The New York Herald Newspaper, October 20, 1858, Page 1

THE NEW YORK HERALD: | ~~ aie WHOLE NO. 8082. THE STATE TICKET AGAIN RATIFIED. Hon. Jefferson Davis, and Amasa J, T/arker, the Democratic Candidate for Governor, on the Stump. Ife Palace Gardens Filled with Democrats. The Huge-Paws Training for the November Fight, &o., ke, de. A mass meeting of the democracy was held last eve ming in Palace Gardens, at the call of the Young Men's Democratic Union Club, to ratify the State ticket. At the our appointed about two thousand ¥ the unterrified assembled within the enclosure, and their numbers were gull further increased during the evening by @ procession Dearing banvers and transparencies, The Garden itself ‘Was most brilliantly jiinminated with parti-colored lamps, and presented quite a brilliant and animated spectacle, ‘The meeting was called to order by Mr. H. P. Carr, the President of the Club, who made the following remarks explanatory of the objects for which it had been called:— In behalf of the Young Men’s Union Club (said he), I have wsay that we Lave called you together to-night, aud I would most respectfully ty pe that you will come order. Itis proper, perhaps, for me to say, in a few brief words, what the object is for which this aecting has been asermbled, It has been called exclu- ively for the perpose of ratifying the nominations made by the democratic party at Syracuse last September, for Governor and other State officers. (Applause.) We shail have the pleasure during the evening of introducing seme of them personally to you, and I am suro there is no democrat within the Louids of the city and county of New York but bas and does hail those nominations with wnfeigned pleasure. (Cheers.) Aud Iam satisfied, fur- ther, from the public demonstrations that have been held through the State, that when the verdict of the people shall be had at the November election wo shall carry fmto the gubernatorial chair of the State our standard bearer and friend, Amasa J. Parker. (Loud applause.) Ih is unnecessary that I should dwell on the object of this meeting. There are others ready and willing to address 1 on this occasion, and Tam sure that they cando it far rf than I can. ‘At the close of the foregoing remarks, Mr. John A. White read a list of Vice Presidents, among whom were the names of Royal Phelps, James Moncrief and a large member of others. There were alsv enough secretaries for a dozen mectings. ‘The foliowing series of resolutions was read by Mr. Su- ivan, and were wuanimously adopted: — Resolved, That we cordially endorse and heartily approve fhe nominaiions made by our late Democratic State Conven- fon, of Amasa J. Parker for Governor, Jobn J. Taylor for Lieutenant Governor, Sherbourn B. Piper for Canal Commis- gover, and Edward L: Donnelly tor luspector of State Prisons; ‘and that we are especially pleased that the Convention bas again preseuied ay our candidate for Governor Amasa J. Parker, a gentleman of rare taients, of high personal worth, und of Mubenitaing fidelity to le. Kesolved, That we prondly refer to the pages of history and point to the cardinal principles of our democratic State policy, ‘Asestablished by the udratuistration of our State govern nent for more than three-fourths of our political existence, under the leadership of such statesmen as Tompkins, Clinton, Van Buren. Marcy, Bouck, Wright and Seymour, and triumphantly Glaim that these principles are the foundation of the prosperity ‘Abu permanence of our kmpire Stale and of our metropoliaa ety. iReseived, ‘That the are most emphatically called ‘Span st the present time 10 demand the unconditional repeal the Metropolitan Police Jaw, and ail Kindred laws which were ‘upon our city by the republican dynasty at Al- Davy; 10 oppose sale of eur canals, the pride of our State, {Oa cent! moneyed corporation, as has beeu recominended by Fepublican leavers, to resist the repeal or alterauon of the na laws; also the euactment of a Registry law, and ‘atl interference with the tuherent nataral rights of all our cid uuraiized, in the full, free and fs domestic and its for eign policy, that in_no act of his admin- igtvation can we ace any reason for disaffection, and it is our @u:y cx democrats to ylelt our individual preferences for the ood of the party, on the coutinued success of which depends feo perpetuity of our ree fostitutioas and glory of our coun- Jiesotved, That this clab, ae ite mame imports, ina Union Club; that ‘we do wot recognize the existen: . fons nor chques among den rate, saccesses cr reverses of our p. el ¢ damoers srinetp'es and carry let int by he tates, we Will Qealien sca triniayh, oud Al true ¢ tsb wale with yp in promodng uel: 4. uon againn 10 wn and the oppouente of we rights of aif sections of th ‘When tho resoiations, whien were frequentiy applaud a, had boen read, Hon. Amass J. Pann was inerotuced to the ineetiug, by whom he was roceived with enthusaa ue cheers. He spoke as follows: — SPRECH OF JUDGE PAKKER. I come before you thit evening, teliow citizens, in ac cordance with a promise made neary four weeks ago, no for the purpose of advocating any claims of own view of diseuesing atall th eM. WhO are My Copotitors T could not speak of any of them except ia Aerws of high personal respect, « 41 would not speak otles wie Of hem if Leould. But Iam here, in parsuance ‘ef your invilation, for the purpose of discussing briefly some of the leading yea of policy iu both State and Gavona: affairs, In all these questions every inhabitant of ou; Stave has @ deep stake, and we meet here in council, aa democrats should meet everywhere, on the eve of aa caection, for the purpose of consulting together im regard to matters of common interest. Nor do 1 come * here to inquire into, o* to discuss at all, the causes or the merits of the local ‘divisions with which you are to some exrent, at least, unbappily afflicted. They arc deepiy to be regretted by every good democrat, and I should think indeed fortunate if I could do anything to re- them. But fortunately these divisions re- ‘mock philanthropy—the worst passions of the North hat been ingeniously et'rved ap and directed against our brethren of the Syuth—the who country was convulsed ‘With agitation and sectional bitterness, and strife seemed every bere to predominate, It was indeed « fearful crisis for the © . The black cloud of fanaticism which bung over eptire North seemed realy ww burst upen the country and to overwhelm it with devasta- tion and ruin. The patriot juvked on with weil grounded alarm, and disunion, openly imvoked Ly hago of the North, and in retaliation, by nate forever our existence as a pavion and our Lopes for the future. (Ay ) Im that great fearful etraggie the democratic ly placed iteclf betWeen tho constitation and its assailants, and bore back manfully tho hortile crowds which threatened it. We should uever cease to be grateful to Provideme for the successful issue contest. Scctionalism was defeated, and national. ism triumphed. The election of James Buchanan stilled ‘the troubled waters of strife, and secured to the country and prosperity. And now, since the smoke battle has cleared away and expored to view the im that scene in their true colors, it #a fitting time back upon that contest for the parpose of examining candidly aud truthiuily the weuee really involved, with a view to avoid ar rence of similar errors, and to se. cure for them the jost judgment of the people. — From the experience of the past let us learn wisdom for the future, The republican party was founded upon the aingle idea of biting, through the action of Congress, the admission Of any more slave States, In other words, slavery was to be excluded by act of Congress from , 0D its preparing to come into the Unica. The democrats, on the other hand, claimed it to be the right of the people of the to decide for themscives, on admision asa State, ¥ slavery should exist there. The demo- cratic platform on this eubject was contained in the follow- 7 ing resolution, which is too explicit to be misconstrued, ‘and too weil known to be successfully misrepresented — democratic ;arties at the last Presidential election related ly to the distribution of power in the different depart- ‘mente of the government. It was « question whether th power to decide upon the existence of slavery in a Stat ite admission should be vested in or ia th forming the State government and je interested question. It was a question between Coagressiona bas ay | and popular sovercignty—between governin or wlar right. If the power was recognized exist in Oongrese it would necessarily follow that that t might be exercised as well to establish slavery } AY a Ly interested as ba nga . ir will, power belonged to the people fatercstet, it implied of course the right to reject slavery or to establish it. Str of all misrepresentation and all prejudice, this was the oniy question involved in that contest—a question who io govern—who should l P| it cConses to defender self government, .) The doctrine of the democratic faith is,that ble of self government, no matter what his or hie religious faith, Tt ie that man’s capacity for self government depends not epon bis possessing property, or ‘upon other seckiental circumstances by which he may be a furrounded, but that itis an inherent, Heaven derived and absoluted right belonging to the man himeelf, And in ali this, it secms, we differed widely from our opponents, the Kepublicans. claiming for Congress the exclusive right of deciding this queetion__ of slavery, they denied it to the people interested. | They thus opposed the right of self-government, They coa- trove: ted the doctrine of popular novercignty.. As between power and right, they took side with the former against the latter. fe Was once in the history of our country, a qustion whether a man should be aeaiaet to vote without a prescribed property qualification. On that great question the democracy advocated the right of universal suffrage and their (C4 gd contended for its restriction to the few by demanding the property quatifi- cation. Then, as now, it was a struggle for popular right, and that question and this iuyolve the same principle. It is kaid that when the question of property qualification was under discussion in the Pennsylvania legisature Dr. Franklin, who opposed it, did much to expose its tru character und to defeat it by the following illustraton: he said, *‘ here is aman owning a donkey worth $250—there is man who owns nodonkey. The man whoowns the donkey you permit to vote—the man who Owns none has no such right. Now, said he, which is it that votes, the man o the dovkey.”” (Laughter.) The question as to the right ‘of the people of Kansas to decide for themselves the ques top of slavery Was precisely similar in character, Th repubticans would have made the rightof seif-governmen to depend on the mere incident of place of residence, in- stcad of conceding it to all ake aga right of citizenship and manhood. A citizen of this State may have resided in one of your interior towns al! his life Uil he had reach ed middlé age—meantime he may have shared intelligent ty in all the duties of government that devolve on the citi- zen here—may have served in ditforent oificial trusts, and even have represented his neighbors in your legislative halls and perhaps have voted there for the abolition of slavery, and he may have exhibited the most tatisiactory evidences of his capacity for usefulness. Induced by the wish of estabishing more adval tugeously his family growing around him on the rich lands ot the West, he emgrates to Kansas. Accord- ing to the repubiicun doctrine, he is no longer ca- pable of geif-government—uo longer the intelligent citizen —the juet aud prudent legislator—no longer fit to decide upon the most important question of domestic poliey in framing a constitution for the new State—but he is re- duced to a condition of incompetency, if not of vassalage, and subject in ail things to the deepotic will of an absolute Congres+—a power foreign to him, because he has no rep- resentative Who can yote there for him, 1s not this the doctrine condemned by Dr. Frankiin? Does it not give controlling weigut to the incident and deny it to the man? The covelusion is inevitsble that in advocating congr +s. sional power a8 against popular right, modern republican- ism, like ancient federalism, its lineal ancestor, would de- prive the citizen of his elective franchise and deny to man the right of self-government, But our Cage my fellow citizens, were not only wrong on this question of principle, which lies at the foundation of our govern- ment, but they were wrong also on the mere ques- tion of expediency. To vest in Congress the power to decide »pon this question of slavery on the orgaviza- tion of a new State would be to keep the whole country in acopstant state of agitation and sectional strife. ith this firebrand thrown into Congress and blowa into flame by the bot breath of fanaticisin, we might well ¢ pect there a_recurrence of scenes of violence if not of Dioodshed. Will you make Congress the arena for the dis- cussion of this subject? Whole sessions would be spent in irritating and uselees debate, to the neglect of all the great interests of the nation, and the mails would groan under the weight of incendiary spevches and documents sent out, under the frauk of members, to circulate the ks m through.every vein and artery of the country. very Congrcesional district would be filled with them, aud they would be thrown into every planter’s house at the Seuth aud every log cubin at the far West. And such speeebes, fellow citizen’, us repubiicanisin has been capa- Die of uttering in Congress wre not always harmless, 1 will give you a specimen. Mr. Giddings, a promment re. publican from Ohio and one of the orators brought into this State to instruct us in our duty in the late contest, said on the floor of the House of Representatives: — to the day when there shall be a servile in South; when the black man armed with Bri h orators, shall hen the wrch of the inecndiary ah cities of the South and biot out ihe last vestige of slavery. And though I may not mock at thelr ewhemnity and laugh when their =e yet J will hail i asthe dawn of @ political mil- jeunium. ‘This extract, shocking as it is to the moral sense, should be kept before the eyes of the people as a sigual to warn them of the dangers which threaten them. — Are you sur- prieed, follow citizens, that with euch sentiments uttered in Congress and sent out on the wings of the public press into every house in the country, the peopfe of the South should be extremely sensitive on this sulgect ? Has not every Southern planter when he retires to reat at night, great reason to apprehend that he may awake only to suf. fer the very calamities invoked by the republican orator I bave quoted? Surely it is not surprising that he should warmly resent an interference which — imperils t only his property, but the lives of all he holds Gear in this world, Would you commit thie subject to Congress, to be renewed every session ou the apphioa- on for aumussion of every new Statc? Would you thus arry the question to every Congressional district of the country, and stir Up Diennially the werct yxunshon OF om, nuture, by ¢ Your representatives with reference tu sacl. a question and in the storm of such « controversy? Would yon keep the whole people of this great country mad with fanatical excitement on this vexed question of slavery! Would you destroy al! fraternal focling between the North and the South? ‘ould you expose us to com. stant peril of dirunion—nay, would you make disunion inevitable? If se, commit this subject to the keeping of Congress. But if you would calm the public mind and leave it competent to see and to judge of all the other great interests of the country a ‘on would preserve for our children (Le blessings which the Union secures to our- selvez—then leave this question sviely to the people of the Territory jaterested im its deewion. You will thus banish all exeitement from the halle of Congress and from tho - and confine it exclusively to the limits Territory. Upon the ground of policy, therefore. Has upon the question of prin’ ciple, tt seems te me no fair minded man, no true patriot, con hesitate as to the proper tribunal to decide this ques: ten. (Applanse.) 1 have thus presented to you, fairly, the only and true question involved in the late contest: But it was very differently, and most erroneously, pre- happened to be the sub power was to be exercised, assumed to be the exclusive opponents of slavery, broad was their philauthropy, that duding no for the exertion of their anti-siavery labors siavery had been abolished thirty y: mocratic auspices, they ¢ their sympathies in ce Rw 4 distant community in which ny had and over which they had no = of real question was acroitly concea by them, wi view to exeite the prejudices of the North—to lead along with them the tide of numbers upen their ——— thus, by means purely sectional, of the touth and subject tional party and upon a sectional whole interests and feciing of pame, antagon: the Booth. All this was TOR’ perversion and Concea.ment ot the true question. hisw ihe question of power involved happened ww on the subject cf slavery. It might just as well have arieen on any other subject of domesticconcern. It would (hen have presented the same question without #0 mach Nability to either misrepresentation or prejudice. Many thousands of honest and fair minded men in every free State were led away by a misapprehension of the true question, wnder the constantly repeated ery that the de- mocrauc party Was a pro-siavery party. My fellow citi- zene, 8 more groundless charge was never uttered. As a party the democrats are neither pro slavery nor anti- avery. Their doctrine is non-intervention. Leave the kavle of each State, and of each Territory in forming a le, to shape their domestic institutions in their own wal They are to govern themseives—we are net to govern them. Om this great rule of non- intervention, the democracy of the whole Union agree. While it's pertectly naterai that the entire lation of the South chould prefer to maintam and ¢: their own Peculiar institution, it Is quite certain that the democrats of the North by no means desired the catablishment of wavery in Kansas, But while they would rejoice, each one personally, to see it become a tree State, and would have voted to mnake it such, if they had lived in Kansan, and bad a right to do #0, they would vever, for one mo- ment, deny the right of the people there to decide the question for themselves, whether that decision should be for or agamet slavery. And the demeracy o ihe North condemp, in unmeasured terms. interference with the right of the le of Kansas to speak for themselves, whether euch interference come from Massachusetts or South Carolina—from the emigrant aid societies of tho Fast or the border ruMans of Missouri. The democracy of the North conden , just a@ strongly, the frauds and vioe- jevee really committed on both srdes, ae they do the other fraud of inventing fetitious murders with which to stimu. late to # more intense piich of excitement, the feeling of the North, to use it for poiitical purposes. But all these matters of unwarrantable interference are sub- ordinate, and in no way affect the real questions luvolyved. They are all violations of the democratic doctrine of non- intervention, At last that doctrine bas been fairly tested in Kansas, The people have been permitted tw an election without f interference, and have spoken by an overwhelm! apr against slavery. ‘The result { a dowbie trinmphb to the ‘atic party. Tt isa triumph of popular right over Congressional sovereignty to have the question tnally submitted to the people, and the reaul je ap ample vindication of the charge made against as tha we were pro-siavery men. It showe that the tribunal fo which we contended—the people of Ki quite a unlikely to establish slavery there as Congress itself. Another election took place in ago, and i passed off so qui ither real nor i inary violence is now heralded through the prem. Manon. has done — Kansas be a free oo coed Les Sete be ple - - Pot ata much eastier ‘aay. Teo great gratun et > the citizens of the States. is to deen if the moddlesome eovereignty must now be as ha been settled at the inst Prestacatinl etection tie fecaeth seen es are, their doctrine of Congressional sovereignty, but the} on that question, officers without an army.’ Most of those who have been their followers now repud repudiate it. Indeed, so incone stent have the republican shown them! selves on this question, that at the last session of in the hope of aiding to distract democrats who on @ mere of detail as to how the popular so. vereignty should be manifested, tho republicans wero found, one and all, with Mr. how g if among them, voting to submit to the people of Kansas the ques tion Whether slavery should exist there, That act was a Virtnal diolution of the republican party—a surrender to some new otganization, to be built up hereafter among the opponen’# of the democracy and upon some new platform. At this distance from the time of tho late coutesi—when — the blic mind is once more calm—when tho judgment is no longer misled by exenement and is ics Wa by judice, we can look back upon that striacle as it will appea* upon the page of history, and lourn its toue character. Itneeds but to be democratic party the appro thousands in every North: off to act with its opponents. of those who It neces but to be prose? unteretood to seeure to the | and co-operation of many were led properly understeod to furnish an additional ‘proof that the demo- cratic p of the men can find ret of nccalenaliaes, d where alone uational and con: eit ty is the great national and conservative party servative e from the errors and the persecutions ¢ gallant Henry Clay, if he were now g, coud never haye consented to identify himself T with a party based on sectional prejudices, or with a party whore platform proseribes men for their birth- place or their religious creed. Its fitting that his sou should be found acting vigorously with us, as he is, ia supporting democratic measures and democratic men. The great ‘defender of bad lived till the present, with a party whose hopes were based the constitution,” would have spurned an if be solelys on a Northern prejudices against our Southern brethren, and Whose ultimate success could only be achieved by tramp- ling up the Stat aud that was always #0 dear to his hes ) that sacred instrument which holds tgethe art. No wonder that the #on of Dame! Webster deems his country beet served by laboriny mveratic party. felloweiti |, when national and conservative matt fore themeclyes in our ranks. genial association, £0 effectively to serve the whole country mote the permanence of the Union, ted, should rally around our standard tion of a distinguished the North, that, by the preponderance Northern States in Congress, a victory has been to promote the success of the de- (Applauge.) The time hax now come, men, no with what political organizations they have bereto- and enrol They can find no other con- nowhere else can they labor and pro- All such men will repudiate the offensive and dangerous askump- republican Senator of of the won over the South Why should we war upon the South? Are they not our brethren—children of a common ancestry? Was not the blood of their fathers shed with that of ours cn the fame common battle ficlds of the r evolution? Have they not fought gallantly by the side of Northern men under one common flag (pon the ocean, and on many a bioody field, during our last war with England Btil later war with Mexico? And when, in th history, has there been a more generous rivalr: daring ‘gallantry than was displayed by the regiment of the South and the brave sons of , and our e works '¥ oF MAE Palmetto our own State, in the brilliant exploits that shed such lustre on oor arms, in_the conquest of the last nam«d country? Has not the South given us Washington and Jeffersoa anc Jackson? tutions of are aggressive—they are defensive. Where ism, where our fraternal feeling, where our justice? There are those at the North who ef the nndue influence of the South, “aggreesions of the slave power.” See less is this assumption. ‘Api lise.) Yet we make war upon the insti- South. They make none upon ours, our patriot. We sense ot complain and the how baze- At the time of the adoption of the Constitution there were one free State and twelve slave Statec—a proportion of twelve to one. Now there are seventeen free and fifteen slave States. The free States have a majority of four in the Senate and fifty-four in thé Houee of Representaitvie. The preponderaiice of num- bers in the free States has been consiantly increasing. In 1811 the majority of representatives in Congress from the tree States over those from the slave States was fifteen In 1822 it was thirty-five. 1842 it was forty-eight, and in 1852 it was In 1832 it was forty-two. Ih fty-three. Every successive census shows how mich more rapidly than the South the North is increasing in numbers and weaith and commerce—in ali the elements of power; aad juet in proportion as we are growing stronger are poli cians emboldened to cry out in alarm, at tho su undue fluence of the South, and to boast the sepemaon of afree State as a victory over the South. Why will not men vicw this question in its true light, and regard slavery as the mistortune of the South and not ite crime? While railing against our brethren of the South, we ought not to forget how slavery be established there, nor that in frami stitution, the time for abolishing the slave tr pane eight years by th Jampebire and Connect (Applause. camo to the Con- was . votes of Massachusetts, New ut, against the vote of Virginia. But the excitément upon this irritating sub- ject has subsided, and, we hope, not to be soon renewed. ‘The victory that’ popular sovereignty has achieved will scitle forever the question ou the admission of fature States. Henceforth the agitation, if there be any, will be confined to ite narrow and appropriate limits. repose which will folow will give to the democratic party renew- ed energy. Kelieved from the incubus of popular pre- judice, it will move on in its great errand po yore, beng individual rights of man, developing capabilities and adding to his means of happiness. (Applause.) It is the policy of the democratic to in. vite emigration to our country. of the grievances set forth of Tade- in our Declaration pendence was that the bad “obstructed the laws the ss others Tt is of fore:gnere, and refused to rage their migration bither.’” party, exclusively, our laws. Ever since the memorable ; what his couptry or bie creed—be our shores, and cordially adi blessinge which Providence has showered am ship load of emigrants adds largely pation. Applause.) T do not mean by of gold which the emigrant may bave treasured bh lands for beg and his children: to buy | is tt PP ms and a willing heart, he makes jon to the nation’s wealth. Whether, value, stron, 1 8 we hike — Roebling the know! whieh cap surpend bri whing gulfs—or whether of the miner or the most acce he m ag him who became go by the accident of bi piause efour agrerroT oy? abroad, far beyond the li the lees free countries with delight the judice inet the uway, little b; hithio. and refuctanth pular det Ul Baron seat in Parbament. gration to this country has jaxt two years, and it isto be seme of the crroveous views that foreigners owe their rights un: to the wealth the mere pr ings the rich tribate of genins and learn’ of King of Great Britain naturalization to encoun up, with ; but it When fis cnigrens brings here « valuable like Agas- ing—or. ages in the air, acroms artisan—in every case he makes a le offering wpon the altar of his chosen .. Let ue pot fail to esteem as highly, and protect who becomes an American citizen ty choice, ith. (Ap- d, Democrats rejoice in the liberality and equalit st reioice to see their influence felt mits of our borders—even the Old World. They have in existed on this subject, the full current of omigra. tiov may be resumed. It seems to me, we cannot tco strongly concemn the new platform recently acceded to by the republic s at Syracuse, by which it is pored to deprive, for a time, all naturalized citizens of the State ee. Such subjects been too long ‘The w! tion, the necerrary result of ration of queations of neglected le State groans under the weight of opprersive taxa- Uv py eee} and wasteful expenditure. While we have been in governing Kansas we have neglected New Y; ‘ork. ° appeal volumes of our statute laws, pow swollen to 80 large a size, contain much reckless legisiation, and moch that confiicts with constitutional guarantors. But your own city has been particularly the sufferer. By an evasion, if not by a violation of self government, to a certain extent, has the constitution, your right of been taken from you, and you are placed under a police government that you do ‘not elect and cannot aj not remponsibie to you for ite conduct. The Metropolitan Police bill is justly Ftate as a great ow ional righte—a high are made to suffer for political other legisiation in regard to objectionable and y unconstitutonal, been to reward political favorites, and much heavily upon the great commercial intercets 1 trust the time is approaching when be corrected. Tt is to the democratic rele So ipprove-—that is parrage of the it the ‘alone that you can Jk for protection legislation. A strict construction of the cometitation ts a leading article ‘of its political creed, Bot there are other that the eniatpement of th at the carhert tageonsly adopted. jects in wh ch our whole State ® concerned, that we not at liberty tooveriok. The pobiie interests ire e canals shoeld be ‘completed ble moment. If steam can be advan on the canals, by al! means let it be them depend our commerce ae the State owns them, ment will be reeponsible ‘to charge of duty, and, receivit or at jew ag | can be In w for their conduct, iy accountatii no other way can tho penefite ot great avenues of commerce be secured to the Seli the canals, and the State would no longer conten! ite own commerce OF ite own proaperhy—people would be left Durthened by a load of debt incurred in their construc. Lon, and the great business interests of the State would be placed entirely at th be wen ly he meroy of a “soulless cannot readily anticipate the evils that would result from such combinations as would then be formed to contsol the business of the State? The corpor: have no place. Who connot faresce subjected to an exacting and dangerous monoply? It is bs ho means probable that this only slumbers to awaita change of circumstances favorable to ite fall developement, The speculation fstoo ne time it will be i, the profits too tempting. Mark the prediction. In urged and it will require in reprerentatives abundant courage, and strength, integrity to successfully reat ike Our pre: constitution forbids a sale of the cw and cy shall remain forever rty of the State, and that provision ought to be in any constitutional changes that may be made But constitutions are only feeble barriers in way of MORNING EDITION—WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1858. . republican legislation. Let your canals, then, be enlarged to the full capacity proposed. Let them be capable of carrying, in addition to the business of our own Stato, the vast products of the great and fertile States of the West, and of States yet to be organized and settled there, Our cana 6 will be their highway to the ocean. Our commerce will include them all, and they will =! pay willing tribute to our prosperity. The benefits of this commerce will be enjoyed, either directly or indirectly, by every person in the Btate—every trade and occup ition will feel its influ ence, Its advantages are limited to no particular lovality, butextend in some degree to the most secluded portions State. But, fellow-citivens, your city is more deeply interested in the commer o of the cana!s than any other place. They deposit at your feet and submit to your disposal all that they bring. Tarough ‘ou they will be ready to feed the worid, They Kaa your shijs for foreign markets, they receive ack in turn your importations that are to supply a na- tiou—they enrich your merchants and your forwarders— they give employment to the laborer and competence two all. They will make your city the centre of the commer. cial world, and tii! it with a population greater than any other. (Applauge.) The canals when enlarged need fear no competivon, They would have advantages over every rival chaunel of transportation in this or in other States. Railroads cannot compete with them in carrying freight. Let the tolls be reduced to a point low enough to secure the businces, whatever that point may be. ‘Vhe business thus secured, being 80 vastly ancreased in amount, would yiekt even with low tolls a large revenue ample for every purpose, The coet of construction would be repaid, and the State saved from taxation. In crease of business on the canals would add but little, if anything, tothe expense of maintaining them—for the canis tibra merely a right of passage. But it is other. wise with railroads, where the expense of carrying is increased in proportion to the quantity carried. They must ceare to compete for freight when it ceases to pay the expense of transportation. There can be no doubt, 1 tink, about the wisdom of this policy—certainly nove ws to the position occupied by the democratic” party. The democratic State officers, nearly a year ayo, made @ reduction in tolls, against the opinions of many republicans, and already the tonnage is in- oveased One-third, the revenue not being diminished. On all these questions of State policy, we ought to have the active ant cordial co-operation of all those who formerly acted with the democratic party, and who hayg been separated from us during the last two ears upon the single question of Kansas. We have dif fered honestly, and the cause of difference is now re moved. It has been well said by one of that number—a man ee for his ability and honesty—that ‘the bond which bound the radical democrats to the republican party is cancelled¢—Kaneas ig free” Ail such will return to act with us on all these matters of State policy, agree- ing with us as they doin regard to them, and being with us desirous of applying practically, in our State, all those democratic rules of strict construction, of honesty and economy which have characterized our democratic State administrations. (Applause.) Ihave discussed, my fel low citizens, some of these questions at greater length than I intended. I lave shown the true character of the questions that divide us from our opponents. I by no means question the integrity of purpose or the patriotiem of the great body of those who differ from We—but I should question their candor it Tshould express a doubt that they will be willing to ac knowledge a past error and to change their politica! aso ciatious 60 a8 to actin accordance with what they siiall now sec to be for the substantial benetit of the country. We met here for patriotic purposes. Weare reminded that this is the anniversary of a day never to be forgotten in the hietory of the country—when Lord Cornwallis sur- reudered himself and bis British troops tothe gallant band of heroes under the command of our beloved Wash- ington. We prize the reminiacence none the less aud none the more because the event occurred in one of the Southern States. I trust neither our patriotiam nor our gratitude is bounded by any sectional limit. Democrats love their country—their whole country—and they hope, under Providence, to be able to maintain and defend it for all time to come. At the close of the foregoing address Judge Parker sat down amid the most enthusiastic cheering. ‘The next speaker was Hon. Juvrensox Davia, sais. Sippi, Who was greeted by the aseembled democracy with a mort hearty welcome. When the cheering had sub- sided he epoke as follows:— SPEECH OF MR. DAVIS. When I accepted this evening, said he, an invitation to mect you, it was to see and to hear, aud not speak, 1 have listened with pleasure to the language addressed ty you by your candidate, because it was the language of pa triotisim—because it war an appeal to the common sense of the people in favor of that fraternity on which our Union was founded. I rejoiced to hear the applause with which bis remarks were received by this vast concourse, and I trust it is but an indication of that onward progress of reaction whieh I believe bas already began, and which ia to «ink to the lowes! depths of forgetfulness the long struggle which has prompted you to Wage an internecine war wainest my brethren. (Ap. plauee.) The genticman has pointed ont the absurdity of uttempting to excite you on the ground of Southern ag. gression. Wo bave not the power to lutemere with your domest'e institutions, and if we once had the power wo never had the will, for, true to the instinets of our fore fathers, we would abstain using it, (Applause.) have no intention, on this or any other occasion, to min gle in the consideration of local questions. Lam pet guttt ciently learned in to do 80 if T would, (Laugh- ter.) My purpose is sim) in answer to the call, to oifer ‘a few reflections upon questions which are com- to us all at iste ae and are linked with the hoper of our . without , 1 do it in unvarnished phrase, ask you t “hear me for my cause.’’ It is the cause of my country, of democracy, of trath and human hberty = ae Who now stands arrayed against be democratic party, for the questions — b; which we have been divided before have changed? What is the basis of opposition? It is two fold: inter. ferterence with the Toes of our , and interfe- rence with the rights of foreign@rs who come to our land. ‘To cach community belongs right to decide for itself what institutions it will have ; to each people sovereign im their own ephere. it only to them to decule what shal! be property, You have decided it for your- selves, Mistieeippi has done so. Who has the right to gainsay it? (Applause.) Tt was the assertion of the right of independence, of that very right, which led your fathers vate the war of the Revolution, (Applause.) It is that which constitutes the doctrine of right#,on which it if my pleasure to stand. Congress has uo to le termine what shall be anywhere. has only such grants a8 are contained in the Constitution, and it conte bo power to rule with hauds over the independence of the Territories, You aud ——— we are Joint owners, and have the right to go into a }- tory with whatever we carry. Congress has vo power to limit or that right. The poopie of the Territory, when they come to form govern- ment, have the right to decide that Here the speaker was procession of the National Club, which doneral Ward, ‘s Hon. J. Kelly and others. took ‘heir in ‘ur: ows The dull remarks, my friends, whieh | was in the pro- vress of making, have been interrupted by a beautiful cpirode, which Iam sure will more than exceed the whole galue of the poem; and Iam glad to see foremost among these transparencies the of the Young Men's Demo. eretic National Club. (A) .) It is upon the young men I rely; and I have always found in overy severe struggle in politics, where the struggle waa between [ng ciple on the one side and spoils ov the other, it has no upon the gray haired fathers and the boy with bloom on his cheek I bad to rely for support. (loud cheers.) My own generation, I it to Bay, is stooped too deep in the Arickery of polities to look to high principles and patriotiem. I glory, therefore, in seeing the Young Men's bemccratic National Club jeading this line of bright tr parencies. opiaeee.) To return, then, to arg ment which | was ing, I eaid Congress had no power to legislate es Pubject of what shall be property anywhere. has no power to discriminate between the citizens of different States, who shall go nto the Ter- ritories, which are the common property of tho United States; and those Territories, of right, remain open to every one to enter with any doscrip- Wen of Loy or A ized under the constitution, until the iniual shail take upon themselves the du- ties, powers and ob! of a State. (Cheers. , T would ask you farther, of what value would a Congres sional act be? Tf it be a constitutional right, as I contend it ja, tis A matter for judicial decision. Congress should (hen assert that it is not a right, and the courts should de- cide it if & constitutional right, the law would be void. If, on the other band, it is not aright and Congress should assert it to be, then the courts will declare that no such right under the constitution, and it is notin the power of to create it. And, my friends, it i# im this sense we say that Congress has not the power cither to establich or prohibit slavery any where. (Applause.) What, then, has been the foundation of all this con ? Your candidate for Governor hag tly pointed out to you the unj le for see: val agrandisement, which, feeding on itself, grown nto & contest between two contending powers. A strogrle for sectional predominance—a contest on one side to enlarge its majority, and a contest on the other side to reclaim the power it has This is an attitude of hostility between States once bound together in fraternal union; and this is the feeling whieb bas, one by one, cut the strands tha held the States Logether. (Arplatee.) You have seen your churches divided—you have seen trade turned aside you have seen and all uncharitableness and Dicker ing stronger and every day, until you are at lnet thrown upon the si cord of political union be Po the Smtes, and that cord cannot jong hold th states tr iotie struy th love the each other, and their devotion © popular liberty, struggled §=againet the mother by at that conntry endeavored to legis- tate for the colonies, and they claimed the right that the should be taxed by their own represeutatives. If, than in this etroggle for «i power, one sectio gains the ascondency , 80 as to enable it to legislate forth other, we are thrown back to the condition ot the colonies; and if we are true to our sires we will rodecm ourselves from such tyranny, assert it who may. (Loud ——) Then, my friends, what is the other question? It is an egitation of the question of the right of — I ask, wi ore question ? over Congress legisiate upon it? Theysay by mo- ditying the Nataratigation law. ’What dora that’ law con fer? right to hold real estate and devise it by will, to sue and be sued in the courts of the United States, and to receive passporte, Who wishes to withhold these rights? But they say the ballot box must be relieved from the votes of there . Are you, my friends, wilt ing to surrender to the federal government the right to say who shall voto within the limits of cach State? (Cries CES No'’) Th some of thé States immigrants are adinitted to vote before they become c'tivens of the United States, under the present Naturalization law, nm, . naturalization law, therefore, is mot connocted with the question of sufvage, and the power of Cougress is Vnated to the rule of naduralization. And what, then, do they couple with this demand? They proclaim their pur Tcse to exclude paupers and criminals from the land. Do }aupers and crimipais come here for the right of sullrage? Av. They come for bread, or to flee from the laws they have violated, Whether they shail be entitled to vote or Lot would not inerease or diminish the number of that cloth by a single individual, (Cheers and laughter.) But, my frends, who is a pauper and who is a criminal? Is the man a pauper who comes here Without property, or money in his purse? Go, look along ines of your interval improvements, which is marked by th labored to create it. Go to your batt! flag bas been borne triumpliantiy ov glorious brave, and you will tlid the ground dy he blood of “foreigners”? as deeply as with that of ni. (Applauge.) Is the able bodied man, whe comes here to Contribute to your material interests hy his lal or who bears your tag with houor through and who bleeds and dies for this cou e “pauper”? you choose to exclude, “criminal” he who, fleeing from the persecution of a des potic government, teeks our land, a8 the Huguenots did, or as many others within your own limit# have cov (Cheers!) Then, I say, who are the paupers and who a the criminais these men seek to exclude? Is it to be de cided by the rules of other countries? Is it to be di by the ‘laws of France or England? or is it to be decid by your own judgment, your own laws, and accordimy to principles applicable to Aunerican institutions? If thus to be decided, we have no matter for controversy. We co not advocate that any country should empty its poor-houses in order to get rid of the duty of supporting its paupers and throw that charge upon us. We do not claim that any country should empty its peut tentiaries to mingle its crimmais with our population. But we do war agaiust the use of terms which deluds tho people, and are intended to exclude the hard fisted work- ing men who form the bone and sinew of our country. (Loud applause.) This, then, my friends, is the opposii to the democratic—the only national—party. Our oppo nents claim two things, I say, from the tderab govern ment, neither of which it should perform. They ai tate this section of the Union in relation to a rig which it has not, and to a question of which it knows lite rally nothing. For had the orator who was A to. night (Joshua R. Giddings) known anything of on existing between master and slave, he would uot talked abort the slaves being armed against their mast rs with British bayonete. Why, my frieude, gur doors are unlocked—we have no fears—the bonds which exist be: tween a just master and a goou siave are as affectionate as those which exist between labor and capitai any wher (Cheers.) But, speaking of British bayonets-—the ‘ela- sion which has’ alwaye surprised me most is that which has led so many Northern men t» speak of an alliance with England againet the South. Why, if England couid achieve a reparation between the North and Seath, what further use would ehe have with the North? You are her rivals. We prod the staple she wants. She would come to us and be your enemy, once she had separated you from us. (Loud cheers.) Our fathers saw the Wue and broad interests of the couatry. They stamped upon the constitution free trade among the States, iv order that our interests might be woven er—in order that there might be a common bond and a mutual support; and step by step, from that day to this, « common depensience and mutual interest have been growing up, until the seeds of fanaticiem were sown which have wgainst each other and against that sentim which actuated the framers ef thy y mile of r”? who You no doubt have a law to panieh men who steal Porses or baies of goods; but the thief would have a higher law which would justify him in keeping proper:y, and if that law would govern, what security bas the very rights property? What sccurity would we have against e man of Violent temper?—every man of low instinct, every man, perhaps, of peace, exercising a higher law, and that law, my’ friends, ‘is called “Lyuch law,” and it sometimes is the very best law, because it brings summary justice to those who escape from all other kinds of punishment. My democratic bre- thren, Lam deeply gratifled by the exbibition whic before me. I sce here a flood of faces assembled in the name of democracy, and over them shin‘ng a multitude of lights. The lights that flit over the heads: of the demo- cratic people—the light of the democracy which is to & de our country to that haven of peace and prosperity ich our fathers saw in the cistance, and whieh they left for their soSs to reach. If we ‘are trae to ous- vs, true to the honorable obligations which ihe tit tien imposes—if we are energetic in the streggles hie before us, our path ig onward to more national tness thi ople possessed. (Che : happily ther by that twofold government which apa it suvuld cevolve upon exc constitution, whic critically and faithfully pe of the earth combined can new the affection of the peopis of the United that constitution, (Cheers ) With every re there willarise new motives for by ciousiy to each; with every re velo ther: come a pew source of pride and of pa © « the people ratter yoar your Mag wii grow moro; prominent the addition ox fresh stars, characteris ve of the th of ovr politics! family; ead “oy land and over sea” the progress of the American | people, of human literty, aad of tha power of | the Ubited States, will hold its way to triumpbs euch ae earth bas never Witnessed. Applause.) On the other band, what do we sec? A picture so black that if I could envel it it would ony ayo the Sacha t eX)ore it to your eyes. ae f have already detained you too ong wit now return (> ‘ou my cordial thai.ke Tor the kind manner in Which yo ave received mm n of the adress the speaker was loutly and warmly appiaaded. The band having played a fa vorite air, ie HOOF @) Mr. Dusan Waki was then wed, and elaborately addressed the essembings. b that he respoaded with great pleasure to the call; but he felt no imelination to trespass on the time of the meeting after the eloqiicat and fervid addresses which had been delivered. He was under no small degree of obligation—and he wae cure that the whole party was of the une feeling —to the Young Men's Union Democratic Club. (Cheers.) There were other gentiemen present whe would address thom With more eloquence and power than he possessed: aud this alone would be sufficient toiuduce him to withhold any . WARD. lengthened ret and at the same time be belonged to the city, and frequent opportunities of addressing them. The went on at some leugth to eulogize Amasa J. Par! whom he dencminated the future Go- vernor of New York—a gentieman who, he was proud to fay, was worthy of all the honor that could be shown him. (Cheers.) Jn time to come the attacks now beit made upon the democratic party would be fou to be worse than useless, woull be viewed in the eame light as the attacks which were Made in times gone by on the admiy.stration of Jefereun and Jackson. He combatted the idea that the democratic had abandoned popular sovereignty. The charge foundation in truth, for popular sovereignty had aver becn abandoned. After a lengthy address he oo eluded by referring to the noble pos:tion which hat voen assutned and sustained by Mr. Buchanan's aimmistration In the right of search question, the Presideut waa belt and upright; in the Mormon difficulty h) also acted with decision and promptness; and who would say that he had not evinced a desire and & Getermination to Maintain the dignity of the nation in the steps he had taken to vindi- cate American interests among the republies of South America? (Cheers.) The city of New York ho regarded as being more involved in this latter question than many ‘were inc.ined to cunsider. ‘The fleet had gome to support the demands of the government against these petty re publics, and to demonstrate that the rights of American citizens must bo respected. But he would wish to see Congress go further, and pass a law of reprisals, empow ering the President to take summary retrib .tion ou the violators of the rights of citizens of the United States. All that the democrats required was un energy an perseverance to crown their cause with complete success. SPEECH OF MAJOR VON BECK. Groner Jony Vor Back was then introduc 6 very longthily in the German tongue. ai Principles of democracy, and pointed to them as the pole star which would lead the United States to that big) ition whieh was designed for her in the scale of uatons He reviewed the tenets of other political creed ed that neither in the Know Nothing nor re was there anything like the stability of the democrat anization. Mr. Von Beck was frequently applauded as is speech proceeded. SPERCH OF HON, JOUN KELLY. Mr. Joun Key (M. C.) was then introduced by the chairman, and was received with tremendous appianse, which prevented him from speaking for several momonts. He returned bis sincere thanks to the large concourse of democratic hearts there assembled for the warm reception which had been given to one in so hy Life a8 bimeelf. the brave general with whom they fu and ip this present ya'tic be would | tory. (immense cheering.) He could not forget the mucret t the cause of demo. Young Men's Democratic Club, orga great services He curpome uf electing these geutiemen. who, in his opin-on, bad carried Out the true principles of the democre'tc party in every sense of the word. He ad dressed bin | particularly to the administration of Mr Buchanan, | vat gcatieman bad acted entirely, and with no otber motive than the interest of the country. Wheu he admittes! the Tavempton hws sgn he foit it his du ty to recommena it to the people's representatives, be p Bad tw pported and protected by the laws. The republican party which hart made such great pretensions towards the adopted cit.zens, had, at the late cov tien at Syracuse, dove nothing less than to advocate the priveiples of the American party—that is, after having fulfitied the law in every sense, they must be pat aodter another year of pupilage to see if they are fit persons to exercise the privilege of voting. The adopted citizens had done their part in every department of the country. Search the roads which lead to the spots where the great improve- ments of the republic had been made, ana there would be found the bones of those foreign citizens whose lands had =a to raise up every monument of civilization, aud if they tarned to the battle flelis where the glorious banner of America been borne triumphant io the fight, it would be seen these bluody tlelds there fell side by side with the American citizen from a foreign soil. (Cheers.) Mr. Kelly other observations, and concluded by calling upon the democracy to rally around the democratic ticket, ‘The band, accompanies by the greater part of the assem. Hinge, then’ proceeded to the respective hotels of Messrs. Jefterson Davis and Amasa J. Parker, where some appro. priate and patriotic American airs were played, and perches delivered, after which the great congregation dispersed. Aeveral letters were received in reply to invitations, ame: g Which were answers from Hon. Horatio aud Hog of a change TWO OCUNTS. David L. Seymour. We have only room for one from Re- verdy Jobnson, which tells what lie has to aay about our State polities, and another from John Van Buren, which is w short affair: — LETTER FROM HON. REVERDY JOHNSON. ‘Lrnpucusr, near Baltimore, Oct 13, 1868. Cxxmiewex—I am unable to accept your luviadon to the meetitg your club are to have on the Ith inst, and I much regretit. ie approaching election in your Btate awakens deep inter- est everywhere. Should it terminate in & el guecesa, and by adecided vote, it willgo far to sete, If it does not at ones, settle, all that is dangerous before us—the otha] con of 1e00, ‘The peril, the imminent peril from which the countr: escaped by the resultos the lant coutest is again to recur. A § veut chosen by # purely sectional vole, his suppcsed orwell known hostility to what so man tes consiler their clear constitutional rights—rights Invol thetr » honor— will be certain to subject ous, to tial which it may prove unable to meet. of slaver; the ‘present condition of such one hat they 6 ver be foreed by any power to bandon. y deem it not ovly justified by their own. Jawa, nd sanctioned aud peunened by ox sitution of the U1 tates, but also clearly justified upon merei and rehgious rounds. They take to themselves vo convern for iwexistence, too proud and enlightened, avd too well aware of thelr equi members of the Union, uamely w suumit to the ciate, aeurrilous attacks whict, from a paruon of the republican party ip the free States, are hurled asand the pulpit.’ An certain ag “ Lied pearviul weparation must take place or ph si valcouiietensue, with «ll the dreadful calamities sure to fol- oW tu is train, hlect a Presiteut sy mpsthiging in such bosull- ty, to Wield, ln that spirit, the vast power and patrouage of the indueoced by thé same feellog, aud comparatively brief career our carcer in ita blessing § and ite triumphs unpre wo hiswory—will, must, be brought to an Cver such & eatastrophe the lovers of coustitutional freedom throughout briatendom would mourn, the esuse of human liberty sustain a shock greater, far greater, than It ‘ed, and be pon Agen; aud to us, ite tm- i», the consequences would be more ve. nna morbid imagination can conceive And, to ent would, ax | believe, be we specially fo your stave it woud alinoat, and wb ouce, be total destruction. “Froud, atid justly prod ‘as you ere nt—a cecented iy Uh end, are,“f your present wealth, enterprise and power, te ae surtd ihet you owe them all to tie union of the States, That dissolved, your downfall eommenc at rapid will ba iw progress. "Con povert yoanee will then be your may nliie real marine, whore mails now consciousness 4 \o nel ensign—the slard and stripes—attoraed, will soon be yours no longer. Dwindled, as you will soon become, to the teeblenesa of « iermaa primet” palily, you Will Le allowed theo only to Waversethe deep by. the pertnssion of the great mato Legaing supplicanta tur the pr 2 Ue World. aud become w it is your right, and the mipbty arm of the Uni Li sbuncianetly able to maintain itfor you. The charm enterprise will be broken the foundation of your ‘tre lantroyed, and you be remitted to worse than We tatan ns iinbeclity Which preceded the Union, and t all, sul even more than all, the evils that then belonged to it Why should the hazird of such consequences be ru leaders who are now, and have been for years, fanning into flame thropy, — bay no other 1 sacondane; ‘The slave -¥ belonged to them, ao One CaN be credule euough to believe they would J them, and ft mayumitted tomorrow neither Uey por the peo- ple of the free States would wutfer them t cui erate w thelr mildst and be ne thelr iellow etizena, Atow are doubtless sincere tu the convietion that the ition is so nt war with the laws of God that tt cannot be nec by the laws of man; but ‘e ervzed zealots, Their iotelieets are“ in the most unheppy of all states, that ia to sey, to much disor- dered for liverty, and not suiicently dwortered tor bedlam.” The leaders are not of that cluss, nor are the great body of the people. The Inter take no concern” but in. the prosperity of ® common country, end desire no other policy than that which believe will romete it. Let them see that they are se o Measures fatal to Our com lot, Ubreavening 0 our Union (tha: precious gitt of as wise and Md ever boast), they will name, whose privetpies oa this, the dangerous subject, can alone preserve U4 98 a bation, amd me cure to us a dentiny which, in each revewing year, wilh make us pot only the bappiest of cutaene, Dut more more the the work. his orinis of thelr coumtr hould be torsotwn. Those in- ¥ volley which might prevail Hendangering our very eaistence. Let as in a fiberal and patriotic apieit belleve that ‘on these the conftin opinions were equally sincere and honest And let such differences stil continue, agree, as to them, to difer; but Jet not this he suffered to weaken the general strength wonder and admiration ¢ Ww 3 c ster irremediable—the dent rfect equality of the States, and thea equal right to emigrate with their Inborers to common terriory, won hy joint valor or pur- chase by common treasure. If soil and climate are at to lave lab woch labor can inno pone oe , it snited to free labor, the greater numerica! States, and the jaws of ulation and i in the v4 ~ em Rent it to'd us tl fact, mand mo mary ty have ti wou douried, There, too, now, ail is quiet; the noise of the demagoeue silenced ne ‘peop, auendnig to thetr coneerna, ure calmly looking foFwa th air own Ure witht Seren la mice from without, they will adopts. republican ia orn, and solielt ad- of perfect equality, \Penqubot- whine be “ in thelr own way apd at “nt wor or Ing inte mp ovopta constiinuen "we poop te n ger Thon Tinie the rey my Y co and prosperity te th fo engender yer nore ‘teruminn Rin Abe ite nfo Ye tee charseteor )Fo vio ihe approaching reniiet aa, ue AD, Jour eye weadily fixed upon that one government t9 whieh you Ire indebted for ibe countess Uiessitize which to you, and resolved, under the tag of te Union aud tor the Culon, to march to victory. With bigh regard, I have the houor to be your obedient vai Niteere. John F, White, Chairman, ant L-, P. Haron, i q a « Winumaller, HH. Churchill and oibers, ‘ae, ew Yo aquered LETTER FROM JOIN VAN RUREN. New Youn, Oct. 19, 1868. pate it the vemo- Gextizwen—I regret that a previous out of my power to accept your invitadon to cratic at Palece Garden thie eveula Recent events have turned ihe es rep throngboat the Union with tuterest to the Btate, and [do not dowot that the result will realize tations of our friends Ou New Sort Fight between the United States Troops and the Camanches. LIKUTPNANT VAN CAMP AND POUR MEN KILLED—MA- JON VAN DORN BADLY WOUNPED—POKTY CAMAN- CHES KILLED—ARKIVAL OF TUB OVERLAND MAIL FROM (AL IPORNT [From the Fort Smith Times, Ort. 8.) Last night news was received from Fort Arbuckle by Captain A. Montgomery, Quartermaster at the post newr this place, by a letter from Lieutenant Powel, First infant ry, and Quartermaster at Fort Arbuckle, giving an ac- cotnt of a Laitle between a detachim: of the Second cavairy United States ormy and 1 wnehes, in whieh Liewtebant Van Comp and four men were <lled, and Major Van Porn wounded, one man m.tsing a | ten wounded. Forty of the Camanches were found deat on the fleld, end it ff net known how many are woun td. The information is official can be cohedon; and we are indebted to the poiiteness of Captan Montgomery for gt, and we hasten w lay it betore tae public at once, in an exe. Fort Arecenim, ¢. N , Get. 2, 1868, Smm—Will you be se kind as to forward immediately four wegons lated with flour aml pork, or bacon, ia pre- ference, if you have it on han 1 from department y vetion, forwarded me ago; if not, pleare seul the artcles’ wanted, in anticipation of requiition, as they are greatly needed here, in consequence of Major Van Tborn’s oosumand being near this post and drawing their supplies from it Major Van Dorn attacked the Camanches yesterday morning, near the Witebia village: bie express arrived here about two or three beurs ago. The action wae sharp. Liewtenant Von Camp i killed, Major Ven Doen ia reverely wounded, four men dead, one man miss ug (bow pitel steward), ten men wounded. Abyy ferty Camau chee killed, By command of Oaptein Prince I have just heed and fent ont a wagon and an ambulance, accompanied hy A%- gistant Surgeon Gaenwen and an escort of twenty mon, to carry out provisions and bring ja the wounded, The whole comman: rm ng in hece y rempecttully, OUP Personal Intelligence. Ton. Maniel KB. Sickles, of New York, Capt. M. D. L. Simpeon, U.S A.,and Hon, Owen Joues, of Pennaylvania, were in Wash gton on Monday. The Utica Telegraph of the 18th inst. says:—Tharlow Weed, Senator Alex. Wiliams, and @ number of the “fancy, paseed through tho city this afternoon, They are suppoced to be on theit way to the prize fight, ARRIV A) Ton, A enyth, Colambu: Ohto; Col. PS. Cook, U.S A. Major 1. itil), 40; Major M. do., ead Lieut. Van Zandt, U. 8. Ny Gen. F. Townsend, Albany «HA. Smaliey, U.S. A, amie. ire at the Metropolitan Hotel ub in the ahip Wm Tapscott—John Patrick and York; deo Peany'aad laupeer tagiees, From Tongan. tn the bark Azelia—Mr Moore, lady, son and servant, of St Croix. Political Intelligence. Twestr-Forrm Dierrict.—In (uondage county there are already four candidates in the Seld for Congress follower for each of the four standards raised by owr gubernatorial aspirants. A Democratic Gary. it is probable that one republican and one democrat are elected to Con nlowa. In the present House of Represeptatives Voth members are republicans. No Ceaxck or Pusctos.— ft # expmet A that ” ing Will deetive tho American nomination for ¢ , the Fifth dietrict, Maotaely 3 theve fe mot t “ his being elected.