The New York Herald Newspaper, August 9, 1858, Page 3

AFFAIRS IN RUSSIA. ‘The Abolition of Serfdem in Rava and Its Consequences. Worrespondence of Le Nord of Brassels, July 22, trans- lated for he New York Gxxatp } Moscow, July 10, 1858. Allow me, sir, to come once more back to question of the emancipation of serfs, which has been so often discussed and still remains unsettled. I bave wigs Oy communicate to you news of such im- portance that I do not fear to weary the atteution of your Toeders by dwelling a little longer upon this ‘ou already know that the committees cheraed with the drawing up of a set of regulations with reference to the new relations between the land- owners and the ts, have assembled in several of the departments, and that doub:less the other de- partments will soon follow their example. Now, whilst the nobility is discussing the means of carr, ing out this great reform, the government, on i side, does not remain inactive. Being well aware that the work of emancipation is to proceed simulta- neously with that of the reform of rural administra- tion, it undertook this latter task by drawing up a Ppreject of administration and organization of the rural communities, and another project of regula- tions for the new district authorities, especially charged with the superintendence of the relations between landowners and nts. For the purpose of drawing up these projects, the Central Committee of Emancipation nominated a special commission, which, after having elaborated them, submitted them to it. Since then, they have been communicated to the Governors General and to the Governors of the different provinces, with or- ders toexamine them and to present them to the Central Committee, at the latest, on the Ist (13th) of Augast next, with the observations which they may have to offer. These projects are for Russia of an incalculable importance. The whole future of the country may depend on them ; for it is on them, if they be carried into execution, that will depend the application, and consequently the guccess or failure, the good or bad result of the great reform of emancipation. Therefore it may be asserted that in. this respect they are yet more important than the projects of ‘emancipation themselves. The government having asked for the advice of the governors, it is quite natural, and above all it is desirab.e that the question be discussed also by the public, and in ticular by the Russian public chiefly interested in is matter. It is even probable that where the governors will find nothing to object, the public will raise well founded objections, which the government itself will be satisfied to know before taking any de- finitive and irrevocable decision; on which, I again repeat, the social organization and the future well being of the most nomerous class of the popula- tion of the empire, and Cenc oe the future of our nobility, will depend. Discussion enlightens; truth springs ont of the shock of rose every- where the government is wanting to hear the truth, and in so important a question it cannot hear it enough. Besides, it is its duty, its right; and its first privilege under such circumstances is to be able to provoke truth and to have it told to itself, Here are, in substance, the bases of these new regula- tions:— PROJECT FOR ORGANIZING THE RURAL COMMUNITIES UPON SKIGNORIAL LANDe, AND IN THE CANTONS (VOLOST. ) Faob segnoral estate forms a rural commune, whose ehief ipso facto is the noble landed proprietor himself, Severai communes reuntted form s canton, whose popula. fen stall! amount to 10,000 souls and more. Ths chief of tbe canton sball be elected by the noble croprietora whose estates jorm the canton—either amonget the laadowners themerlves, or amonge! those of the neighboring cantons at the w:ll of the electors. When ascignorial estate composed of one or severel weighboring villager, reaches for iteelf, by the amouat of fe population, the proportions of a canton, it may at the same time form a canton apd a commune. The proprietor in this case ir de jure and de facto at the same time chief of ibe commune and chief of tha canton. It is reserved te the grea‘ proprietors to divide their estates tuto several cemmupes, according as they will jadge it necessary. Exch commune is to possess a communal administration sive rural edesnteeation 1 compeed of the gooers! © rural mi com| as- sembly of the members of the commuae tad toe sacient of the commune, (Starosta), together with his depute, where the latter may be necessery. The assem ly is @alied upon to decide in the private interests of the com- mane; It elects the re ives of the commune to the i E sFeie PAARL LE BA RR A Bh Reh OR id RR Pi abd oe : : 3 i i g z i Ey a cashier and @ recorder. The aseembly is formed by the reprerontatives of communes, one for twenty or twenty-five hearths. It erees on the al expenses of the canton, fixes the moxie of coptribution to the depots of corn im the reserve magarines, assensse tho service, controls the aoooun'e of the cashior, and, in general, pronounces on affairs of gone- ral interest of the canton. fhe assembly is pot perma pent, it can be conveved only witli the consent of the cbiof of canton ; its dec'sions, in order to be valid, must be con- firmed by the eame chief. The regency of the canton is composed of the ancient, the casbler and the recorder; it is permapent, aud jadgee jm all matters of genera! intorest of tue canton, bat it does not act ex: under the direction sad with the consent- ment cf the chiei of canton. The second project contains two distinct regula- tions. The first comprehends the bases of organiza- tion of the administration of the district and of the lice. Here are its ne pe its:—-There will in each district a chief of district, who shall re- resent the executive power and preside over the ibunal of the district, especially charged with the 35 “examination of the differences and suits at law be- tween landlords and peasants. The tribanal of territorial police and regency of plice actually existing will form one single admin- stration, called the office of district administra- tion, and being under the direct orders of the chief of district. This office is composed of two sections, the one of territorial police and the other of city police. The first is directed by the commissionary of territorial police, and the second by the master of ice. The mt member of the tribanal of police is attached to the office. For the pu of carrying into execution the orders of the chief of district and of the office of ad- ministration, there will be created in each district a stanoros ispravnik, replacing the stanoros pristar of today. ™ chief of district is nominated by the govern- ment. His charge is of the fifth class; but the gov- ernment has the faculty to invest with it fanction- aries of the eighth to the fourth class inclusive. The salaries of the chiefs of district are 2,000 silver roubles. Incumbents enjoy @ State pension may hold the office. The chiefs of district, who shall saccessfully discharge their duties, will, after three of ser. vice, be honored with the rank of Counsellor of Btate (fifth class), or if rf had it already, with the rank of actual Counsellor of State (fourth class), or, lastly, they will be > The chief of district is the chief guardian of the law in the district. He is —— with the super. aye | the strict execution of the general laws and the prescriptions which will regulate the future relations between the landowners and the nts. The chief of district belongs to the juris Fiction of the civil Governor. The second part of Faas comprehends the following re; ion, entitled: PASE OF ORGANTRATION OF THR INSTITUTIONS FOR EXAMINING INTO THE DIFFERENCES AND ®UITS AT LAW BRTWERN LAND. LORD! ARD PRASANTS. The following ia their substance:—To each en! oe the regulations for Lae gana of : condition of the reigneurial peasants sball have been totrotnced, owe et cae ih ae Peace; 2, a die twiet ; a government anal. The Judges cf Pence will be elected by the landlords o” tho whole district, Their numbor varies according to the extension add popalation ot the district, so that each jodge we under his jurisdiction the whole couotry com- av axtonnion of 85-40 versts frem tho piace of in residence. ane pom hyp ster to this ae on!) noblemen posses: or ‘® perman - dence 0 aimricte The Judge ateen is oloctod for three years this term he can be re-elected. The Judge of Peace decides on the following differences and suite at law between landowners and peasants — 1. Concerning the oxtent and the limite of lands com- under the name of enclosure 2. Concerning the repurchase of there lande. 8. Concerving the measure aod mode of enjoying lands reserved to the rural commanities 4 Comeern'ng the liquidation of charges imposed on the ita to the profit of the landowners 6, Concerning the reguisr payment of taxes dao to the treasury and to the landlord. 6c rhing the renoes and wt wre of tht act the landigrd and ihe penexas may give origin, contestations to 4 bet weer Heaton of the juigment. District, baving ite seat in the chief town compored of a chief of district aad two by the peasants The election of th's ‘atter takes pisce in the chief piace of the district by specia! deputies Bom'pated scooraing to article 478-49) of the tuird lume of the code of the country, Shore depnties nomi! ve candidates, amongst whom the Governer of tbe pro- Vince chooke of the nation whatever. The Tribunal of District, without entering into the exam!- Batic of civil or criminal affairs belonging to the joriedic thy of the ordinary tribunals, shall de ide only the differen. FE rdeny 4 suite which ait eve been cane’ feg.senti: cauion of the regulations tor emehorstion - , and whish will alrosdy have deen judged in the firet instance by the judge of peace; is is ropibited to Jodge direct'y s complaint before the tri yonal, The judgment of last instance of law suils between Jenclords and peasants is reserved to the government uibunel. bis tribunal, comprsed under the presidency of the the Civil Governor, of the Marshal of the nobility of the government. the President of the Cnamoer of 1) :mains, aud cf the Attorney of the government, judges only two 1, Proceet ween @ peasart and 4 landlor? conserviog arightot property, pot under the value of two hundred siver reubies. 2. Precees between a Jandiord aud a rara! community, concerning ® right of property or of fruition of lands, buildings, or other places valued at least st one tnousand ver roubles Tt is prohinited to direc!'y lodge @ complaint detore the tribunal of the government, which judges only a8 & court it is probidiled to logge directly an appe: agaimat a decision of the sistrict tribuoal contirming the deowion of the Judge of Peace. Such are the two projects of the special commis- sion of the Central Committee of Emancipation whiel should they be carried into execution, are destin to settle the great and grave question of the reor- ganization aud administration ot our country commu- nities; that is to say, of the whole country. As the regulation of the raral communes is, with- out any doubt, the most important, I shall ask your permission to stop bere a little, and to offer in a few words some observations on its intrinsic value—ob- servations which, L can assure you, are made by all those who, like mysel!, have been able to examine these documents. I therefore shall not hesitate to declare, first and foremost, that these regulations are not applicable, and here are my reasous:— In these latter times the rural commuue in Rus- sia has been much spoken of; our press, attaching with good reascns a great importance to this nation- al institution, set forth all its value and utility. Now if the commune was useful at an epoch when it was under the absolute domination of the landlord, how much more important will it become when it will be composed of members personally free, and when it will have to take care of other interests than those of its former landlord. Did the authors of this new regulation sufficiently impress themselves with the value of these commanes, whose great aud enormous importance for Russia the Emperor Nicholas himself so well recognized, that in his idea it was to form the basis of the new judicial organization of Russia? Did they recognize to it the rights, without which it is impossible for it to exist, asa social body? Do they grant it the freedom of action whic is neces- sary Jor it to be useful to its members and to tae country? Sincerely, nobody wili say so after having caretully examined the project. 7 According to the latter, the commune remains what it has been up to this day, since it does not get out of the dependence of the landlord. The Edina is chief of the commane; he may a’ the same time be chief of canton; nothing is done with- out bis authorization; the commune has not even the right of disposing of its capitalsas it pleases. ‘The landlord, who in no manner contributes to the formation of those capitals, who oftentimes is very little competent in affairs, is nevertheless called upon to direct the employment of those capitals. If a pea- sant wants to leave the commune, the consent of this latter is not sufficient, he wantestill more that of the landlord. To what purpose? we ask. Is it in case the peasant who asks for permi sion of emigrating should not have entirely acquitted himself of his burthens to the profit of the landlord? But did the authors of the project forget that from the moment they admit the existence of the commune proven | responsible, th eemigration of one of its membe! cannot cause any prejudice to the landlord, the com- mune being responsible for him? Now, if the com- mune permits him to emigrate, has the landlord the right of opposing it? Evidently not; he ought to have to deal only with the commune, and then is it not evident that this is equal to allowing arbitrari- ness free scope to exercise itself whenever the per- sonal interest of the landlord will be at stake, which will happen almost always. The ancient of the commune Sigg! is con- firmed by the landlord. Consequently the landlord wit have the right to prevent the nomination of a Starosta who might well take care of the inte- rests of the ts, but who, for one or another reason might not please him. Besides, by obstinate! refusing his confirmation to such or such individual, the landlord can easily cause to be elected him who is the most convenient to him, or rather him who will bethe most devoted to him. This is another great lati- tude left to caprice and arbitrariness; but I will not insist, for Thave something much more important to it out. btless, nobody would have believed that the landlord of to-day should even, after the manta tion, preserve tle nght to inflict punishments, viz: even punishments on the peasants, of his own authority, without giving the commune notice of it; I de not say even without consulting it. Is it possible that an individual, whoever he may be, shall We? authorized to be go vine err with: out judgment, a corpo punishment on a man re cogaized by the law as free, and that a nothing, a misdemeanor which often will not be one, since the very vague definition of the project, viz , insolence dis- order, érunkenness, and o' similar, leaves to the Jandlord,or to say rather to arbitrariness, all latitudo— may draw on the nt a chastisement as grave, nay, 2 punishment so ignominious for him who un- dergoes it, so disereditable and degrading for the landlord who orders it, and for the law that autho- rizes it— in a word, a punishment which it was pre- cisely the noble intention of the Emperor Alexander T to remove from both the general custom and the ex- isting regulations. ‘The project does not even admit of any exception either of age or sex. And the puvishment of imprisonment for three days equally left to the geod pleasure of the land- lord! But'a bad landlord—and who would dare to affirm that there are none in Russia ?—might profit of this right so as to cause to be regretted the good old times when the peasant belonged to him, soul and body. A regulation, @ law, must, above all, have an eye to preventing abuses. Now, these abuses alwa are coming from the bad, and not from ti citizens; the law must, therefore, have view the bad citizens. Did the authors of this project take well into account what it is to the peasant to be three days in prison in harvest time—three fine summer days passed under bolts, when the corn is to be carried home and the peasant is day threatened with losing the fruit of his labor of a whole ? And this ruin the landlord would have the right to inffict of his own authority, without the knowledge of the commune! Certainly this is not the means to remove the abuses of the old state of things; it is, on the contrary, that of aggravating and of rendering them more easy and numerous, . It must not be forgotten that the emancipation is to bring about considerable changes in the respec- tive ition of the landowners and . To-day the serfs do not form a distinct and independent social body; the serf is bat the accessory, the de- dent, the fortune of the landlord; the land- ord is the will that commands; the ser? the arm that executes; the labor of the latter belongs to the landed proprietor, upon whom the law imposes in exchange the obligation to feed his peasant, and to assist him with his money in case of nesd. I well know that this law has not always been executed; but, at least, the good land- lords really took care to suecor their _—- which, moreover, was in their interest. n the oe was ruined—when hts own crops were fail- a and he had pot the means of ig Aion him- self—the landlord was to assist him in his wants; he, therefore, took heed not to inflict on the peasant Po ey which might have rained bim, and this was the reason why the punishment of im- prisoning wae banished from the relations between serfs and landlords; & was even placed in the category of treatments reputed as cruel, and the most troublesome landowner seldom had recourse to it. He preferred the rod, which, according to him, does not prevent working. But the emancipation being once accomplished, the situation changes. Doubtless, it is desirable, and as to myself, I sincerely desire that the new order of things may not produce any kind of antagonism or opposition between the peasant and the landed prop ; itis certain that where ever the latter, understanding the importance of the reform and of the part he is to play in the work of economical regeneration of Rassia, does not neglect his own duties and ignore the inde; ee and th now rights of his serfs, there will not ‘are any antagonism. the relations between landlord and it will always be based upon eqnity and mutual assistance. Buta certain num ber of our landed F paca have an entirely dif. ferent idea of relations which the emanct- pation is to ereate between landlords and their an- cient serfs, The landlords of this kind are bat too much inclined to behold in the latter true enemies, and enemies ever ready to harm the interests of the landlord; therefore, they only think of protecting themselves against the bad intentions they grata sously suppose in them, and to surround themselves one ie elected by the nobility and tne’ the assessor, who may belong to any ciaes 1 peep» witb all kinds of precaution in order to prevent a too frequent contact with them. Asa proof of what I say, 1 have but to state the repugnance which ue landed proprietors exhibit as to ceding to the ca santa the enclosures they actually inhabit. “ How,” they say, “allow the it to establish bimeelf so near my residence ; I cannot suffer that ; he is a too troublesome neighbor.” And, armed with this argument, they are ready to cede to him gratu:- tously the land necesrary for the construction of new cottages, on the condition that those be built at the other end of bis property, and that the peasant ea tablish himeelf as far as possible from the seigneurial mansion. I do not say this to make a reproach to the landed proprietors ; I leave this to others. It is only my purpese to show you that the emancipation will create in a certain number of landed proprietors— not to saya large number of them—a kind of au- tagonism between landlord and serf, at least on the artiof the former. I have beard more than one landlord declare in advance that, his peasants bein; once emancipated, he will care about them as mucl as about doomsday; that he will take heed not to assist them in case of need, neither the law nor his interests obliging him any longer, | todo so,and that from the moment the 17) will be free, he will not have any interest at all to show for them. “ They then will perceive whether the new state of things is more fuvorable to them than the old one,” add they, with a kind of ani- mosity which does not allow the least doubt as to the character of their future relations with their easonts. I again repeat, I donot speak of the good jandlords; there are, thanks to God, many of them in Russia, and those will always know how to make themselves esteemed by the peasant, and how to live in peace with him; but it is nevertheless true that we do not lack also bad landlords, who will not fail to profit by whatever the new law may let sub- sist that may be turned to disadvantage for the pea sant. This category of landowners will necessarily be in antagonism with the peasants. Is it just, is it prsdent, to grant to the land- owner 80 formidable a power as that which the new regulations acecrd to him, and can it reasonably be hoped that he will not abuse it? But, it will be replied, the peasant may appeal to the instituted authorities. To what authorities? we ask. After having attentively pe- rused the two projects we did not find any amongst all those organized by these projects that is author- ized to receive and to judge complaints of the pea- sants sgainst the abuses of the chief of the commune in matters belonging to misdemeanor. The landlord has the right of flogging the peasant in cases of dis- order, insolence, drunkenness, and other similar ones. In this definition there is nothing positive but the right granted to the landlora of inflietiog strokes on his peasants; as to the cases to which this right may be applied, they are so little specified that they allow the landlord all possible elbow room. There are many actions, very innocent in themselves, which, wrongly interpreted, may be qualified as dis- order or insvlence; and then let us suppose that the landlord be angry with a peasant; what is he to do? He seizes on the first pretext—the least thivg or naiping-—to flog a freeman, or to throw him in prison fur three days. The peasant must ledge complaint, it will be said. Bat before whom? is it hefore the rural police tribunal ? but the landlord is himself the chief of it, and no decision of this tribunal is vatid withont his consent. Before the tribunal of the canton? but the landlord is equally its chief, and besides, this tribuoal is not thonzed to judge in matters belonging to mi meanor. Before the judge of peace? but he has no right to interfere with police matters. Before the district tribunal? but it is expressly prohibited to {one any affair that did not first pass through the ands of the judge of peace. Lastly, the ae of iy the government is judging in last instance appeals lodged o" it the decisions of the dis- trict tribunal. herefore, of all these many new authorities none is authorized to receive the complaint of a freeman on whom the chief of the commune may have inflicted an ignominious punishment. What is then the power of the chief of the commune? A pewer withont appeal in police matters; in a word, a discretionary power, since the honor and fortune of the peasants are at the discretion of its caprices and depend on the in- terpretation it may be pleased to bestow on their actions. 1 have not done with my objections to the new pro- jects, According to their terms the landlord has the right, as chief of the commune, to delegate his powers to the person whom he may charge in his ab- sence with the administration of his estates. Thus, an intendant, a foreigner, an intruder, a man arrived nobody knows from where—for it is known what in Russia usually are intendants, having for the most part no kind of bonds with the country—will exer- cise the same power as the landlord; will flog and imprison the members of a free community; will commit injustices, and the law will suffer it. Not only the law will suffer it—it will authorize it; and this law will bear the august signature of the Emperor Alexander II.—of the sovereign who attached his name to the rehabilitation of his country in Europe, to the reparation of rink injustices, to the emancipation of twenty millions ot human beings, and whose loyalty and good hear are known oe Europe. No, certainly no; such a pl — not be invested with the si ure Oo the peror, for after having been first to desire he abatticn. of serfdom a “yon eer cannot u is generous plan, 9 a ae ) ayy! where we should see it falling down should he projects in question be definitively adopted. phys Tot at wor! y Smperor happily . and ie eae oe, bed alone to speak with such frankness. Foreseeing, also, all the evil which these two projects are able to cause to the future of Russia, I do not hesitate to declare to you that thetr would be a misfortuno—a cala- mity to the country. Not only the tion of the serfs would not take }, but it would be materially impessible, and similar organi- the commune would have the most per- nicious results. The organization of the rural commune and its relations with the landlord, is the basis of the re- form; consequently if this organization be such that the peasant be nominally free, and in reality a serf, or rather slave, it is all over with the emancipation and the whole future of national prosperity which onr imagination had foreseen, and which the Empe- ror Alexander had promised to his empire and to his century. Serfdom would exist in a ine latent state, and for this very reason with aggravat- ing circumstances. Law, with its high protection, would shield the abuse, and there lose its own dig- nity. Letus be consistent with ourselves, and let us not bargain for justice. If we wish to emanci, the serf, we must resolve ourselves to grant him those rights without which he is unable to profit by his iherty 5 and if it be just to geareaten the inte- rests of a bundred thousand noble landed noes it ls equally just to assume a peaceable legally recogniaed existence to those numerous millions of peasants who will form the principal clement of po- itical and social force in Russia. Some words more and I have done. I have dwelt npon the first project, and I have not said anything about the second, because the first is, in my opinion, the most important. As to the second, I confess i do but little understand it. To what purpose were chiefs of district created? Of what use is this sur- plus of centralization? Is Russia already in such a state of disorder that one civil of the vince is no longer sufficient for oy and that it is necessary to create one for each district? We be me EL Fong 3 only a distrust bate is a nothing. calm and juillity wi are reqning tnroughout the eouniey, he Patience, moderation and ble character of the Russian the attachment they have to sovereign—al seem to contribute to render any extraordinary measure superfluous. Wherefore, then, burden the ee with a considerable expense whose it doubly fall back npon the people? Finally is it not extra- ordinary that, after having ackno: the great necessity of simplifying terrible machi of our administration and our tribunals, there is nothing better imagined than a plan which is a hundred times more licated and more intricate than whatever has existed till now? Oftentimes it has been repeated that Russia has many more employés and different au! than she needs. The bad ization of our rural police has often been com; of, and its reform looked for The new pi nothing in the old order of things; it wates it with the whole weight of new authorities instituted by it. Of what use so many people and so many instances? Stanoros pristar, the terror of the communes, in di- vided into two; he changes his name and receives deputies; certainly this will not give pleasure neither to the peasants nor to the landlords I think. The chief of the commune, the chief of canton, the raral tribunal, the cantonai tribunal, the p Telex the district tribanal, the government tribunal, and, finally, the chief of district, how many new anthori- ties piled up in a government at the side of those so numerous which already existed in the » A bureaucrat himself would be led astray; how can yo ask from the peasant to find his way therein’ Resides, 1 am at a loss to know “of what use can be such an agglomeration of anthorities, and how such a complicated machinery can work. Please God and our generous and equitable sovereign, that it may never fall to our lo? to see it instituted. ABOLITION OF THE FIXED PRICES OF BREAD IN RUSSIA. [Financial correspondence of the Nord of Brussels.) Sr. Perarsavre, Jane 30, (July 12,) 1858. ‘We are decidedly living in the period of reforms. The news I have to announce to you Ung A this time for a very near period, is a highly impor tant economical reform in St. Petersburg. Tt is not here the question of banks, or money, exchange of fiduciary circulation, or the equilibrium of the com: mercial balance, or even the lease of brandy. No, the great question of the moment, the question that keens nibtle curtosity suspended, is mich more im portaat, It is the abolition at St. Petersburg of the NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, AUGUST 9, 1858. Bod price of bread. However au] pose the astonishment of the deg motopd po yews of the capital, you will never i ie what it was; 7 the price of Load which remain:d the tame during almost a cen! » Sppeared to «i in habitants of St. Petersburg as being beyond the possibility ofa change. It was like a true principle, a real dogma, which it is forbidden to touch, Many an inhabitant of the capital would rather have admitted the cathedral of Isaac to change its shape than to admit the possibility of paying two or tour kopeks for his small white bread which at alt times he got for three kopeks; which, to say it in passing, bad not prevented the above mentioned small bread from constantly undergoing the most singular changes in ita forms and dimensions. But nothing in this world is lasting, and this immoveable principle that, so to say, had received the consecra- tion of centuries, is about to disappear. The fixed srices are to give place to the prices resulting from the relation between supply and demand. By eeriously examining the matter it must be al- lowed that notwithstanding the small importance of the fact in question in the eyes ot the European public, in comparison with the great reforms which are being carried out amongst us for some years, this event has a great signification. It is a certain indication of the more and more predominating au- thority which sound economical ideas are acquiring amongst 08. This authority must indeed be very great to attack deeply rooted habits. Theexample of other coun- tries proves it to us sufficiently. The French and Belgian economists will admit with us that the dues raised at the city gates is a vicious contributioa, as far as it causes the whole burden of the taxes to weigh upon the poor and inferior classes. Now, not- withstanding this conviction, Parisand Brussels have still their town dues, because they existed at all times ; because they became a habit, and because nobody thinks or dares to attack a consecrated cus- tom. “Habit is the most mortal enemy of all eco- eomical and financiai theories. At this point of view, every new triumph of an economical idea or over-antiquated custom deserves to be signalized in publicattention. It is a fact that the prices of things are the nata- ral result of two factors, viz: the cost of production and the relation between supply and demand. Be- yond that, there are neither natural price nor commerce possible. How can the legislator at his pleasure change those conditions which are natural laws? Que of two cases will happen: itner the legal price will be on a level with the natural one, or it wili deviate from it. In the first case it becomes useless; in the second it becomes imposasi- ble, for it will be eluded. If the 1 price be above the natural one, instead of protecting the consumer it will only aggravate his position; if,on the con- trary, it he below the level of the natural price, then, evidently, it will be eluded; or if this is im- pate all commerce will cease, no one naturally ing willing to work for others. But what is still more curious, taxes always attain an end utterly opposed to that which they propose to themselves to attain. Limiting the freedom of commerce, they diminish competition, and by this very fact maintain prices at a very elevated rate. This fact is very clearly shown by the pre- amble which accompanies the project of abolition of fixed prices. It results from preceding events that, notwithstanding the continual complaints of the bakers agamst fixed prices, the legal price of bread never ceased to rise. Thus the x, having for its end the protection of the inter- ests of the consumers, the latter paid more and more dearly for their bread, and at the same time the trade of baker, notwithstanding the general com- plaints, became one of the most lucrative. This is an evident proof that the fixed price of bread is less onerous to the producers than to the consumers, to say notbing of the fact that all bakers find the means of making a discount of ten per cent to their constant customers, which is a custom generally established at St. Petersburg. Furthermore, that the number of bakers in the capital increased from 217 in the year 1848 to 299 in 1857; and, lastly, that the trade of baker is one of the most lucrative at this moment—always notwithstanding the existence of fixed prices. The principal circumstances above all bring about the fact. that fixed prices can never be either equi- a or conformable to the natural conditions of traffic: — First, All raw materials and all other costs of roduction, (rent, light, &c.) cannot be valued at xed prices. Secondly. The value of all those articles is easen- tially variable, according to epochs and places. Thus these prices may not only change from one day to the other, but at the same instant and in the same city; they may and must differ in two distinct localities. A ‘er wil evidently pay a higher rent in one of the more fashionable parts of the city than in another more distant. Therefore, in their Jest result, fixed prices without being able to protect interests of consumers, only served to cover with the cloak of legality the excessive profits of the bakers. Nevertheless, in certain isolated cases, they caused oa and provoked well founded complaints on e of the producers. All these considerations prevailed with the Minis ter of Interior to propose the abolition of fixed prices, the much more as the rapidly increasing number of bakers in St. Petersburg —- to bring about a fall of the prices as an effect of competition with much more certainty than taxes would have done. Besides, a recent example may be invoked in favor of all these considerations. For a number of years we had fixed prices fo fuel. Last year the prices for fuel were excessive A decision was taken to abolish fixed prices. Not withstanding the apprehensions of a number yo = compen mane A fuel, instead of rising, went n. Finally, we must Interior, in bis p of abolition, proposed to ex- tend this Rage ie one elgg Pena - ty, eay to bread wheat flour, leaving in ex- istence for some time the price for rye bread. The Minister founded this difference upon the censidera- tion that asthe economical ideas which serve as the basis of the project can be understood only by the enlightened public, it would perhaps be well done not to proceed too rashly in matters of this kind, people being accustomed Ww see the price of their bread fixed by Fe omg oa and {introduce that latter re- form only when the results of the first—viz: the abolition of fixed price for white bread—should have proved to all the wholesome influence of the measure. The city commiesion charged with the examina- tion o' the project, accepted the conclusion, nouncing itsel — the restriction just ‘inted to veen in its opinion Soto ought » be immediately and entirely abglished; the much more so as rye bread, considering its great consump- tion and the facility of ite — will have the bo to gain by establ t of free competi- T cannot refrain from quoting one of the last sen- tences of the preamble of the commission: —- ‘The certa'n indications of cotemporary rcience, and the exampics of other couvtries, do not adinit of any doubtes to the fact that free commerce and competition offer the beet and surest means of the interests of the consumer, by preventing not only in normal times, but even at extaerdinary epochs, aa exceesive rising in the prices of foot. Few corporations in France would decide them- selves to laim a similar principle, and still bess to carry it into execution. Fixed*price for fuel was abolished amongst ns last year; that for bread will be abolished very soon; and amongst other things, it is talked of the aboli- tion of fixed prices for meat. RUSSIA AND FRANCE-—THE EMPIRE OF THE WORLD. [franstated from the Courrier du Havre, Jaly 15, for the New York Hera ] A St. Petersburg correspondent sends to the Bullier’s agency some interesting remarks in rela bye the great changes intervening in the policy wars: — Since the of Peter the Great, says the correspondence mentioned, the Czars had not seen any other means to increase the potency of Russia than to increase their military strength; orn conquests their pa - ¥ ys ne gotiated rend in hand; wr arts, lite rature were but an. artifice of civilization, if that may be said—a kind of varnish to diseimulate the Tartarian bottom. has changed since the Eastern war. The ee eee ap lies all his activity, all his , towards the nancial, commercial, ical and maritime growth of the country; and all, he builds rail- roads and steamers. Some A A time of peace ro in that by the government #il be more to it than ten years of succeseful war would have been, and will be more insurmoontable to English ambition than a numer. ons squadron at Sebastopol. While the Black Sea wiil remain closed to the men-of-war of the other Powers, Russia will be able to transport an army of infantry to Constantinople in twenty-four hours by means of her paddle wheel and screw steamers. The Russian correspondent quotes a fact which took place in 1819 or 1820, and of which he says traces exist in the resords of the Foreign Affairs department. The Em; Alexander had, about that time, made the following ey to Louis XVIIL.:—‘Abandon me Constantinople, apd I will en you a compass in exchange. You Will point that com} on any spot of your frontier, make a circle as as you may desire, and I will abandon you all the territories encircled. We will indemnify elsewhere those Powers on which you may have en- croached.”’ That bargain, tendered with an almost artless rudeness, was not accepted by the learned and phi- losophic monarch. And if a similar ae ps was to be renewed, it would undoubtedly meet with the same fate. But, even when it is rejected, such an offer leads to reflections; it shows evidently the im- mensity of the work which has been accomplished during late years by the armies of France aud 3 England in the Crimea. But, as in any case that age was not 01 could not be made to any Power ut France, our i ation has a right to be proud of the extent of tt e sacrifice which it makes to the European eamlibri m and to the peace of the world Are there in the world—even among those which trumpet at every occasion their universal philsn thropy and the principles of high morality which guide their policy—many nations which would have resisted such @ grand temptation ’ France, even on rising from the roughest trials, understood that there was for her an element of grandeur and preponderance far superior to mititary successes, with which sne had been surfeited duriog the first fifteen years of this century. This new ele- ment essentially reposes on the sentiment and respect of justice, on the predominance of generous’ and liberal ideas. | All the wars which France has sustained iu half a century—in Spain, in the Morea, in Africa and in the Crimea—nave been wars of ideas and princi ples, and never wars of mercantile interests. These are her titles, first to glory and afterwards the most solid foundations of the confidence which the na- tions and the governments have in her, and show in emulation of each other. Let us but have the sense to perrevere in that line of conduct, and the moral empire of the world, fur superior to the most extensive material empire, will remain ours. RUSSIAN SETTLEMENTS ON THE AMOOR [Niko aevak Ourresponoece of the Gazote de 5s, Potors bourg, travalated for ths New Yow Hkxaco Three years ago trade did not even exist in this country. Now Irkoutsk consumes coffee, sugar segars, &c., arriving here not any longer via St. Pe- tersburg and Nijii-Novgorod, but via Nikolaevsk and Nertchinsk. Irkoutsk is, besides, not the only city of Siberia which” enjoys the benefit of that external trade. The foreigners buy here our sables, our sqnir rel and other precious skins, the price of which bas greatly increased since the opening or rather the discovery of the navigation on the Amoor They have taken this year samples of all our other produce, and have carried them to San Francisco, Boston, Hong Kong, &c. What will itthen be when this country, and generally the Transbaikalli country will be more developed ¢ ready our iron has entered into competi with that of America, which, it is trae, is not much worked, but exists in large quantities. That branch of industry will undoubtedly acquire a great deve- lopement. Agriculture is algo in excellent condition on the Amoor. The greatest part of the river waters a country the latitude of which is the same as that of New Russian and Odessa. Here, in Nikolaevsk, weare under the latitude of Samara and Penza, and although oar climate much resembles that of St. Petersburg, the regions watered by the river towards the middle of its ran, produce wild vine, cork trees, herbs of three feet high, and many other products of the temperate climates. And whata river! Isthere another one in which a steamer builtin Americ and having crossed the oceans, has run up thre thousand kilometers from ita mouth; or, in other words, bas been able to winter at three thousand kilometers from that month? The truth is, that the Amoor alone offers such facilities for navigation. It is true thet the entrance of that river is not very easy. It forms three barg at its mouth; but there is always from twelve to fourteen English feet of water above them. l*oreign vessels of 500 tons enter easily into the Amoor, and during the war the fri- gate Aurora, which now lays at Cronstadt, wintered above Nikolaevak. Add to all these advantages the variety of the climate of the Amoor’s basiu, its navigable tribu- taries, such as Ingoda, Onone, Chilka, Argoun, Ka- mara, Lei, Bourei, Soungari, Oronci, Solt, &c., the immensity of that river's basin, its vicinity to the coasts of Corea and Petchili, all the year free from ice, and you will be forced to acknowledge that the Amoor is to play a great role in the future. Canat TOLLS FoR 1858.—The following is a state- ment of tolls received on the New jYork canals, du- ring the fourth week in Jnly; and also the total amount received from the opening of navigation up to August 1, in Pare specitied below:— ‘ourth week Total to in July. August 1. 1850. + + -$105,21 $1,236,346 -. 120,536 1,520,376 116,051 1,331,530 115,838 1,381,992 +.» 94,856 1,264,831 . 100,734 1,107,242 « 117,942 1,094,368 105,718 835,983 83,345 915,131 Tun Yacut Fixet.—The New York yacht squad- ron made ita appearance in our harbor yesterday afternoon, having left New Haven, where the achts stopped Thursday night, early in the morn- te. ‘The squadron is under the orders of Commo- dore Edgar, of New York, and consists of the yachts Widgeon, (ipsey, Silvie, Favorita, Una, Réstless, Norma, Alpha, Haze, Julia, Undine, America, Sea Drift, Escort, Bonita, Mannering, Scud, Zingar, Irene, Mystery. At this port it was ex- ted the chts Rowena, of this city, and the olante, Elliott, Juliet, Madgie, Azalia, Esperance, Haswell, Narragansett, Stella and Blower would oin. From here the fleet will a to Newport. New London Chronicle, Aug. 7. he yon of Deaths In the ofty and of New York, from the 3lst day ugust, 1866, oF ontons 88s bays, 209; girs, 360-—Tota, 67. adties Tiot”cnndren, 6007 maciter S34; fomalee, 345, ‘colored persons, 8. ree Tt eet q i E i i i # ¥ f Rf i i s3 Sssesss Ss Hitt Lanat'o Asylam, Bioom'g. 1 Nareery &Cnthd's Hh 4 Randall's Ist. Nore. Hosp. 8 St. Vincent's Hospital... 1 ‘Ward's Isl. Smig’t Hos’!..20 se ceee 00058 SRORGE W. MORTON, Clty Tnapesior Inepector’s Department, New York, August 7, 1858, Desperate Burgiars Sent t the State Pris) 1. COURT OF GRNPRAL sessions, Before Recorder Barnard. Avavst 7.—In consequence of the crowded stata of the city prison the Assistant District Attorney and the Recorder are exerting themselves to dispose of the prisoners. Contrary to the usual custom, the jurors were in attendance to-day, and a number of cases were tried. During the afternoon the Grand Jury came into Court and presented a large number of indictments, The foreman announced to the Court that they had finished all the business before them, whereupon his Honor discharged them with thanks for the promps discharge of their duties. Francis Doyle was indicted for breaking into the stable of Mr. West, 15 Suffolk street, on the 20th of July, and convicted of petit larceny. He was sent to the Penitentiary for six months. Abraham Kgbert pleaded guitty to an attempt at ano larceny, having been charged with stealing a oree, and in consequence of the disinclination of the complainant to press the charge, the Recorder dealt leniently with him by sending him to Black- well’s [sland for six months. BUKGLARY IN TH@ FIRST DIGRRE. George Baltimore, Wm. Sinclair ard Chauncey Mortimore, three rather good locking young mon, were jointly indicted for burglary in the thicd de~ gree, having, a8 was alleged, broke into the office ot Wm. H. Mason, 26 Nassan street, on the 3d of July. Mortimore was dissharged, the legal proof against him being insufficient. Che other two were placed on trial, and as the evidence against them ‘was positive, the jary immediately found them guilty. Baltimore was sent to the State prison for five years, - while Sinclair was sent to the same institution for four years and eleven months, in order that they might not vet out at the same time, _ Lundy de Vesey, alias Chas. Fay, and John Fran- cis (both J), anda youth named Thos. Harty, alias McGuire, were arraigned and placed on trial charged with burglary in the first degree. Oa the 17th April last they broke into the dwelling house of Benj. J. Howland, 78 Tenth street, and were about carry- ing away $100 worth of silver ware, when they were pursued by officers McPherson and Miller, of the Pif- teenth ward. They chased ti Washington Parade Groand, when De Vesey deliberately turned and fired at officer MoPherson. Francis, who escaped and was arrested in New Jersey two weeks ago, fired a six barrel revolver at off the shot did not take effect. The evidenc the accused was remarkably clear, the off tively idencifying them, aud a girl named Henrietta Rohffs testifying to confessions made by the parties. The jury, without any hesitation, found them guilty. There was intense excitement in Court when the prisoners were arraigned for seatenc Thos. Farley alias McGuire, (the white youth) being under 18 ¢ Penitentiary for ten ntence the law allowed. De vere asked what they had tosay why they should not be sentenced. The former said. he was a brick moulder, and the latter a seafaring man. Before the Recorder addressed them, his coun- sel stated that he had just learned that Francis was mistaken by the officer for ““B e Boy,” charged with bi engaged in the same burglary, but who had escaped. Counsel aflirmed that he was seen in Court duriog the trial. He was produced and brought face to face with officer MgPherson, who promptly said that he was not the Buckeye boy, In passing sentence the Recorder said—I am satis- fied from what I have been told »y the policemen, who know you and have known you for a long time, that you have infested this city for a number of ears, and are two of the most desperate scoundrels New York. Francis, 1 had supposed from what your counsel stated, that there might have been some room for doubt in your case, bas tre evidence shows that. you are guilty of the charge. You not ooly committed a burglary in the first degree, but you attempted to commit murder. You had no business to carry pistols, for you are not in that condition of life that makes it necessary for you to carry them to protect your- selves. The circumstances of this case show me that you have aot only planned this burglary with adroit- ness, but also have committed other’ burglaries of which you are suspected by the officers. You have lived abandoned lives for a on time past, and your characters are bad. I shall dispose of you for such a term as will learn you that when you come out you are not to take pistols into your hands and attemps to murder officers of the law when they seek to ar- rest you. The sentence of the Court is that you, De Verey, be sent to the State prison for fifteen years, while you, Francis, are to be imprisoned in the same institution for twelve years. He stoutly protested that he was innocent of the c! y William Sewell, a mere boy, having been indicted pop rr sand in the first degree, was sent tothe House of ge. Frederick Duertch, a slovenly Dutchman, was charged with attempting to commit a rape on a child not more than 10 years old and pleaded guilty to aseault and battery. The Recorder im; the ex- treme penalty of the law, which was one year in the Penitentiary and a fine of $50, observing that he regretted he could not send him to the State prison for a term of years. William Edwards, indicted for grand larceny, may oe jilty to the minor offence and was sent itentiary for six months, P The prisoners me _— intiated ye Grand jury were brought up from prison arraign- ed, when the majority of them pleaded not guilty, and were remanded for trial. pa a on on her. m. was intemperate an mens, bat her death was by the blows received from sent to the Penitenti for six mouths. Charles Williams, colored, charged with robbery in the first degree, having assaulted Mrs. Catharine Jobnson,and stolen acertain sum of money from her. Daniel Camady was tried for robbing George Wair of a brass watch, in West street, and convicted of assault and battery. He was sent to the Peniten tiary for six months, John Kane, jointly indicted with the above de- fendant, was acquitted. Canava va. Aumuican Corrans.—The Hamilton (Canada) Times is indignant at the remarks of American journals on Canada coppers, ard in retors speaks of “the miserable American cents lately issued by the Senate.” b ye oid ind and cig! yeas old, Kentle: will beleoid cheap Apply at UBu! ner of Bayard and F arena R CHEAP—AN ENGLION TWO WHEELED aA built im New York. To be seen atJ. H. GO) IWR iia Rluabeth street all fiands fbowt (yiogs 8 BUTT mabe, cor REAT JATN.—HORSE, LIGHT BUGGY AND Uist fe three minuess und pases wader tee euddia’ Will cell ebeap forcanb. Addrees Q i).. Herald office, Homma =. ELLIOTT'® INFALLIBLE OURR FO" cueidies, Bang, Ac. ia {—- 4% at U3 Third avenue, and et Maguire's bevel, = i AYD BUGGY.—FOR SALB, A SUPERIOR Dagey simost ne Ale, @ valoayie, otter, price, Sim. handsome { years ats bead, price $20. Sepiy os of Olver eareen oud ” WANTED.4 Bo. WAGON, WITH OR WITHOUT aC Cy ae ae ve ‘Sats ven by addressing R. R. bon Hs Neral once, J] ONDON Dock TENNEY Sie artes aes same doug! the big best cask orices. ‘cousdential. "N B.--No business transacted 03 ———== COAL. ee ; W THEIR COREL T wrsene — Thrcenwioh streets, (3 Afroman corner Baks"eweat unity ais cereus seat arenes, WAT. CLINTOR. MATRIMONIAL, ORS FROM S20P0 TO S30», ORR EN HPO ect ee ah oo tad a view ty matrimony rity wi'l lense Aay perry sadress fo