The New York Herald Newspaper, January 17, 1859, Page 2

2 Court of Paris of the 2ist inst., and that his Maj has remitted to M. Douniol, responsible editor of the rondent, the penalty of’ imprisonment pronounced im by ‘the sentence of the 24th of November. As as Tcan Learn, ‘all parties look upon this as wise and prudent on the part’ of the Emperor, and caloulated to qualify as much as possible the great impolicy of the prose- cution. M. Montalembert bimself was to be seen yester at Galignani’s, tossing over the German papers, which he reads with perfect ease. He was, of course, the ‘observed ‘of all observers,” if ever that much hackneyed phrase was applicable. ' I know no man whose presence corres- ponds more with his antecedents than that of this now famous Frenchman. forehead, broad and highly in- tellectual, his dark full eye full of eoul, and the large nos- tri} and ample mouth, indicate an uumistakeable generosi- ty of character, which, in every phase of his eventful ca- reer, bas manifested itself. T suspect no man in France be- lieves Montalembert capable of being a leader. No matter what the king, the government, the postion of aitaira, Montalembert has never been satisfied; his mind 1s fall some -y ideal, st be om seecrous Lk ing spirit imagines le. Alas! r poor human na- ture; perversity and corruption ele deli bi nampgl oe its brow, though the lofty vision of & mind Christianized in a rare degree, cannot stoop to observe it. Montalembert ‘would fall under the great Nayoleon’s stigma of an idea»- logist; and of this the present Napoleon fully avails himself. ‘This is the season when strangers really desirous of wit- neasing what is characteristic in Paris should visit it. Civilized people have a sad tendency to come out of the crucible very much like one another. The more Ameri- cans, Englishmen and Frenchmen coalesce, the less will he the distinction between them. But at this season thero is a throwing up of grounds, of lees, of a stratum of society, which does not ordinarily see the light of the country’s luminary, and which rushes into the beau monde much to the infinite astonishment and amusement of perbaps either party. For the nonce it shapes itself into the form of a new shopocracy, which takes possession, for eight days, of the grandest trading throughfare to be seen in an: capital of the world. The more aristocratic habitwés, wil their plate glass windows, their enamelled furniture, their drawers, doors, counters, chairs en bois sculplé; their walls hung with resplendent mirrors, their floors iniaid and tessellated—till the customer almost feels an apology re- quired for intruding the sole of his foot upon them— give way to a ecreen extending for miles along their frontage, of little boarded huts, exbibiting a fagon peculiarly its own, and having principally but one object taste of la jeune France—pas encore dorte; that is, not yet ont of petticoats, The very dress of the marchands, the manner in which their wares are dis] , a8 well as the novelty and peculiarity of what they have to sell, isa study. There is the high cap ‘of Normandy, the strange kirtle and lappets of La Vendée. the semi-Moorish aspect from Marseilles; but chief of all there is the curious mélange which issues from the back- slums of the faubourg St. Antoine, which, while it re- tains something of the original pays of the wearer, bas yet caught considerable new lights from the capital of its adoption. Oh, what a sight it is to see the frontage of that mel of, deal boards extending from the graceful pil- lars of La Madeleine to that which commemorates the destruction of the Bastile at the grand Place of St. Antoine. ‘Those good eight miles it reaches, and all the wonders of Aladdin’s lamp are common things compared with what is there given to view. The spinning and buzzing manni- kins whirling by @ species of battledore machinery, per- fectly fearful to behold; balloons of every shape, human and bestial; optical instruments perfectly necromantic, me- chanical aud scientific, ditto demonstrative of juvenile mathematics; dolls, flddies, balls, guns, drums, mirrors, oranges by the million, and sweetmeats by the million. ‘Then the tooting. Good God! what voices, A man rigs up a lamp, superposes the cotton wick, snutls it, takes it off again, again replaces it, and discourses a sweet eloquence never ending, never tiring, which is perfectly stunning. Another fellow takes a steel pen, flourishes over a ream Of foolscap, makes swan, geese,’ mice, eagles, and heaven only knows what besides, while his tongue keeps one incessant beat, the sound of which is only so faf intelligible as making known to all past, present and to come that it it is the pen that does itand not he. In fact, the regular shops, those harm rye of the great, are obliged to hide their diminished heads. They retire from the strug- gle, not altogether gracetully, for still their gas burners proposition was agaia submitted to Mr. Everett, Bter’s successor; and when declining to sign it Mr. Everett abstained from , a8 his predecessor had done, against avy intention of annexation. On the contrary, lared that the United States, occupying towards Cul terestsin the ho dec! aspecial position, which gave them Caban quetio da could not bind thomsc chances of a war which seems unavoidable, ipally if the principles of the Ostend manifesto s! prevail in the nm tions for the purchase of Cuba? Let us ho; that, for the interest of all, the question will at least America, which can Take from England the gold of California and the cotton of Louisiaua, caer industry will at once be stopped in its prosperous action. We sincerely hope that such a terrible occurrence will not take place. FRENCH VIEW’S OF THE PRESIDENT'S MES- SAGE, OPINIONS OF THE PARIS PRESS—THE PRESIDENTS FOREIGN POLICY—ACQUISITION OF GUBA—AT- TACKS ON NEW YORK, ETC., RTO. La Patrie of December 23, after charging home upon the Presidents of the United States the invariable habit of getting up an outside breeze—a quarrel with some other nation—when their own ay, was on the decline, comes to the subject of Cuba andsays:— Civilized people have, up to the present time, believed that each had aright to possess his own property, and that to take the property of another was a robbery.” Mr. Buchanan shows them their error. In the special code of the United States every pergon has a right to take what suits him, and you are only proprietor so long as your property does not suit a more powerful neighbor. Europe imagines that Spain has some claims upon Cuba. ‘It was there that the first European put his feot on Ameri- can soil, and it was the Spanish flag which was first un- furled over the cross of Christ on that then unknown island. The laws, the inhabitants, the age, the man- ners, are all Spanish in Cuba. Nevertheless, Cuba is American property unjustly detained by Cuba is desirable for the United States; she is a near neighbor and commands the mouth of the Mississippi; she is constantly frequented by American merchants and tourists; she may become a couple of very prosperous slaye States; there- fore Spain bas no right to keep it. Mr. Buchanan certainly offers a pecuniary recompense, but should Spain believe that she was mistress, keep her ‘dune ts and refuse any Propositions of Fogger ‘the United States would take possession of Cuba “in the name of the imperative and overruling law of self preservation.”’ Here there is a new principle introduced in interna- tional law—it is the appro mm to suit American utility. No nation is proprietor either of its colonies or ite own ter- ritory,only in 80 far as the United States do not require it. take Cuba from Spain because she commands the mouth of the Mississippi is the commencement; subse- quently it will not be difficult to find reasons for taking Jamaica from England, Martinique from France, and St. Thomas from Denmark. Such doctrines cannot be discussed; it is¢ufficient to reflect their brilliant rays on all the wealth of Ind— cashmere shawls, jewelry, chains of gold and damask silk, exquisite works of art, manipulations of saccharine matier only too beautiful to destroy—but not a look is be- stowed upon them. The black moving tide of that flows along the broad causeway between them and their hotied rivals turns its face but one way—that is, its back to them. London is seer represented just now. Paris is full of cockneydom, ani it and loudly expressed is the as- tonishment of our slo-Saxon brethren. In the match between Mr. Morphy and M. Anderssen, the American and French combatants in the noble game of chess, which, it will be remembered, was to be decided by the first winner of seven games being declared the victor, Mr. Morphy, of the United States, has triamphantl carried off the palm. The final score was—Mr. Morphy 7; ‘M. Anderssen, 2. Let it be said that never did this noble hey agreed, verbally, to, ploy, scoording to the ordinary ey agreed, verbally, to play, ing to the o1 rules, until ‘one or the other’ was victor of the seven games: ‘and after five minutes conversation down they sat. it was thus their great exemplars, Labourdonnais and Macdonnell, were accustomed to enter on the brilliant e1 counter, and it was only in England that this grand prine ple was de from. For the match between Mr. - ton and St. Arnaud the preliminaries were endlcss. At the conclusion of this great struggle it is meet to say ‘that all were satisfied—those who supported Mr. Morph: by the gallant manner in which he acquitted himself throughout, and the backers of M. Anderssen by the joyal conduct which never forsook him for an instant under defeat. This last gentleman is professor of mathe- matics at the Colloge of Breslau, and after his flying visit — ho eg eg to his post. ao te midst suffering days of the }, the fol- lowing lottery addreased to, the geucral otters unt: te, feots of the French colonies, makes an acknowlodgerous of its usefulness. It is curious,as coming from the cousin of its arch enemy, Napoleon the Third:— Being desirous of o regular information on the state of public feeling, and on the intellectual movement of the population of m Covet bios al bas spSSarea” wh Your eve ay in you Jurisdiction since the Ist of July Inst, and you will continue for the future to pursue the same course uniil you receive orders fo the contrary, If, amongst the books and pamphlets pub- lished anteriorly to the Ist of July, there should happen to be any worthy of pardcular attention, T request you, sir, to send it to me with explanatory note. NAPOLEON (Jerome). , After this French journalists may, perhaps, hug them- selves, and sing a Christmas song of “a good time coming, boys!” AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN EUROPE. ‘The President's Message in English, Russian and French Points of View—The Visit to the Washington and the Right of Search— The Finanelal Condition of the United States, RUSSIAN VIEWS ON a PRESIDENT’S MES- SAGE. [Translated from Le Nord, Dec, 26, for the New Yonx ERALD. The Message of the President of the United States, as we bave already stated, presents an importance and an interest quite extraordinary. It must tirst be acknow- ledged that that government communication possesees the merit of frankness. Mr. Bachanan exposes, without am- Diguity and without restrictions, the political situation of the Union, and the principles which he proposes to put into practice in the intercourse between the administra- tion and foreign governments. All the questions rela- tive to the interior policy and to international relations are treated In a clear, complete and deciied manner. In that point of view, one may consider the Message of Mr. Buchanan as an official proclamation of a new ora in the political history of the United States—as the notifica- tion of a new political line—the avowed aim of which will be the reconstruction of political equilibrium on the Ame- rican continent. As to Mexico, Central America and Cuba, that equilibrium will bave for its basis the principles put forward In the famous (stend manifesto formulated in the symbolical doctrines of President Monroe. In 1823 Mr. Monroe considered the acquisition of Cuba ag a governmental necessity for the United States, and, at that time, Mr. Adams, the Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Nelson, the United States Minister in Madrid, to invite him to propose to Spain the purchase of that island. In 1620 Mr Van Buren made the same sugges- tion. It was reviewed by Mr. Webster in 1843, and by Mr. Buckapan in 1848. The President said then, that ‘he would willingly stipulate a hundred millions of dollars as the price for the ecssion of Cuba;”’ and he added, *‘that that was the highest amount that the American govern ment would pay.’* In 1851 Lopez left America at the head of an expedi- tion which made in the Island of Caba the disastrous descent by which he lost his life. $0, at all times, either af a government or as private citizens, the Americans have entertained the dream of annexing to their republic the Gem of the Antillas. In June, 1854, the Ministers of the United States in Madrid, in London and in Paris met at Ostend, and agreed upon the basis of @ manifesto, in which the Cuba question was treated in a still more peremptory manner than in the Presidential Message:— After we sball have offered Spain a price for Cuba far be- yond Its present value, and this shail bave been refused, it will ihen be time to cousider the question—Does Cuba, in the pos- session of Spain, seriously endanger our internal peace and the existence of our cherished Union? Should this question be ‘answered in the ailirmative, then, by every law, human and divine, we shall {be justified in wresting it from Spain if we Towsess the power; and this, npon the very same principle thet would justify an individual io tearing down the burnin, house of his neighbor if there were no other means of prevent ing the flames from destroying his own home. It is im these dispositions, and with such antecedents, that the dent expressly recommends the acquisition of Cuba (o Congress, and speaks with a certain coniidence of the result which be expects from the negotiations to be eutered upon by the newly appointed American Minister in Madrid. Tie question is recommended “to the most attentive men in Confress,”’ and will undoubtedly be the pes or the political discussions in the present ses- ion, ‘we thing that in the United States the ques- tion can but receive an allirmative solution. But those views of the American Cabinet upon Central America, joer and — will not fail to give rise to diplomatic complaints, the developement of which is full of warlike threats. ‘The evident aim of 4 States is to establish for remary in the New World: 40 untinpeachable political » Which bas soon take place, will insure to the United “tates the eerie Pacific Ocean, where emporiums of commerci; activit able to rival thogo of the Atlantic, will soon be creagy’ The free transit of the Isthmus will hasten the deve lopement of that new empire, of which Cuba and Contra America will be the two atrategical points. But for along time the Earopean cabinets have, in no leas positive a manner, manifested their opposition to the schemes and tendencies of the Amerivans, Thus, in April, 1862, ¢00n after the coup de main of Lopez, Lord Malmes bury and M, de Turgot sent, in the name of England and France, a tri ite treaty to Washington, In that treaty England and Franco officially disavowed ail intention of an nexation of Cuba, and pledged themselves to contend against ‘all schomee or attempts of that kind which might be made either by governments or private citizens. eo United Fates were invited to become themselves a party to that piedge; and upon the reception. of that pote Mr, Webster, the Scoretary of State, eu expose them. Europe would do wrong however to despise them. United States are not yet pre- pared to harmonise their “acts with their princi- les, but it is the absence of power only that finders. Their government endeavors, under the pro- tection of Europe's indifference, to apply to their feeble neighbors the political theories that they will turn ano- ther day against more powerful nations. There is danger for civilization in a great people being stimulated by sycophants into the belief that their interests are the su- preme law of humanity, and that they may with impuni- ty trample under their feet the laws of morality and a of justice. It is proper that the Old World should make her energetic protestations heard against doctrines that are false and an insult to Christiani- Ra it is becoming that a cry of universal reprobation iid warn the American nation that her flatterers lead her insensibly towards barbarism, and will terminate by putting her in the ban of civilized people. le },, of Dec. 24th, pases in rapid review that por- tion of the President’s message which refers to the inter- nal condition of the States, and dwells at length on its ite peructiarly in the of his foreign poli is ei icy that MF; Buchanan has given measure of his ideas and the he profeases. Ta bepreamtone onal sently agitated and not yet concluded, the President of the ‘Union interferes, armed with the errors of Monroe, UP, without giving a better foundation, the. r af the goverwancat at von ayAluse the Cabinet of Madrid. The reader knows the nature of these complaints: insult to the national flag, abuse of the property or the person of American citizens by the autho- rities of Cuba. Such isthe programme adopted in this affair as it was for that of Mexico, or that of the ‘‘Central’’ States. The American, as a general thing, ia maturing in imagination. From this proceeded reciamat against the Spanish government, and diplomatic discussion tor several years. At last and above all, the Cuban reciamations, so called, led to the demand of the Washington Cabinet for $128,000 indemnity. The Spanish government baving recognized that in fact some American veasels had to submit to an illegal impost, estimated the indemnity at the sum of 43,000, which appears very reasonable when the conti- nual exaggerated pretensions of the United States is taken into consideration. od * 4 . Charging the President with exaggerating the claims of the United States upon Mexico and the States of Centra! America, the writer continves:—He wishes Cuba, Mexico, the provinces of Central America, with a copeten ad the transit over the isthmus of Panama. These are con- quests, perfectly calculated to distinguish and to proloug apresidency. But for such high ambitions little morsela arc not despised, and here the message gives us to undet stand, little by little, that there exists all all along the Mexican frontier a little State named Arizona, constantly troubled by a thousand internal dissensions and exposed to the continual attacks of the savage Indians. Now, and very naturaliy, it is but right to accord to the population of Arizona, composed of 10,000 at most, this famous and very kind protectorate that is now sought to be extended to otber regions. This ig the diatinct counsel of Mr. Buchanan that hastens to give to Congress, and be dovbts not that the governments and the of Chihuahua and of Sonora will see with a friendly eye ® manifestation which will have besides the effect of pro. woting legally the Mexican subjects that inhabit the fron- er. The motives given by Mr. Buchanan to justify this coun- sel are too curious for us to let them pass into the shade. It appears that in Arizona murders are committed tho greater part of the time, which go unpunished, the govern- nent is powerless and justice without regular administra- tion. In the streets of the capital aseassinations have been committed without the assaasins being arrested or judged; merchants make fraudulent failures, and the law is pow- erless against them: and there they practice all sorts of religious immoralities. Certainly this is an afflicting picture, and, in truth, Ari- zona stands much in need of the protection of the govern- ment of Washington. Bat does Mr. Buchanan know not ‘that there are also in America other States much more important, that play their part in the affaira of the world, whose pretensions are without Jimit, and who share as much as Arizona the inconveniences to which he draws attention; and would he think it quite proper that some great European Power should publish the pretension of protecting them on the same grounds and in the same fashion that he himself wishes to Arizona? Does Mr. Buchanan forget that there is one city, among others, the largest, the most civilized, the greatest in com- merce in all America, where merchants and bankers be- come bankropts under circumstances fraudulent in the highest degree, where assasinations are committed in the public streets, in daylight, without the assassins being pursued and ‘punished; where idolatry the most absurd, manners the most disgusting, exist and devolope themselves, under the protection of a’ pretended erty. which is nothing else than extravagant licence? Does he ignore the existence of the society of free lovers, which, it Must be admitted, casts the Mormons in the shade? The motives, long announced, for the intervention in Mexican affairs are of the same order and are as well founded. Mexico has been in a state of revolution from the time that she acquired ker independence. The leaders who have succeeded have fabricated ran money constitutions that were destroyed ag soon as proclaimed. No one has been able toafford to resident foreigners, any more than conid be afforded to the inhabitants, an effec- tual protection, and civil war crowns today a succession of disasters without number. There, likewise, Mr. Buchanan has hie reclamations to present—righte to demand. Finally, the last forced joan taken by Zuloaga from the foreign merchanta has come into furnish the government of the United States with an ex- cellent pretext, which i now used, a2 has been shown, to roduce pretensions the more absurd in this affair, as ‘ance and England are interested on the same grounds as much as the United States, and it is quite nataral to conclude that nothing can au(horise Mr. Buchanan to take any particular course outside of the common action of these two Powers We will stop and terminate there reflections too extended. ‘The policy of Mr, Buchanan may be summed up in a few words:— Absence of morality. Impracticable ambition, Fgotistical tendencies. If to these qualities we add the constant nourishment of self-esteem; the thirat of popularity which deciines with out ever having much ‘existed; ‘a haughtiness of language, the more inconsistent as bd hoe exists to justify it, and a duplicity forever condemnable, we will have afaith ful picture, believe it, of the character of the policy in spired by American ideas and directed by Mr. Bu La Gazette de France of the 24th eays:— ‘The Constitutionnel hopes that the programme of Mr. Buchanan will not be accepted by Congress, and that resontatives of the citizens of the republic of the 4 States will repudiate ite principles. That is eer tainly deceiving oneself on the character of that people, the tendencies of their sentiments and their political morality. We have to-day the fruits of Protestantism already | chanan. ‘and egotism erected into political The youngest | brother of Jon Hull shows himself worthy of the head of the family. We are convinced—we, who have never decely | Sdourselves on thefuture of the United States—that, if the representatives blame Mr. Buchanan, it will be for not going far emough in the application of his theory of ra- ine. Pte present state of things shows very clearly what have been the covsequences to this of the worli— the losg of our colonies av’ the celine of our marine saps Did we occupy the maritime rat lah, destiny tous, our influenve woulc certainly have cour ee hay if not surpassod, that of England, and we would not have seen the message of a Buchanan men. tion in two lines of hackneyed compliments the existence of France. This incident in general politics leads to se- rious thoughts on the consequences that might occur at any moment on a more jntim to alliance between . land and the United States. What part would France play? It is clear, whether we regard our influence abroad Or examine the interests at stake of our commerce, we are forced to conclude that the extension of our colonial 18 forever a necessity. Constitutionnel of the 22d December devotes a largo Space in its columns toa review of the President's Mes- sage. In its introductory the writer assumes that a mes. sage 1s little else than a justification of blunders, or beat- ing up for recruits to assist in some contemplated peace) is licy to prop dec!‘ning power. Launching out wit Kica his mind, the writer continues:— It is doubtless to gather around him the sym the less intelligent portion of the American it is to regain the popular favor that be acquired from the Os- tend Manifesto, that Mr. Buchanan has undertaken to recapitulate with so much care and to ¢: erate the complaints even of the Union against Spain and the feoble States of Central America. He had courageously fulmi- nated against the filibusters’and their enterprises; he had loudly stigmatized as barbarism and unworthy of the reat omits these irregular means of aggrandisemont. je had, nevertheless, not renounced the extension of the United States government over Moxico, over the Isthmus of Panama, andover Cuba. He knew that an honest di- -y would have no difficulty in discovering pretexts for legitimate aggressicu, aud it is for the purpose les of of comforting anew, or manner, the friends of the filibusters, the partizans of the doctrmes of Mon and the admirers of roe, the Ostend Manifesto, that Mr. Buchanan launches out with 50 little prudence ip this \'gorous attack against Spain, Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, New Granada and Paraguay. ‘The writer, passing ca to Spain, agree | oting Spain, and particularly the subject of Cuba, the Message i8 so Clear that commenting is superfluous. ‘The island of Cuba ought to belong to the United States, because it com- mands the mouth of the Mississippi, because its com- merce with America augments every year, because it is the only market still open for the importatiou of slaves. The American Union is obliged to maintain, at great expense, a naval force to capture the negroes en route for Guba. do this alone there ts thousand opportunities of making contention with England; and finally, it 1s the fault of Cuba that the shores of Africa are closed against civilization. It is therefore in the interest of universal peace, and particularly the pence of the United States with Bpain, in the interest of commierce, of humanity, and of Givilization, that Cuba should pass into the hands of the republic, Mr. Buchanan demands of Spain to sell him this fine possession, and of Congress to vote the sum which ought to be paid at the moment the bargain is con- cluded and signed. But can this purchase be made? Can it be believed that Spain will accept? Such is the programme of foreign policy traced in the Message of Mr. Buchanan. Will the adbesion of Congress be obtained? Will it be sustained by the country? We have not the preteusion to prophecy. It is certain that it has been from the first day the object of lively criticism on the of a good number of the journals of New York and Washington. In the interest even of the re- public, it appears to us that she ought not to yield to the speculati: uggestions of Mr. Buchanan, and adopt this system indefinite extension that is condemned by the most intelligent minds. We are only indirectly interest- ed in the American icy of the United States, with whom the relations of France continue ‘‘to ve of the inost amicable character,’’ as the Mestago affirms, But we be- lieve that there are for them more perils than advan! in the application of the doctrines that are sustained by HSuckanan. ‘That is the reason why, until we have tothe contrary, we prefer to see in the present | el the expression of an individual thought, rather than a manifesto unanimously approved of as a national policy. ENGLISH VIEWS Oran PRESIDENS'S MES- THE PURCHASE OF CUBA—MR. BUCHANAN’S FINAN: CIAL STATEMENT AND PROSPECTS—THE REVENUS AND TARIFF OF THE UNITED STATES. the London Chronicle (moderate conservative), Dec. 27. Words, it has been said, aro’ given to man to conceal his thoughts; but the President of the United States has ignored the dictum of Talleyrand. With true republican plainness, and in words that cannot be mistaken, hean- nounces in his Message to Congress the yearnings of Amo- rican ambition towards the richest of the colonies of Spain. “Forewarned ig forearmed,” and will now know distinctly whatshe has to expect in this quarter. Deprived Jong since of its territories in the Low Countrics and in Italy, the empire of the great Charles has become a third rate Power in Europe. Shorn ignominiously at the com- mencement of the present century of its wide and magnifi- cent States on the Western continent, the country of Cortez and Pizarro batt longer a footing on the | mainland of America. stil numbers among the jewels of its crown the Queen of the Antilles, and cherishes in the soil of the first born of Columbus the ashes of the great Genoese. The magnificent port of the Havana, where a thousand ships, it is gaid, could ride at anchor, still proudly ‘the catrance to the Gulf of Mexico, and looks defiant on its intrusive neighbor, me iba, oe - Mr Buchanan he its dhical 7” urges Mr. » ‘trom its geograp! ‘ion, commands the mouths of the Mississipi, and its immense and annually increasing trade, forcigu and coast- wise, from the valley of that river, the Union. hal the sovereign States of EU, Power this trade, of vital importance to the States, is exposed to the danger of being destroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time of peace. Our relations with in, which ought to be of ‘the most friendly character must always be placed in jeop- ardy while the existing colonial government over the island shall remain in its present condition.” This plea reminds us of the old fable of the wolf and the lam). Because the Jamb is drinking at the stream near him the wolf dis. covers that it is polluted, and with this apology satisfies his conscience in an attack which he is determined to mske upon the weaker animal. When we wish very much for anything there are two ways of getting it; we may take it or we may buy it. The former mode, though lawless, has been always held most in honor amonget martial and ambitious nations. The wrongful spoil remains with the stronger, and history and will at length ratify the unequal contract. But another method of acquisition has been invented and largely re- sorted to by the Americans—it is the system of purchase. ‘We confess that to us this modern system appears by far the meaner of the two. It is a matter of taste; we prefer the good old plan of conquest by force of arms. But to the States, with an army of some 18,000 men, which ig scantily sufficient for the protection of their present territory, and with s fleet which is as nothing in compari- son with the navies of Europe, this simple method is im- ssible eo long as it is known that the great maritime ‘owers are determined in their objection to any such law- Jess aggression. ‘The Americans, therefore, fall upon the plan of purchase, and make use alternately of the” moral screw of suasion, and that of threatening to lower the value in the market of the coveted prize. “Jt bas been made known to the world by my predeces- sors,” says the President, “that the United States have, on several oceasions, endeavored to acquire Cuba from Spain by honorable negotiation. We would not, if wo could, acquire Cuba in any other manner, ‘This is due to our national character. All the territory which we have acquired since the origin of th ernment has been by fair purchase from France, » and Mexico (!) or by the free and voluntary act of the inde- pendent State of Texas, in blending her destinies with our own, This course we shall ever ees unless circum- stances should occur which we ‘not now anticipate, rendering a departure from it clearly justifiable under the imperative and over ruling law of self-preservation.’’ The Jast sentence ing a distinct threat of the most un- scrupulous kind. Is this doctrine of gelf- ion to ‘be carried out in other cases? If 20, it is time that all the Powers should know—England especially—that the American Union is prepared to seize by force on the rich possessions which border on its country, unless their rightful owners can be cajoled into parting with them for money. The provinces of Canada ab- sorb a great portion of the lucrative trade of the lakee—the river St. Lawrence is a natural mode of atu ingress for American sbipping—the gold fields of Colum: bia are temptingly near to Oregon, and attract the enter- prize of California—the island of Jamaica may be 4 ous and obnoxious, a8 holding Cuba in check, when Cuba is Amorican—the Manages colonial government of our colonies in the Western Indies would bea standing cause of jeopardy to the friendly relations between England and the American States. Once allow this di princi: ple, and there is no limit to its possible poltcations Ou cumstances would be always occurring which would ren- der an aggression justifiable “under the imperative and overruling law of self-preservation.”” It is, further, wn- true that the value of Cuba to Spain is ively unimportant. As a source of large income, and an outlet to Spanigh enterprise, which else would be pent up forever between the Pyrenees and the Bay of Bacay, it is by no means to he despised, We have already taken note of the argument that the possession of Cuba by America would put an end fto the African slave trade. “There are other and simpler ways of doing this, of which the simplest would be the peremp- tory enforcement by the British government of our ex- isting treaties with Spain. And any advantage to be ‘ained in this particular would be more than counter- lance’ by the additional weight that would be derived from slaveholding Cuba by the tottering and failing parts which is bent on perpetuating the scandal of the de elavery of the South. The acquisition of Cuba by the Americans, who make no attempt at ‘he concealment of their hopes to that effect, would be the greatest and most fatal misfortune that could happen to tue miserable Afri- can. In fine, we wonld advise the Americans to rein In their ambition for (he present, as its gratification is impossible, to wait for what time may bring forth, and direct their overflowing energies i some nobler and moro practicable channel. We entreat them to belicve that in what we have taken occaton to say on the subject, so important and interesting to us, of their country and ‘its rulers, wo have been actuated by no feeling bit ono of friendahip. Our rewarks have been suggested by no spirit of bitter: none or hostility, but in all ‘truth and sincerity, What cause of jealousy can there be betwoen us and them? We wish them good, and not evil. To these men, our brothers—men of the same Diood, the same faith, the same traditions, the same hope with ourselves—we ‘at this holy season the me of good will. Not by the broken wire which the rude Atlantic is torsing im. its Ftormy deeps; but, as we torn our faces westward, we breathe fervently over ite mountain waves our solemp Christroas greeting— Gloria Deo in excelsis, o in terra pax bominibus bona voluntatis!’" From the London News, Jan, 1.) The statement in the President's Meseage,that the reve- nue of the United States wos considerably less than the expenniture in the year ended last Juno, and that it will be considerably lees than the expenditure in the year end- ing next Sune, attracts attention, gnd give: great interest to the finape'r! condition of the federal Union. The reve- nue and expenditure since 1850, inclusive, was in millions as follows: Years ended. Revenue. ‘Fapenditure. June BO, 1850... «848,800,000 $43,000,000 CO 86T ajR00 000 48,000,000 NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 17, 185 Tune 80, 1852. ” 1868 « “ 48,000,000 48,500,000 « Frem these rapidly increased, and almost doubled in eight years; while the revenue, far from following @ similar, progres. sion, has jumped about between 43.3 and 73.9, and was’ actually fess in 1858 than it had been in any one of the seven previous years. Oae year the treasury was full to overflowing, and another it had to be replenished by a loun—a most unsatistactory condition, the consequence of the government aay bo | too exclusively on customs duties for its supplies. In 1858 the expenditure was appropriated ns follows, which we contrast with a somewhat diflerent and imperfect account for 1860:— Expenditure. 1858. 1860. Servicee—Civil, foreign inter- course and miscellan 14,800,000 Interior... .... 3,400,000 r Department, : : Mays 2 13/900/000 —_-9;900,000 Public debt—Redemption Treasury notes..........++++» 9,600,000 7,400,000 The whole expenditure increased, therefore, in the in- terval, very nearly 90 per cont; the expenditure for civil services—foreign and domestic intercourse—increased 80 per cent; the expenditure for war, putting the army and Bavy together, increased 90 per cent. interval the population of the States may be estimated to have in- creased 30 per cent; and the expenditure bas consequently increased three times as fast as the population. Amongst the items of expenditure, the civil service increased between 1850 and 1856—we have not the details for 1858—from $3,400,000 to $5,900,000. The Foreign In- tercourse decreaged in the same time from $4,800,000 to $8,600,000. The Miscellancous Expenditure increased from $6,900,000 to $15,700,000. Amongst the items of miscellaneous expenditure we must notice that the ex- pense of collecting the customs revenue increased, between 1850 and 1856, from $157,000 to $2,849,000, and the deficiency of ‘the Post Office revenue, ‘in 1866, €2,204,000, was charged to this head.’ A great art of the sum expended under the head ‘“Miscel- lancous”’ is employed by the government in fulfilment of those duties—such as surveying the coasts, maki geological explorations, providing public buildings ant promoting the cultivation of art—which by some aro coneidered to be the best parts of the duties of govern- ment, and by others as beyond the sphere of its legiti- mate functions. Greates the increase of expenditure has been, it Is similar to what has taken place under most of the govern- ments of Europe; and its total in this last year, the great- est amount it bas yet reached, 81.5 million dollars (say £17,000,600), which includes the charge for the debt, is a small gum, considering the vast territory of | the United States, and the famount of the population as com- pared to the expenditure of the great monarchies of Europe. Not many months ago the expenditure was repre- sented by an opponent of the States at £22,000,000, and the small amount of their debt, now about £11,000,000, was carefully kept out of view.’ At the game time it is plain that the government of the States is infected with the terrible disease which has wasted and destroyed many of the monarchies of Europe, and is dangerous to them all. In 1858, to mect the expenditure, the government had a large balance in the treasury—$17 ,700,000—and borrowed $23,600,000. On the current year, ending June 30, 1859, it has already borrowed $10,000,000, and is authorized to borrow $10,000,000 more, besides issuing Treasury notes for $1, . The Secretary of the Treasury estimates the ordinary revenue for the current year at $52,290,000, taking the customs at only $40,400,000, but making, with the balance from 1868, $6,800,000; and the loans, the total means of the Treasury, for 1859, $81,100,000, ‘The ex- penditure is caloutated at_$74,000,0000 ‘or $7,100,000 leas than in 1858, the government bots § set an pe of the economy which the President has recommended the Congress and every person connected with the State to adopt as their rule of conduct. Thus the expenses of the current year are provided for, and a balance of $7,000,000 is expected to be in the treasury at its close. ‘Congress, however, must now provide for 1860. The Secretary of the Treasury, baving confidence in the ener- gies of the people, and believing that a “reaction in the trade and business of the country commenced, an that it is gradually returning toa Prosperous condition,”” assumes that the customs duties will rise to $50,000,000 in 1860, the land revenue to $5,000,000, and the miscellaneous revenue to $1,000,000, making the means of the treasury, with the balance of $7,000,000 for the yeur, $60,000,000. The estimated operas of the year is $73,000,000, leaving a deficiency of $4,000,000. A sum of $8,900,000 will also be required to make up the deficiency of the Post Office revenue, 80 that increased means to the extent of $7,900,000 must be provided to make the revenue barely equal to the expenditure. The President wisely sets his face against increaging the public debt, in order to provide for the ex- traordinary expenses of the government; aud scoordingly he proposes that the deficiency for 1860 shall be met by an alteration in the rates of customs duties. At present there are a few im |, Buch as tea, burnt eB, charts, dyewoods, flax, &c., which are free; but ail articles not’ expressly denominated free, and not otherwiee provided for, are subjected to anad valorem care 15 per cent. The bulk of the commodities im- ported, however, is placed in schedules, and subject to rates of duties varying from 4 per cont to 8, 15, 19, 30 per cent. Mr. Cobb, the to the Treasury, proposes that the first five of these shall be raised ro- ctively to 5, 10, 15, 20 and 25 per cent, thus restoring the di gap omega from which he docs not approve of. les thus raising the rates, by which he expects to increase the customs reyenuo $1,800,000, he proposes to select certain articles not yet named, and transter them from lower to higher duty schedules. We are not yet in possession of information to.describo this of his . or to judge of its effects; but we can have no het tation % Cana jog, from the great vacillations we have recorded in the customs revenue, that it is unwise in the government to trust al- most exclusively to it for revenue, and now, in spite of ex, | aeigsteed to enhance the rates. ¢ President prefers specific to ad valorem duties, bat the Secretary, in his report, combats at much length the objections to ad valorem duties, and they are to be con- tinued: Very correctly, he says that ‘the early legislation ‘of the States, like the old legisla. tion of Europe, contemplated the fostering of native industry in order. o make the country inde- Pendent; that no tariff strictly for revenue had ever yet been enacted;” and, therefore, the American go- Yernment proposes to continue a tariff for protection. No dovt the articles to be subjected to higher duties will be selected with a view to give relief to certain interests now “unusually de d.’’ The interests already pro- tected and reduced to distress will be further protected, ensuring the continuance of their distress. To enter at the end of an article into an argument against the system of protection, which has by modern experience been so completely overturned that it seems like fatuity to continue and extend it, would be unseemly. We shall only gay, in Mr. Cobb's Ianguago, that “when the government taxes articles which are made in the coun- try, the consumer pays a tax not only on the quantity im- ported, but on the quantity made at home; and this tax 80 far goes, not into the treasury, but to the manufacturer. Such a tax ia extremely burdensome and grossly un- equal. The home producer is benefitted at the expense of the consumer.” The unjust system of taxation. which Mr. Cobb is to continue is terribly costly an corrupting. Besides the cnormous vexation occasioned by continual conflicts between the merchants and the treasury, not less than $3,000,000 was the cost of collect- ing about $40,000,000 in 1868: Tn unfavorable years the collection of the customs revenue in the States costs at least 734 percent. It is, therefore, wasteful as well as unjust ‘and corrupting. t us add that all such eysteme of taxation are ob. viously based on the principle that trade is subordinate to revenue, and may be annoyed or fleeced to any extent which seems to serve the purpose of government. This remnant of the old system of right divine, which regarded subjects as made for rulers, not rulers for subjects, pre- ‘vails here and in Franco, as well as in tho United States. Trade between different countries, howover, is only an extension of trade between individuals. It carries out the division of lavor which is common to all mankind, and is essential to the welfare and the growth of socicty. Government should rather ay the rights ot traders than trample on them as if trade existed only to supply the wants of a treasury. THE RIGHT OF SHARCH AGAIN. THE EFFECT IN ENGLAND OF THE VISIT OF THR BRITISH OFPICERS TO THE WASHINGTON, AT SAN JUAN DEL NORTE. [From the London Times, Deo, 23.) In our impression of Saturday thore was an account, taken from an American paper, of tho failure of the at- tempt to open the Nicaragua transit. The story isa sin- gular and oven a touching one, for the sufferings of the passengers who embarked on the faith that the would be able to perform its promises were ips, the Washington and Hermann, e Washington was New York to San Juan or Greytown; they were then to ascend the river in a small steamer, and embark on board the Hermann at San Juan del Sur, on tho Pacific coast. The misfortaues of the ex- ition commenced as roon as the Washi entered the bor of San Juan. First, she was led by an officer of the Jamestown, to know whether she had not filibusters on board. Not long after a boat from the Valorous and another from the Leopard, British frigates, boarded her, and similar inquiries were made, However, nothing sus Ppicious appeared, and the Washington was left alone. The fame afternoon the river steamer Catharine Maria siarted up the San Joan to discover if the Hermann was actually ‘waiting on the other side of the Isthmus. About seven miles above the mouth, the Catherine Maria grounded on a sandbank, and the consequence was a return to Grey- town. An attempt was then made to ascend the Colorado branch, which flows into the gea some miles south of the harbor. The boats ascended to a certain point, and then the crews embarked in a little steamer, and gained the Nicaragua Lake, After much difficulty permission was obtained to cross the lake, but only on condition that fif- teeen Nicaraguan soldiers should be taken on board, The captain, anxious to gain tidings of the Her- mann, submitted, and the steamer made for Granada city, on the western shore of the lake. There the Ameri- cans fond that their character was suspected, and that the authoritios, making sure thoy wore filibuster, had prepared for them o warm reception, in the shape of a twenty-four pounder, Nothing wasto be heard of the Hermann, and, as the Nicaraguaps seemed determined to prevent an American company establishing transit through their country with armed vessels, the boats re- torned, and the enterprise was given up, ‘The Washington hai orders to remain at Greytown for certain time, and then, in cage nothing should be heard of the Hermann, to proceed to Aspinwall. To Aspinwall, ac- cordingly, the passengers were taken, but on arriving there they were mot by a proclamation of the Governor. ‘Jt was known thet the Hermann was not on the Pacific eidé to meet them, and the Governor strongly objected to having three hundred destitute persons thrown on his shores without the means of reaching their destination. The captain bad oxpocted to receive advices from New York that arrangements had been made tocarry the paseengers acrogs the isthrans by the regular line; he had, it is sul, written assurances to this effect from the company, ''To his astonishment, he received nota line.’ Here was a dead lock. Those passengers who could afford to pay full fare to San Francieco from Aspinwall wonld be taken by the regular line; but only a mail number of those on board had the means. A meet fing was called, and great excitement prevailed, The cap. fain red, and told them that, contrary to his oxpecta. tion, he had failed to receive advices from New York; 9, @irthe had ascertained on shore that any passengers coun! be taken on by pas full fare to San Francisco, Dut thet those who bad not mor he would tuke back to New York. This speech was not likely to evo! the irri- tation of the passengers, who then calied another moet- ing, and a a committee to wait on Mr. C. J. Fox, the United States Consul. assured that there was no redress for their wrongs. next day 2 negotiation was opened with the Pacific Steam- ship Company, and the it to reduce the farea as an act of benevolence. At the regular rates—$125 steerage, $175 second cabin, and $200 first cabin—not more than balf-a-dozen had means to goon. The agent accordingly reduced the steerage fare to $50, and the Pa- nama Railway offered to take the pagssenj across for $16. Tho result was, that after scenes of the most dis- tressing kind, about 200 were sent on to San Fraucisco; the rest, nearly 100, retarned in the Washington to New York. It is ‘not to blame the company for thus taking 300 persons to a foreign without knowing thas esry Leon for eapesing het ee Mcaraguans nal was reason that the ise @ their territory to bodies Ai n armed boats ascended the Colorado freighted with General panions. The policy of the United States must tend to i crease this aversion and suspicion. The jish-Ameri- | cana of all kinds know that the ambition of their Northern reighbors is to improve them off the face of the earth, and ‘hey wish to keep strangers at a accordingly. However, it is to be regretted that so useful an Gone as the opening of the Nicaragua transit should have ‘ailed, and we would gladly see the American government aking steps to reassure the Nicaraguan authorities, and to sesntiany etrapons which honestly takes in band to accom work: But the affhir of simple blundering would not be com- leto unless ‘the aggressive Britisher” were dragged into the dispute, and political capital made out of it by aspirin rators and naval Lina bight a the nestureo } aving good reason suppers, ie losraguans, the Washington carried General Walker and his 5 ent a boat on board to see if the steamer was, in fact, \iratical. ‘This was enough to rouse the iro of Fiag Officer McIntosh, of the Roanoke, American frigate, who imme- diately nddressed a letter to Captain Aldham, ‘call- ing him strictly to account| for such an unwar- raptable proceeding,” and stating that, ‘df such visits were renewed, they would assuredly bring the yersels of the United States home squadron and those of her Britannic Majesty on this station into colli- sion.’ Mr. Zanizniger, the Officer's ) was, subsequently despatched to the British vessel hada long interview with Captain Aldbam and Sir W. Gore Ouseley, at which be expressed himself pettectly satisied, and Captain Aldham was politely invited to visit the Roanoke, together with Mr. Synge, Sir W. Ouseley’s Se- cretary, £0 the matter ended, to Gratification of all parties, and the war orators and writers are left to make the most they can of the incident. We may re- mark, however, that this style of communication, in which at every difficulty war is denounced, reflects no credit on American senge,and cannot even give them any real reputation for courage. A collision between the armed forces of England and America would De an event fraught with terrible consequences. Perhaps along and bloody war, carried on ina most ferocious spirit, with the ruin of a vast trade and acheck to the progress of both hemispheres, would be the result. A struggle between two such es would bring into play animosities which would be allthe more bitter for re- lationship. To be continually talking of war is a proof that a nation has not wean, itsconsequences. We, who have experience of it, and who, as history proves, do not shrink from it when it is necess , bave learnt not to tako in yain the name of the God of Battles. (From the London Times, Dec. 80. ‘There arc geome eubjects which no weight of monumen- tal marble will keep quiet in their graves. We a age duly with all proper ceremonial, and write tho of their decease upon their tombs; but inatew years they are walking about — and require reburying. There are certain morbid topics for which our youth seem to be born with a predisposition, and which they are 1d to take. Arisa? undergo the les and tho hooping cough. We ought to vaccinate our sons against the con- tagious influence of those three great schoolboys—Grote, Muir and Gladstone, who were raving @ short time since in the porgonality -of-Homer sickness; and it is almost time to take precautions against that most dreary of all undy- ing bores, that old nominisumbra, who may be pepenes to walk the earth again for the hundredth time as “Junius identified.” So weave the same recurrent importunates in politics, and yesterday that twenty times -buried ques- tion of the right of search turned up une: tedly in our columns, It was as gravely discussed by Mr. Dallas and Genera) Cags and Lord Frayed as if pei were, or ever had been at any time of peace, such a thing asa rightof search. Jt is a most impudent imposter, for it claims to be the revenant of an individual who never had ex- istence; but we must do our usual kind office, which is to turn him gently round before the public, and then consign him to the tomb again. Right of search must be an error which owes its recep- tion to its name. We are too easily inclined to believe, when a dispute as to such a phrase is first submitted to us, that the question must be as to the definition of the right, not as to whether the right itself ever had existence. Yet the moment it comes to bo regarded etoadily jurists and statesmen are all agreed that we bave uo more right to visit a French ‘than lar prejraice to . general notion that if he finds any one doing manifest wrong any where itis bis right and his duty to thrash him. There mingles also with this a belief that, Britannia ia the Queen of the Ocean, she police for her empire. Ocean in time of war, and she is then only so far Queen as her courage and skill impose her sway. It is a question of force and maritime supremacy. In time of peace she cannot push her pretensions further than these of the Emperor Antoninus, who declared that, “though he was the lord of the world, the Jaw only was the ruler of the salt waters.’’ Upon occa- sions when the power of this nation was conspicuously developed, and her sailors were victors in every sea, ir- regular thirgs were often done, and we exercised our rights asa belligerent with bigh handed power; but the rule has always been recognized, as we find it in Kent's Commentaries, that every vessel in time of peace has aright to consult itsown safety and convenience, and to pursue its own course and business without being dis- turbed, when it docs not violate the rights of others. ‘There has never been any couflict of decisions or of at thorities upon this point. Lord Stowell, perhaps the most eminent of modern English jurists, insisted, with much weighty argument, that ‘‘ No nation can exercise the right of visitation and search on the high seas except on belligerent claim,’ and Judge Story, who is the greatest ae among American lawyers, in deciding a case arose long before these discus- sions with America, expressed the same opinion almost in the same terms. Wheaton, whose work on international Jaw is accepted as a text book, asserts that “ it is impossi- bie to show a single passage in any institutional writer on public law, or the judgment of any court by which that kw is ad ministered, which will justify the exercise ofsuch a rigbig” and Mr. Bowyer, who, in his Commentaries on Public Law, elaborately reviews all the authorities, from the civil law downwarde, arrives at precisely the same conclusion. But the practice of statesmen is as uniform as the au- thority of text writers and judges. Seventeen years ago, when America was in ove of her periodical fits of indi tion upon some imagined exercise of this “right,” rd Aberdeen, ina pubiic despatch, used the following lan- admits that if the British cruiser shor Nothing, surely, can be more explicit than ie tate. ment. It was nearly twenty since frankly avowed by the Foreign Secretary of the day, that if the crew of a Britieh cru'ser heard the wail of stifing ves, OF sniffed the death steam of their festering bodies as they lay yard arm to yardarm beside the slayer, and if that slaver bore aloft the stars and stripes, and had her American regis- ter, the English ship could do no more than dip her ensign courteously .and pats on about her business. Nor was Lord Aberdeen ‘admitting too much in this. Lord Lyndhurst, in a conversation which took place on the 26th of last July, in the Honse of Lords, stated the same doctrine ad- visedly, and cited many authorities. It has never been disputed either in Iaw or in fact. There might have been © little excess of zeal in some of our young officers discharging an especially difficult ser- vi in the American , and there was certainly much exaggeration in the complaints of Yankee skippers; there was some doubt whether the international Jaw had been violated, but there never was any doubt as to ite existence. It certainly would appear from the tenor of the despatch from Mr. Dallas to General Cass, which we yesterday published, that Lord Malmesbury was’ not, at his entrance upon office, fully informed upon the law which go- verns the matters then in ion. His proposition, ‘to refer the ancient law of nations and the modern reouirementa of a higher morality to the law officers of the Crown,” was unfortunate. Buthe was quickly set eivaight by thoso about him, and no gooner did he seo the right course than he entered upon it unhesitatingly. There was no attempt to claim any right of search or visit; on the contrary, the inetrnetions under which our cruisers are acting were froely communicated to the Americans, and all who read them must admit that never were naval officers employed upon A more ungrateful seryice—trusted with a force which they are restricted from using, sont to put down a traftic which they are instructed in nearly all cases to allow to operate undisturbed, and held professionally and pecu- niarily responsible for every effort that they om wv do os duty. Even Mr. Dallas and General were satisfied. Tt may evit a dishonest purpose to suggest that a claim to “right of search’? hay been abandoned in the late correspondence, but any such suggestion would be entirely unfounded, “NeRing has been" abandoned, for nothing was posseseed or been claimed, The only con- ceekion oe wos asked by ee saa concession fought for these twenty re porsiste fa Wabetor, not for ) Septet, bat fF tome to Mr. not a searcl Abatement of tbat strict law which forbids all search. All he aeked was some power to identity the ship with the flag she flics, Lord Malmesbury le the same ro- quest, and was again refused, The Americans are ready to consider any, position, but they will make no sng. gestion; they will not even’ assent to that vory moderate understanding we have with France—namoly, that “a boat may be sent alongside of a suspected ship and may ark for pa bot not, unless (avited, board the voa- fol.’ Inthe face of these difficulties our crutsers on tho coast of Africa ‘seem to be but a solemn farco; for, an. Joes the slaver should be conailerate enoughto homt Eng- lieh color#, she may amuse herself by sailing round the bows of our ships of war, and flaunting the ‘star. spangled banner’? in the faces of ovr naval officers; for “all officers are required to observe that whenever versels under the French or American flag are boarded on suspicion, the ————————————E ee master or PWners will be entitled to indemnity.” Tho only on of this difficulty would be—what our own law hebiioe sivce done, and what we suggested some time since eboula be imported soto the public law of ua~ tione—a declaration that the slave trade is piracy. This, however, the Americans will not do, and the French wil not do. ‘Thus, therefore, we go on, Wasting the precious lives of our English sailors upon tht coast of Africa, where one rescued negro cannot be shawn cS a set off against ten dead Englishinen, where our orce has become @ mockery, and our blind, weeless @ jett. {From the London Post (Lord Palmerswon’s organ) c. 28. It appears to be the fate or Eneioad always to be involved in some Gaopremtee dispute with the United Btates of America, A months ago Lord Malmesbury, acting upon the opinion of the law officers of the crown, ware. the right of searchin time of peace. ‘The Cabinet at Washington was dol to find that the British Minister of Foreign Affaire on this point ae- right was intended to repress—still flourishes between the {ont Saimeabury waa ¢ a to suggest some means esbury was ex! by which the ‘ame object could be obtained withous | giving offence to the national susceptibitities of the Ame- rican 5 ition the noble lord has made at Washington aa thoy aro bound by traaty te at 8a as are boun maintain a Paanire yt to eator0e the ‘polloe ‘ot thelr own vessels on the coast of Africa, it is il Ne for he- man Ly orp a devise a right of search, of visit, or of simple inquiry, for the purpose of asce the nation- Amer! reeable to the ality of which could be United States. On the other hand, it has ‘suggested that a system of mutual police should be entrusted te officers of th« e two nations—in other words, that down the slave trade should have on board a ed officer, to whom would duty ity of the flag of any English or American vessel which might be e which happens to be ae under the of the law of the two countries. On Lord Me ry must, atan early day, be req to furnish full ‘satiofaa- er bere But the question of the of search— practi by the ‘ecently R assumed a which, if we are to believe the fire- brand articles of our transatlantic contemposaries, ere long plunge the two countries into a war. win Cr SE ¥ has with a cargo 8, pers, to start upon a expedition fou Central America, the scene of Walker's former ite. The proclamation of Mr. Buchanan, without question, stamps this adventure with the charaster of piracy, for private war, on land or sea, is no more tolerated by the law of the United States than it is by the law of this coun- oh But the Susan having succeeded in getting off without a clearance, the United States cruisers have very properly received orders to overhaul any other suspected vessels. Jt, however, the Engl and French cruiser: been examined by a This circumstance is considered our transatlantic contemporaries as a virtual ro-assertion of the right of search in its most offensive and irritating form. We will not argue the question in reference to the right which the protectorate of this country over the Mog- quito territory is upped, togive. Tho reason why we say £0 is that an infinitely higher nd may be taken. ‘The Americans hold, in common with every civilized na- tion, that a pirate may be stopped wherever he is met by a lawfully commissioned cruiser. Are the filibusters who obey the commands of Gen. Walker pirates within ad the” meaving of international law? is question must be answered in the affirmative. In the first lace, the fitting out of such an ¢; ition is P Sopsee to the United States Neutrality act of 1818; and being ‘egal in inception, not to dwell upon the absence of the necessary papers, the object of piracy, to be completed upon land, cannot clothe the ‘voyage with that apparently lawful character which would a exclusive {A papi to the municipal courts of the United States. adventurers are engaged in a piratical expedition try is at peace, and have a perfect right to treat them as pirates. Ortotan says Uthat sigualsy xchange of” words, suioe in says e suffice with respect to the nationality of the flag, except om suspicion of piracy, when ‘all further must be taken at the risk of the man-of-war.”” It the Washington has been inconveniently stop- ped, apology, no doubt, will be demanded and coa- ceded by the British authoritics. But the American cruisers bad also exercised the same right with respect te this particular veseel, and for precisely the same object But {tis said ‘that the President will view any interrap- tion by the English and French fleets of the ‘schiooner Ba fae: Set Deets Cubana, noe a exere! ce by European Powers eo regulation of affairs in the central portions of our continent.’ tala ps putea haee tars ra and France shall not as- great principle aoe law which declares umaD F two always exists: pirates, ne contemptible be that cational Jeal which would confer exclusive ipon the government of the United States to bsg’ the misdeeds of its piratical citizens. We there- fore regard the excitement which appears to prevail on the other side of the Atlantic as a temporary ebullition “which the sense of the American people will not per- mit to luce any permanent ill fruits between them- selves and England and to secure peace with thet which Mr. Buchanan professes to ‘This new complication, however, unmistakably shows the formidable nature of the difficulties connected with the right of search which Lord Malmesbury has had the temerity to attempt to adjust. [From the London Post, Dec. 29.) * * * ‘* * * The right of search and visitation having been completely surrendered by this country, it is obvious that not oni; the slaye trade, but piracy, may be allowed to upon the seas if ships of war are not permitted to ascer- tain the nationality of the flag which a suspected vessel may carry. For instance, if a Spanish slaver chooses to ‘hoist the American flag, how can an English cruiser, by merely sending its boat alongside, ascertain whether the captain has aright to use that flag? It is not to be su posed thata slave trader ora pirate would consider the unlawful assumption of the flag of a foreign country any- thing but a clever artifice when he saw danger at hand. But as both France and the United States fess to be as much opposed to the slave trade as ‘England is, and ag both maintain + on the coast of Africa, ratioval hope which, under existing circumstances, can be entertained, is that the cruisers of those Powers will en- force that maritime police over vessels ostensibly French or American which is necessary for the repression of a traffic exceeding in its outrage upon humanity the worst deeds of the professional pirate, It is obvious, from the tone of Goneral Cass’s correspondence, that the American government will never sanction the restoration of the right of search, even in the limited shape in which it is exer- cised by thecruisersof England aud France. The proposi- tion is to come from Lord Malmesbury; but what possible use can there be in negotiating when the American gov- erpment declares that even in the waters of the Mosquito ter- tat Ta ples Freiphted fetch those 7g0es of filibust- g cai ers whom Walker te tending forth, wot to oii ‘upon the high seas, but to engage in upon the territories of @ country with the United State are at peace. It would be better to leave the question in ite pre- sent unsettled and unsatisfactory state to havey por- petually arising causes of irritation which must sly endanger those feelings of friendship which ought ever to subsist between the two great families of the Anglo-Saxon race. (From the London Shipping Gazette, Dec, 28.} It cannot be disguised this affair of the Wash- , taken in connection with the of the Cen- tral American question, is to create anxiety amongst the wise and well di |, both here and im America. Commander M’In' , Of the Roanoke, in his report tothe Navy Department, states that the British rs asserted their right to visit and search the Wash- ington ‘‘by reason of the British protectorate Juan del Norte, established at the ie of Nicaragua,” and it is further by ated it Sir W. Ouseley was on board the Valorous at the time the Wash- ington was boarded. These facts invest the whole affair with a different and much more coreg | aspect. If the Washington was boarded by Brit cers merely search of a delinquent who had escaped from the Ameri- can authorities, it would be impossible to distort the act into an insult to the American flag. But if that vessel was visited and searched to prevent a threatened violation of an assumed British Protectorate of Nicaragua, the whole affair takes a different complexion, and assumes at once the dimensions of a preventive measure in defence of inter- ternational rights. There is another —— feature in this Central American question. The government is mized up in it, and i seems our government is quile dis- posed (o support the Bmperor’s policy. [From the London Bar (Radjcal), Dec. 28.) * ‘The Inst New York mail brings intelligence of quite an alarming kind. Tho American flag has beon ‘in vio- ated by British officers; a motion beon jn the enate at Washington to notify the abi ition of the Clay- on-Bulwer treaty; the filibuatering chief, Walker, has scaped tho vigilance of the United States authorities, and ‘ot to sea with the intention of landing in Nicaragua; and large portion of the United States prone ia clamoring for he despatch of every available shi P of war to protect American interests in Contral America, while the vocal of Lord Napier is openly attributed to tho act that he is more favorable to the pretensions of he United States in that region than ia ble to the leader of the Anglo-French alliance, by which Louis Napoleon is meant. An Anglo-French alliance to dictato on American affairs—for, according to the Monroe doc- trine, the European Powers have neither right nor interest to interfere anywhere on the American Continent—is what. the party now administering the governmont of the Union will not tolerate; and as there really seems to be some under- standing between France and England to act in concert in Central America, and to act aséf the Monroe doctrine was a figment deverving no notice, the tame becomes critical. Teo spirit of the Inte Presidential Meseago waa quite a# reso. lute on this question as any determiustion Count Wa. Jowek! and Lord Malmesbury may Wave arrived at, ‘The latest canse for American indignation is found in the acj of British offcors in Doaring aud overhauling an American vessel, We had thought the question of the right of search had boon freely and frankly abandoned by the British government, ut jt seems that old atanding sores are never to be allowed teal up. On this occasion the visitation of the star®imd #tripes wae not incident to a search for slaves, but for Miibnsters, Tt wasknown that Walker had ercaped, and it {8 certain (ut the British i F i ‘ ships of wor bad orders to reize hin and prevent his