased to make a most gracious speech from the throne. The right honorable gentleman having reat the speech, which wil! be found ia another colamn, The Sreakgr then put the ‘question, when there wero several cries of “Agreed.” A short pause ensued, and it ecemed as if the address would be adopted without fur- ther ovgervation, but SPEECH OF LORD PALMERSTON, EX-PRIME MINISTER. Lord PALMERSTON roge amidst some merriment, to ad- dress the Honge. He said: Sir, I co not rise for the pur- pose of adding a “no” to the “aye” which has already been expressed. (Hear, hear.) I rise to no amendment, I might indeed, perhaps, if it were not taking a bberty, propose some amendment in the composition of the address; but that would be to trifle with the House upon ap occasion |rke the present. It has seldom, I think, bappened to this House to meet at a moment when greater and more important questions were pending than at the present. We are assemblea with the prospect, accordin; to the general impression, of war on the Continent, whick must, f ittekes place, be productive of great disasters. We are assembled with the announcement that we shall be called upon to enter into solemn deliberation upon im- portant changes in the conetitution of this house. These ure questions of themselves sufficient to engage to the utmost the most anxious attention which the mem- ders of the legislature can bestow upon any subject. Be- fore Lenter upon the topics of the Speech I must express my cordial concurrence in those sentiments of congratu- jation with which tbe honorable member who moved thia Address alluded to the auspicious event which has re- cently taken place in the family of her Majesty. (Cheers.) I am persuaded that there is nota man in this country who will not respond to the sentiments which the honora- bie gentieman has %0 properly and with such good feeling expressed. (Cheers.) When thet illustrious princess quitted shores the jand looked upon her land, and re e may hope to whom she bas lately given birth may live ornament and an advantage to tho cay 4 of and ap honor to the linesge from which bas sprung. (Loud cheers.) a gt male T cannot go so far asthe seconder of the address in saying that the last embers of rebellion have been stamped out, because we are told,even in the speech from the throne, there are till io India armies in the field, yet it is evi that the rebellion is substantially put anend to, and that that which remains to do will be chiefly the pursuit of those fugitive bands who are more marauders than enemies the field. It ts gratifying to know that her Majesty’s ad- visers will turn their attention to those subjects which are eescntial to the permanent tranquillity of India. There is great anxiety in this country to what are the views of her y's ernment as to the principles upon which India 1 be govern- ed. The speech next adverts to the state of our fo- reign relations, and undoubtedly that is one of the most anxious matters to which the atiention of the coun- try can be turned. (Hear. bear.) Judging by what we are told, there is @ probability of @ great European war, beginning by a conilict in Italy between France and Sardi. nia on the one hand, and Ausiria on the other, the object of which will be, I presume, the expulsion of Austria from the frontier of Italy. Now, there are many who think, and I undoubtedly am one of those, that it would be most desirable, with a View not merely to the interests of Italy, but the interests of Austria berseif, that she should hot possess those provinces south of the Alps. (Hear, bear.) Ido not believe that those possessions contribute to Ler strength. I am sure that they piaee ber ina point of view which makes her an object of batred to many, and involves a course of policy from which a wise govern- ment might be desirous to abstain, But we must recollect how it is that she is possession of those provinces. She possesses those provinces by vir- tue of that general treaty of 1815, which is the title-ceed ef many other territories in Europo possessed by other Powerg. That treaty was the great settlement of Europe. It might, perhaps, have been better if many portions of that arrangement bad not been inserted in the treaty—(hear, hear)—and as it now turns out, it would have been better, I think, if ditfereot ar- rapgements had been made for Northern Italy. But we most, in order to judge of that, carry our thoughts back to the state of things at the time when that treaty was made, and the reasons which at the time led the parties concerned to think that the existing arrangements were the best. There were certain claims on the part of Aus- tria founded upon ancient possession. There were other considerations connected possibly with the future defence of that portion of Italy. At ail events, right or wrong, that was an arrangement in which the great Powers of Europe concurred, and they sanctioned it by treaty; and Thumbly submit that no Power ceuld justly violate that treaty by attempting, without reason or cause, to dispossess Austria of that which the treaty gives her. Treaties ought to be respected. If any theoretical preference were to set aside the stipulations in any treaty all the affairs of Europe id bg at sea, and it would be impossible to tell the con- clusion ( which such a principle would lead. (Cheers. ‘The beginning of a war is not a light thing. (Hear, pg It ts easy to begin it; it is impossible to say what will be its limits. War between two such great Powers ag Aus- tria and France may begin about the possession of Lom- bardy, but to say who might ultimately be involved in tbat contest, is beyond the sagacity of man. (Cheers. Those, therefore, who would engage on or commence suc! « war, should ee the responsibility which attaches to public men. commence such a war would be to in- volve Europe in calamities which it would be difficult to describe, for @ cause which, however in the abstract de- sirable, would by no means justify such a war. But in saying this I must aiso say that although Austria stands upon the firm ground of right with regard to those pro- vinee ich abe holds by virtue of a treaty to which all the Powers of Europe are parties, she does not stand upon the same ground of right when she goes beyond the limits to which that treaty refers—(cheers)—and that the occu- Pation of the other portions of Italy not belonging to her is not justified by any treaty right which Austria possesses. r should hope that, although there will be no war—I trust there will be none—I should hope that these subjects having been taken into consideration by the different govern- Mente of Furope, arrangements would be made for the cessation of that ex onal state of things which now '$ by the occupation of the Papal States by Austrian troops on (ue one band, and by French troops on the other, (Cheers) That is a state of things which hag continued long ebough. It is a departure from the ordi- vary state of things. Tt is not a violation, undoabtely, of any treaty, but it 18 sanctioned by notreaty, It is said, as a justification of this, that if these troops in occupation were withdrawn revolution would break out in the Roman and Neapolitan States, But I would suggest that there ia & better remedy for that than foreign occu suggest a reform of those abuses wi (bear, bear)—and let those governments but adopt the advice given them so long ago as 1882, by the five great Powers of Europe—let them reform their system, let them put ap end to tyrannical abuses which oppress and exasperate the peopls, and then there will be no revolu- tion—then the occupation might cease, and the internal tranquillity of the country would be no longer en- dapgered. (Cheers.) But if those governments will not put an end to that system they must abide Dy the conse. quences, Therefore, air, I unite with all men of reasona- ble m in deprecating that war of which rumors havo spread far and wide, and express the hope that the saga. city of rulers and the good seuse of nations will tend to preserve the peace of Europe. (Cheers.) I am glad to hear that the arrangement of those whieh of Inte bave got a new name—(a langb)—which we used to cali the Danubian provinces, but wi we now call the Rouman provinces—is going on satisfactorily; and I hope that the new name they have obtained will not give rise to new ideas at variance with the interests to protect which. was the object of tho new organization, We are inform. ed that a treaty of commerce bas been concluded ‘with Russia, which bas re-established those friendly relationg which had been disturbed by the late war, I heartity re.