The New York Herald Newspaper, March 5, 1858, Page 1

THE NEW YORK HERALD. WHOLE NO. 7854. THE DEMONSTRATION LAST NIGHT. Second Grand Mass Meeting of the Democracy. | anes! ADMINISTRATION "FULLY SUSTAINED. Speeches of Hon. John A. Dix, Hon. R. M. McLane, John Van Buren and Hon. John Cochrane. WTERESTING LETTERS FROM THE CABINET. Enthusiastic Reception of the Letters and the Speakers, &e., éc., dee ‘Bao democracy of New York assembled in great force evening, at Tammany Hall, in response to the follow- all — @WAND MASS MEETING AT TAMMANY HALL TO SUS- TAIN PRESIDENT BUCHANAN, ‘The undersigned. sbaring the convictions of the President #1 Me United States, that "the peace and quiet of the whole e tmperianee than the, mere temporary fwiamnph of either of tbe political partirs in Kansas” ‘Tha: sbas for years cecupied too much of public ‘and that it ia high time this should be directed to far jortant objects,” ‘That, ‘when once admitted into the Union, whether with or without slavery. the excilemen', beyond her own limita, will dy passaway;” and thst, “\f her constitution on that aub- ‘et, or aDy ober, ve displeasing to a majority of the people, Se human power can prevent them from shanging it within a brief period,” ‘And that‘ the people of Kansas having, ‘in their own way? ‘ip strict accordance with the orgenic act, framed a cons! tution and Stace government,” ana applied for ‘admission into tbe Union under thig gonatitution,”’ sha ought to be so dark and ominous clouds thus be dissipated, whi'h »ppear to be impending over the Union,” by reason of the d'sturbed “triendiy relations of the people of the Stalen with each Beapeetfully Invite their fellow cttizens, without distinction of party, who are in favor of sustaining the action of the Presi- dens, je with them in ® public meeting to be held at Temmeny Pall on Thorsday. the 4h of Mare, at 73g o'clock yarsuant to the call of the Democratic Republican General 'm',tee, for the purpaee of expressing thelr concurrence whh and strengthening the hands of ‘he national Executive, ‘Dis call was sigaed by three thousand five hundred of the most reepectable and influential citizens ot New York. ‘The meeting last evening was the second gathering of the democracy, and was one of the mest enthusiastic and suc- ccasful that hes yet taken place in «npport of the policy of the administration om the Kansas question. No sooner were the doors of the hall thrown open than an eager fhrong preesed in and occupied every part of it. The Bepire C.ub was present, bearing banners and transpa- véveies, while the pocket pieve of Captain Ryaders roused the slumbering echoes in the Park. The meeting was called to order at eight o'clock, when Bes. Jonn A. Dix was unanimously appointed President, the following gentlemen officiating as Vice Presidents and Geeretaries:— VICE-PRESIDENTS. Sebuyler Livingsion,Gersbon Cohen, —G. D. Sutton, Joka'J Astor. Jr, PW, kngs, Anthony Kickhoff, Gerard Hallock, ' Hijah &. Purdy, Michael Murray, George Gree James R.Swers, James Leonard, Jr., DS Jackson, Wm. Whitlos % ves,” Cheries Doty, K "oonen Gi Jacob L. Sin! Henry rece Veter Monaghan, Richard Winne, Fred’k E. Gidert, Henry Bart, John Seward, Jr, Peter Halpto, Thomas Kerr, H. ©. Brewer, Frea’k R Lee, Charies A. Clinton, Cheries A. Davis, Patrick McElroy, Robert Gamble, N James D. Morgan. ‘Nickolas Dimond. joah John Donnelly, Charies H, Haswell, Stephen Kell Ambrose L, Pinnoy,Geo. P. Biokfoid Jacob A. Westervelt,Robert Doanell, be J. B. Downy . Meletta, €. &. Baidwin, B i. Cauing, John Wheeler, Jeremiab Larocque,B M. Whitlock, W. M. Tw Reuben Withers, August Belmont, R T. Compton, . Jonathan Thompson, Kéward Pollock, J. M. Marsh, David Qpuen, Boyal Phelps, os ‘arider, RfinghuntonnsendRich'¢ F, Carman, arider, ‘ownsendRich’d F. © git es Ashahel Levy, . Boyd, i, B. Blydenbergh, Jeiferaon Brown, Wm. A: Charies D. Mande, Samue! Sloan, Jobn Uregory, Tana: Townsend, — Cyrus Ramsay, J.Romeyn BrodheadJohn R Briggs, H.L. Barbier, John L. Brown, T. 0. Fowler, Wm. Murray, . Se0or, H. Leonard, Jomew Healy,W. W Burrowes, JqR. Sweet, Rdward C. Center, Alex. Hamilton, Wm. B.Duncen, Lewis G. Morris, Algernon 4, Jarvis, SRCRBTARIEG. oe C. P. Siuart, Andrew Leary, m. wrigl A. Chanceilor, ©. Bainbridge Bimith, sane Willams, BE. Jobn J, Bradiey, John Van Tine, Theo tame M8 i sHarriss, lames M Sweeny, Henry ‘Walter Roche, Patrick Poy » John a BY) Huten, Jamon. cick, ‘John McDonald, Rodi. H. Ellis) = ©. A. Weeks J.J. Gumbieton, Lewis P. Clover, 7. it. Joreph 0. ‘ackaas, 28. Pond john Nesbit And a kamaD, }. Pond, Teaao Wright, Jr, Biepben M. Drew, jacob Bennet, W. B. Clerke, cbael Ise, ki Kissner, James McMahon, Wm. Sinclair ‘B. Ryer, ge D. Onvie. ‘When the foregoing were approved, Mr. Dix, who was recetved with three cheers, addressed the meeting as fol bows :— Fruow Crozxvs:—I return you my sincere thanks for the honor you have done me by asking me to preside at is ; and I avail myself of the opportunity of ad- reaning a few remarks to you in regard to ite object. We tee thousand persons inaay’of tet our most ema bree thor many om our eminent! merchants and business men—to sustain the President of the United Stats in the position be has taken in reference & the admission of Kansas into the Union as & sovereign Stawo owe Though we are Paring together in the great hall of the democracy of the city, 1 see around me distinguished men of all parties, coming among us, not for any personal or sectional object, but to express their opinions, aa it is the right, and I think the daty, of ail go00 cit zens on &@ great question of public interest We do not come here to find fault with any who take a view of the subject differing from our own. We are not Bere t prescribe, to denounce, or to impute un worthy motives to those who disagree with us, Our purpose mmply is to prociaim our opinions openly and frankly, and to state with calmness, and without viteperation of any sort, the reasons for them. Let me avow,at the oateet, that I have, like wany others, had my own difficulties with this question, ‘at my first impression was in favor of remanding the whole subj poople of Kansas, t) be dispose! of them, with a foll popular vow, as preliminary to her a: miasion into the Union. I have come, on full consideration, wadifferent copciusion—that Kansas \. mitted Bow; and that whatever the to do im reward to their political organ’ warde—done a8 & sovertign State and not as a Territory, controlled, to some extent, by federal authority and feceral arma. (Applause.) I believe it best to detacl the federal power from a8 soon ax possible, not De canse it has bean misused, but because the people of Kansae—if they will do what every community ought to 0, take the management ot their own concerns into their own hands—wnl, in the speodiest manner, put an end to ex sting Gissenaior: eatly to their own advantage and sewed applause) Dellove say totbing which aay fur newed applause leve ing which any fair man will dispute when T'aaeert that if the majority of the eS Bee, ee eo So ka organization, bad cordially supp. |, a8 wee their duty, the government instijuted by , and taken part in ail = ee ‘under it, would at thie moment, in all probability, be living under a conatitution framed in accordance with their own wishes. Tb ir refusal, at different times, to go to the polls, war not the result’ of indifference, It’ was premeditated and deliberate. It was persisted in against a the io may on be the urgent solicitations of some of the strongest ‘State journais in the Atlantic States. This refusal on part of the great body of the people to participate in proceedings affecting their organic ents, not merely unwise, it was in the highest degree reprehen- gible. Inthe republic of Athens it would have been cri- minal, for no citizen in times of popular commotion was rmitted to stand aloof and cast on others the responsi ity of setting existing contentions without his aid. The principle ie founded in reason and justice. The exercise OF the elective franchise is as much a ftuty as it is a right, expecial| vital questions are at Taeve: ‘and those grho neglect or repudiate it are untrue to the politieal in- Stations which \t ia the'r business to uph rid and defend. The eiection of the 4th of January shows that the free Sate men are io an overwhelming majority. It shows ‘that they could have sbapet their form of government according to their own wishes if they had a the minoriiy to control, It i# no excure that they acted ander the worst possible advice; and I submit to you, fellow citizens, whether they will pay more than « m<rited penalty for their miajudgment (to use no paraher term) living under a form of goverment not of their own Choice, until they can amend it by the exer- cise of the right of suffrage—the only tribunal under our institetions for the arbitrament of difference of opinion on sv That the constitution of Kansas framed by the mpton Convention will be amended, no one doubta. It te trve | Contains & provision that it al anti! 1864, Bot I regard ali such attem; sovereign Pover As entirely nugatory. It ie the right of every peepld to amend or abolish at will the form of government under which they live. No power on earth ‘can prevent them from exercising the right whenever Wey please. Jt lies at the foundation of all popular sove- y. Constitutions are in the nature of compacta be- tween the parties. The are the people, and they are as free to change thelr compacta by it ae the parties to ® private contract are to amend or annul tt by mutual consent, It is absurd to assume that 8 commu- ity can bind itaelf to live for eight your oF a century (if it may do one it may do the other,) under any form of ernment, without the power of altering it in any par- ular, Twas one of thoro, some fifteen years ago, who contended that wo could amend our State” Gom Stirution whenever the people, by their de. Jegater, should meet in convention for the pur. There wae politica: interest in ‘the five which denied the proposition, and which had influ. c@ enough with the Logisiature to defeat any amend ment jp the mode preecribed. Wo prevailed in this con troverey, the people called a convention, and the consti- tution of 1847 was framed in direct vio’ation of the mode prescribed by the conetitotion of 1821. If we could change our constitution, regardless of tts provisions, the people of Kaneas may like manner change theirs. It is ‘as great an exercise of power to amend @ constitution ta direct violation of the mode of amendment prescribed, as it ie to alter tt in direct violation of @ provision declaring it unalterable. The whole question on which and the country are divided is a very simple one; and it Teaily geeros to me that, when we strip it of certain ac- Crstories, there is very little ground for @ difference of opinion. ‘It is this—Will you submit the constitution of Seems ‘to a popular vote as preliminary of her admission into the Union, or will you admit her as @ State, and let the pecple dispose of constitution in their own way ‘and at their own pleasure afterwards? Shall the ordeal precede or follow admission? Shall she act in the ma:tor as @ Territory or a State? The President advises the latter, and | am satisfied that he is right—that the mode recommended by him i¢ the speediest of giving to the people of Kansas the uncontrolled direction of their own affairs and the regulation of their own form of govern- ment, (Cheers.) who take the other view of ‘the subject denounce the Freeiien's een, as ty- rapnical, oppressive, and a violation the doctrine of popular sovereignty. Is there any justice in this denun- ciation? He proposes to admit Kansas into the Union at once ag 4 State; to say to the people, govern yourselves witbout external interference; elect your owu officers; mould your own institutions into the forms best aiapted to your local and social peculiarities; in a word, reguiaie your own affairs in your own way. Is thie tyranny? Is this oppression? Is this a denial of the doctrine of popu: lar sovereignty? To my view, fellow citizens, it presenta the highest evidence of your loyalty to that doctrine, and it repela, with irresistible force, all the infatuations of injustice and wrong wita which the President is assailed. (Enthusiastic cheers.) The President’s recommendation is opposed, also, on account of the frauds practised in the organization of theConvention by which the constitution was framed. I am sure there is no one here who would palliate them. The President himself refers to them as “detestable crimes,” whieh the people of Kansas will know how to punish. He believes that the surest and epeedieet modes of redresssing all those wrongs and of calming the existing excitement is to acknowledge the sovereignty of as e State; and he will then be enabled, to use his own words, “to withdraw the troops of the United States.” We agree with him in both r . We believe that when the Kansas question is withdrawn from Congress, when it sball become purely local, when it can no longer be made an instrument for promoting party purposes, and when the people of Kansas, without the presence of a federal army, can dispose of their own controversies in their own way, there will be an end of excitement. But it is said there wili be civil war. Ido not believe it. Wars of this descripuon are usually the result of oppression or of the idleness of surplas populations. There is no tyraony or oppression in declaring Kansas to be a State, and thus enabling the majority to act for themselves in all matters ot self government, whether organic or administrative, as the President proposes; and there are no apoccupied multi tu jos in Kansas whose restlessness or want of employment can only find vent tn civi! commotion. The people of that Territory and of the country at large are too Dury for intestine war. Besides, nothing is to be gaived by it, and we know that the great mass take @ practical view of of the pecple always their own interest. The majority in Kansas have no motive for a resort to arms, when they cap #0 much more easily accomplish their objects by ful means, and the minority have so little interest in disturbing the public order, now that the destipy of the State is a foregone con clusion. is another and a larger view of this sub. ject. The question should be taken as speedily as possible out of the bands of Congress, It is one of the necessities of our political organization—especially when parties are Bearly balapced—that every important J sya question as- sumes a party aspect, and becomer, for the time being, 80 engrorsing as to obstruct the progress of business. capnat well be otherwise when administrations are short lived, ag they are with us, and when every change is ex- pected to bring with it e general change in the tenure and distribution of public office. I am not sure that it is an evil. i promotes vigilance—it engures a keener scrutiny into the conduct of public men, and into their motives, so far as motives may be inferred from conduct. These are great and urgent reasons for taking this question out of Covgrees. There never was a time when the whote atten- tion of the government was more imperiously demanded by our relations to other communities. The President has, with a fearlessness worthy of all praise, put an io filibuster#m in Central America, and maintained our public faith and eur public honor in the sight of the civilized world. But there are indications not to be mis- taken that graver and more delicate res; ibilities may devolve upon us. The republic of Mex! is rent by in- terral aistractions, and with every prospect of dismem. berment. We are connected with, by @ territorial boundary of vast extent. It is hardly possible that we can, in case of ber political re-organization, escape com- = with her of the most important character. hen I had the honor of representing New York in the Senate of the United States, some ten years ago, I pointed out those events as inevitably to occur at no distant day; ‘and no one who has marked the progress, or rather vetrogradation of things in that republic during the inter- recs aie Gan id wit yw but certain a cent number, says steers ie would wish to see Great Britain ? ever borne so mach of indign! another as we have from her. redress with inulting — She Loony oy to do us justice, longer be permit © ocenpy & position on our which bas for years been little elae than an taetrement of mmmorance—a position maintained in defiance of the prinaiples of liberality which govern the intercourse commercial States. I have alluded to two of the gre subjects of international interest which aemand the at- tention of the goverpment. There are qnestions of a do- mestic character not leas important—among them the hoe- tile attitude assumed by that extraordinary social organi- vation, half military and half religious, which has sprung up in the American desert, and which has di il Christendom with ite sensua)ism and ite imptions impiety. Our commercial and financial aye! needa the career of oxtrava gant expenditure, which we have been running for years, shoul arrested, and the administration of the govern- id . ment be brought back, in ri economy and simpil- city, to the standards of Je and Jackson. (Enthu- siastic cheers.) Let us then, fellow-citizens, do what we can rt this question of sectional agitation from Congres, leave the administration free to deal with the great suljecta of foreign and domestic interest which ‘awo't te action and deserve its calmost, wisest and most deliberate counsela. 1 believe the President, in all he has done, has acted with the moat op and disinterested motives. 1 have confidence in his wisdom as well as his integrity. tentions is not inferior to my own. hi id let us be assured that in banishing from the halls legislation a subject of rectional controversy, we sball contribute to unite the conservative influence of all sec- tions of the confederacy upon those great with which the prosperity of the country and the tran quiliity of the Union are so closely interwoven. (Cheers.) At the conclusion ef Mr. Dix’s remarks, the following resolutions were read by Robt. J. Dillon — Resolved, That the Territories of the United States, having ‘bythe common blood and treasure of the or wi'hout his property in slaves, as principle of good faith, fatr dealing and fraternal obligation nin and again reiterated by the de ot rk ree ee towed | baa, byt a United Rater, ceased to be the mere prin. ‘arty and has become the Lf coneerne fect, haile with joy the advent ef the pe Territories in entitled, by the advance of tte popu resources, to be introduced into the great <> cy to eater ei pon the career of x: cere - L inion jemocracy evel ‘erritory mus ent ted to edmie ion upon reeentlog 10 Congress &.cons tration whieh shall be “republican in form,” and with or without Tiavery. ws the people determine. Resolved, That @iate admission into the Union upon thelr constitution now bdefere Con, for the following reasons — Because the constivution a “republican in form,” and thus fnifils the only condition to admission required by the consti tution of the United States, Becaure it was framed by a Convention, aanctioned by Con gress and elected hy @ Tmajoriy of the pee, Reeanee it was adopted by a majority of the people tn the mode authorized by the Convention, in whom, by delegation the people was invested supreme anthority. ine the mode, thus authorize 1. fairly and aubstantially {120 the popiniar will the omly question which really ie of the Territory. tbe peop! Because the allegation that @ large body of the people, known an the free arty, supporters of anther Conven tion and in actual rebellion to the constituted anthorities, did pot vote upon the constitution, and if they had voted wnid have shown & majority of 1! le to be opposed to It ts an wien, under the circ inces of the aideration: those who refuse to go to the polls have no right to complain of the result of an eleeti Tn government the people are thore srho vote. on ec wune the conatitution, thus adopted, being regniar npon the ecard, Congrens abould. seize the opportunity <f incorpo rating Knoras asa State under ite provisions, thereby invest ing her people with sovereign power to alter or amend it at their pleasure, securing tos di tory peace and pie and oval from the hails of Congress a gerour an agitation. Becanae the industrial intereasta of the country, now wnffer. ng extraordinary depression, imperiouaiy, require renose from the dangers of sectional agitation, and that intestine di. visions which threaten the of the confederacy abail no longer be permited to depress enterpriae and ‘0 caat their baleful influence upon the eredit ard commerce of the peo- le. Pifiecause James Buchanan, the President of the United States, recommenda i’, Klevated to a position which enables him most accurately 10 ascertain the exact truth amid the conflicting statements, eoming from heated partisans in that @isiant frontier of the Union, gifted with m rare sagacity and long experience to foreten and appreciate the dan © which threaten surronny y & wise and ‘abinet, and animated by a patriotion which no man ation, be baa advised Congresa to meet the existing y adinitting Kaneas into the Union with her present constitution. Admiring his courage and decision, and fnily impressed with the conviction tit James Buchanan has "a0 other ohject of earthly ambition than to leave his country in peaceful and prosperous condiion, and to ite in the respect we request ovr repre wise counsel, and we support. e and ‘he procend he Chairman to one it of ihe Untved “tates. titled to. af and confidence of his countrymen, fentatives in Congrems to follow Pledge to him and to them our unflinch! Rerolved, That a copy of these resolv ings of thin’ meeting be transmitted members of Congress and to the Pr A Voice—There is & large meeting outside and no one to speak. Captain Rrwpers—Weill, we cap’t have any one speak Outside—it is too cold a night. The resolutions were put and carried with one nega- tlve, and that was intended as a piece of bi Captain Ryypexs—We have only one “no” out of four or five thousand people. The PRestDENT announced that the foliowing letters had deen received:— LEITBR FROM MR. SECKRTARY COBB. Wassinaton Crry, March 1, 1358. Your proposed meeting on the 4th will be one ‘of pes. Mar interest, and 1 deeply regret that it will not be in my power to be pretent and participate in its proceedings. characterizing your meeting as “one of peculiar interest,”” I mean the full import of my language. The question you meet toconsider is full of importance, and of itself would be sufficient to enlist the liveliest interest. Kansas has been 80 fully and freely discussed that it would seem that nothing remained to be said on the subject, and yet in view of the peculiar state of things now existing in reference to it, at possesses all the novelty of anew question, and all the importance of a vital issue. It bas distracted the public mind of the country for yeara, alienating ite different sections and convulsing the Union with the violence and bitterness of the party contests which have grown out of it. The democratic party of the whole Union attempted ita solution by the application of the great principle of self government, which lies at the foundation of our tree insti- tutions. The country responded to the proposition in the trivmphant election of Mr. Buchanan to the Presidency. In the regular and legitimate course of things we encoun- tered the untiring hostility of our opponents, who, from the beginning denied our principles and defied our strength. Ateach step, however, of our (nig yeas the principle so happily inaugurated as applicable to Kansas in 1854 has gained increased support. The hour of final victory tinds our old foes prostrate at our feet, their strength exbaust- ed, their power ended, their race run, prepared to yicld an obedience to the popular will which bas been wrung from them by the cordial! and patriotic co operation of the united democracy. It was in this hour of its triumph that the democratic party, flashed with its past suc- cess and bopeful of its fature victories, was des- tined to receive a cruel blow in the house of its friends. What our enemies had failed to accomplish a portion of our own household seek to effect. It gives peculiar interest to your meeting to know that the demo- ‘cracy of New York present an unbroken front in support of Mr, Bucbapan’s administration, in carrying out in good faith the principles he was chogen to vindicate. The low murmur of disaffection in your midst is scarcely enough to indicate the unanimity with which it would be crushed if it had reached a point of sufficient importance to attract attention. The democracy of New York, speaking through their representatives in Congress, their public press, their representatives in the Legislature, public meetings of the pecpie, and in ali the other modes of giving expression to popular opinion, bave exhibited a unanimity of sentiment im favor of the Kaneas policy of the administration unpre- cedented in the political history of your State, This is true to-day of the New York democracy, and in a short time, I venture to predict, will be true of the democracy of the whole Union. Why should it not be so? In looking at the Kansas question as it now stands, what is there left to disturb the public peace and distract the public mind? It is no longer the question of slavery in Kansas. Every friend of the constitution who respects the rights of the States, concurs in the opinion that the people of Kavsas apd Kansas alone should be permitted to decide for them- selves, and in their own way, whether Kansas ehall bea free or slave State. This being Day ng it is equally true that the admiesion of Kansas under the »mpton consti- tution affords to the people of the State the most ready and certain mode of regulating their own affairs in their own way, free from all outaide interference. If they de- sire to bave slavery, it will be in their power to retain it, and on the other hand if they prefer to make it a free State no earthly power has a right to prevent. It is not then a question of slavery or no siavery in Kansas. The issue presented by our opponents in the last can- vass was not limited to this ro. They assumed a far more important ground, and declared that no more slave States should be admitted into the Union. It ia in support of that sue that they the admis: sion of Kangas with @ pro siavery constitution, declaring as they do thata large majority of the people of Kansa are opposed to slavery, and admitting as they do that that majority will be fully authorized under the provi- sions of the Lecompton constitution to make Kaveas a free State, ‘voice of her people can be Convention to be called for .that The question of slavery or no slav@ry in sinks into insignificence by the side of the more important issue made by our opponents, that no more slave are to be admitted into the Union. The rejection of Kaneas upon such on issue is the announce- ment of a successful war uj the constitution of the country and the equality the States. I am no alarmist, Oo Dhagced political record will protect me from the imputation; but I address to my countrymen the words of soberness and truth, when | say to them that our noble Union cannot survive the success of such an is tue. This doctrine of no more slave States originated in the epirit of deadly hostility to the nized institutions of fifteen of the sovere' of the Union. Ittramples upen the most solemn of the constitution. It sub- ettutes for its sacred guarantees the banefui teachings of false thropy and maddened fanaticiam. I: sufles the of love, and friendship. and ig Be pa qt agg pened rT pn oot 7 Ts we and hatred. It stigmatizes the memory ‘a- i fathers, and would write infamy and infidelity tomb of Washington. The picture is nos over- drawn; and I would call upoe patriots of every; and friends of the constitution everywhere, to unite in a com- men effort to stay the hand of folly and fanaticism from ita work of ruin. The democracy of New York see the danger and — it i breach, with all my beart I them God speed m the dis- ee “ik micbecr of Jerk aod danger tes try engaged. ir of pel ger the count s rescued apd ren by AM) by the na- tional democratic party. y is upon us. Are we equal to the task? The President of our choice, the recognized head of our organization, bas given to the country the evidence of his fidelity to principle, and of his firmness in the disebarge of duty. The policy be has indi. cated for the solution of the Kansas issue is before the country, and is commanding each day more general favor He will stand firmly by it, and the democratic party will not faiter in ita support. ‘Black republicanism ‘cow: ered and will cower again before our triumphant banners. Disaffection in our own ranks may cost an occasional far, ‘but the old democratic car will neither be thrown from the track nor seriously impeded in ite onward reas. HOWELL COBB. Preven B. Sweeny, Feq., chairman, etc., New York city. LETTER FROM MR. POSTMASTER GENERAL BROWN. Wasuuxaton Crrv, March 1, 1858, Your invitation to be present at your Tammany meeting on the 4th instant bas been received. Nothing could give me greater pleasure than to be there, but incessant en- gagements f my department altogether forbid it. The main object of your meeting seems to be to express your concurrence in the opinion of the Presideut, Kansas ought to be admitted ixto the Union at the prerent eeasion of , under the Lecompton constitution now before that body. And why should she net be? Take all of the objections, one bj order presented by body elee, and dificult ‘one, put them down distinctly in the Deglas, or Walker, or Wise, or any then ask the question who created th ‘whatever it may be? Trath, honor, history cao and that ie that the black republi ? The Legislature of the Territory wanted a full register pj th lawiul voter, eo that in the heat and coafusion of voting, no illegal votes should be smuggled intr the ballot box. But Lane and his followers would not register —nothing could induce them to do so—they stood out in open de ¢ of the law. votes cast in the election of BY, because the same Sim) wor they would never submit to an; of ja. When the conatitut was framed and ihe tlavery clause was submitted to the re why did not the alleged majority vote against it? Simply because they would not. The Convention asked them to send word to Congress by their votes, on the Sist Decomber whether they were for or against slavery; but they would not do #0, They staid away obstinately, and by not voting concealed Congress what their wishes were on the subject. The President was so determined they should have a free and fair chance to vote their real sentiments, that he bad his army there commanded by one of his beat Generals, in order to prevent frauds and violence, to the foll extent of his powers under the constitution, What more could he do? What more could democracy do to give the people of Kansas ir chance to come into the Union on equal terms with the other States? If it be said, it bas often been, that the Convention ought to have ‘ubmitted the whole constitution to the Ne, the answer ‘the Convention men will hazard hie mn by dewying that the Con- vention was the role judge, whether the whole or only a part ebould or should not be snbmitted the people? it im oseless bere to put down in detail a!) the points of ob- Jectron to the admissicn of Kaneas—whstever they are they all spring ont of that spirit of rebellion, which has notoriously existed in the abolition or bi biican party withip the Territory, sided and abétied by that party out of the Terri . Im the light of these frou, open, palpable and undeniable, [ have been amazed that any portion of the democrats should hare been 80 prect. pitate and ur guarded as to commit themsalves against the obvions and just policy of the Presifent, which ia to look only to two great facts on the quartion of her admission, 1. Aa to the identity of the constitution presented, ie tt verily and truly the instrument which the Conrenticn or. dained as the constitution framed for Kansas, and uot « fictitious one fraudulently presented to Congress? 2. Ie that instrument republican in ite provisions ae re: quired by the constitution of the United States? Here ends the whole matter, and all good democrats should on reflection rally around the President on those two principles. When I say all good democrata, 1 do not mean to protcribe those who had eo far objected to the pol! gy of the President. Let me in all candor speak out without dieguire or uncharitableness op this precise point. Bon pore Gov. Walker, after baying gone to Kansas and aivo cated aa he thought, yr the submission of the whole con stitution to the jo, had returned to Washington, saying in his commen: to the government and bis addresses tothe people, | have not gotten everything done exactly as | preferred it, but 1 have succeeded in getting the real wat ter im dispute submitted to the people. I hare acomm pi®hed the substance, and therefore | recommend the ad Mision of Kanean, nudor all the circumstances as the boet thing that can be done, under the rebellious and obstinate Tesietance of Tano and his aboiltion followers. If he bad Jone this, he would have been hailed ar a great pacificator Petween contending factions and a democrat of pure and unsuapected nationality. Bol would any ef | others, without calling their names, whom I have l honored, iv the midet 9! rumored frande and confused and inconek tent telegraphic despatches, they have bean precipitated on conclusions which were at war with their sound and orthodox principles of democracy, and which on their tial vote on the mea*ure thay ought to be proud to repndicte The slow, deliberate and cantious atates: mau rarely blunders in bis cone!uaione, whilst others more impulsive are often compeiied to correct thetr mis- takes and to rely on the briltiapcy of their aberration as ap atonement for the precipitaocy of their judgment. 1 know of bo bigher, moral or political spectacie than to tee a public mau, when he is convinced of an error, la stantly and fraokly to acknowledge it and flaail, — his adhesion to the cause and principles which be ardently sustaiced throughout bis life. I wili notabendoa the Le that during tho present and coming week, whilst this great subject is being acted on by the two houses of Congrees, toat democracy will be fliled with iar st the return of many who have been supposed to ve fipatly gote over to the ranks of the enomy. Let po man who is willing yet “to itve ani die in the faith of bis fathers” find any excuse or ofculty in the pew ad frauds of the election of the 4th of dapuary. That el mi hed nothing to do with the for- mation of the constitution, nor with the vote on it of Dec. 21. It wok piace after that subject was closed and ened. It related altogether to a differen: mater. It was not lite- rally a Btate eleciion, but it was & quasi State election—a Condition al one, dependent on the subsequent admission the State. If admit'*d, it was to be deemed and taken A State clection—its delegate to be admitted into Congress, aud the State goverpment putin operation accordingiy. It must, therefore, to all intents and purposes, be coa- tidered 8 @ State election. But how can any irregularity or fraud in a State election in avy manner affect a State constitution’ They are altogetber separate and distinct things. There was a time when all New Jersey was coa- vulsed, from her centre to her circumference, about frauds in her election; yet the storm raged, and the broud teal of that gallant State was tossed to and fro without in the slightess degree affecting her constitution. Ooxgress can have nothing to do with that clection—she can know potbing officially about it. Whether one party or tue other in the Legislature will have a majority, or whetber free State or democratic Senators will be likely to be re turned under it, it becomes not Congress nor any one of the great etatesmen who adorn that body to inquire. I dagh these gentiments oe on paper, because I cane i. der the occasion does not j 'y apy methodical argument on Kaneas affaire. 1 cannot, however, consent to give up the subject without asking every true democrat in this ceuptry if he will not sustain the President of hie choice on this avbject, whom is he willing to sustain? If not James Bucheran, ¢ he willing to sustain James tan? They are antipodes wo each other; Buchanan is for the Le- ccmpton, Lane is for the Topeka constitution. The one was made under all the sancticus of law passed by Con gress and the Territorial Legieisture—the other was set up withont law and egainst law, the vi'e production of re- yolution and rebellicn. Kansas, after passing through many tribulations and trials, beeet by enemies 19 all social order, bas at laet reachet the doors of Congress with a constitution better securing the great rights of civil and religious libe my than do ba!t the constitutions of the other States of the Union. Mr. Buchanan recommends her ad mireion. Lane recommends her rejection. Wil you send her back into the wilderneseand require her to take a pew start in ber efforts to form constitution preparatory to a more acceptable admission? What assurance have we that sbe will ever come again with as good a constitution as she now presente? We knowshe never will, if Lane and bis followers, now having the majority, as’ they al- lege, can possibly prevent it. No constitution protecting the email amount of slave ey. ‘Uhat is there now, protected though it be by the eacred gis of the consti tution, will ever be presented. No constitution allowing the eurrepder of fugitive elaves—none allowing the right of mere passage to them when in the personal custody of their lawful owner, need ever be expected. No, never. If Kaneas is not admitted now, she wil! never return but under the guidance ef Lane ano his followers, with a con stitution so utterly ieconsistent with the federal! constitu- tion and the righis of the States under it that {tcannot be acmitted but at the expense of our precious and glorious Union. Lane and his followers, whether in or out of Congrees, do not ask for her rejection for any purpose of eer Oo gorge constitution. They know that they cao ve that «! any time after admission, just as they desire it; but they are aiming, in my humble judgment, at no- thing short of the destruction of the democratic party, and with it the destruction of the Union. All other parties have now faded away and become almort extinct, but the demosratic and bi republican Tho fate of this glorious Union is staked on the pending issues between them. The conflicts of ordinary parties can never disturb the solid fabric of this government, but here is one that all wise and good men know may upheave its very foundations. The President has labored night and day to turn aside euch an issue; the democracy North and South in al their conventions have endeavored to avert it; the Father of his country in his last dyu legacy bas warned us against it; but the self constitute: General, James Iane, and bis ic followers in Kansas tnd their abolition co workers in Congress, bave fata'!) and wickesly decrend that this issue must come. We have no prophete as of old to inform us how this ‘save is to be decided; but end as it may I am determined to stand by the President—to stand by him because throughout this Kansas affair he has by the constitution, and in #0 doing he has stood by and sustained the Union. I close with assurances of respect. AARON V. BROWN. LETTER PROM MR. SECRETARY TOUCEY. Wasninaton, your letter of invitation, I can: regret my inab lity to be present with you at Tamman} Thursday evening. After struggling s0 ip Kansas waich bas been for years in reckless piacable politics! warfare upon Territorial gov- erpment establisped by Cougress, we have reached the point when the best interests of the country imperatively demand that the difficulties of Kansas shall be taken out of Com, ‘and committed to the disposal of her own = bat possible reason cap there be for longer delay? e Legisiawure of the Territory submitted it to the peopie whetber constitutional convention should be called. then had an opportunity to express their h the Dallot box, but they refused to act, aud sliowed the election to go default. The Lagisia ture then, in obedience to the will of tne people thus ex- pressed, provided by law for the election of delegates to assemble in convention and form a constitution, and they again bad an opportanity to express their wishes tarough the ballot box, and, if they had the majority, to take coa- tro’ of the convention and mould the proposed oconsiita tion to thelr own @ill, Dut they refured to act and again suflered lection to go by default, They knew that the act authorizing the convention did not require that the constitution to be formed should be submitted to the people, that the Governor bad interposed nix veto on that aoe and that the law had been passed over bis head yy the requisite majorities of two thirds of both braaches, and yet tbry refused to speak through the peaceful agen cy of the ballot box. When again the Convention bad fubmitted the question of slavery or no slavery to the peeple, and y once more had an opportunity on impressing their views upon the iustitutious of the inchoate State, they once more, on this vital ques. tion—vital in all the controversies connected with Kansas — refused to vete and permitted the election to go by ‘oe fault. There is no wapt of charity in the conclusion that they not only knew, but intended, the result likely to follow their pre-determined course of inaction, and are as much bound—morally, politically and logaliy bouni—es if, on each of these occasions, they had attended at the polis end voted for the result which did follow. Nor ix it unreasenable .o believe that in these three elections there was no fraud, when there was not only no room for 't but no motive could possibly exist for resorting to it. Is it then to aay that this Xanst# opposition has jh? that when the Convention has presented 10 Congrers the constitation it has formed, duly attested by {us offlowre and a majority of \ts members ax the act of the people of Keneas assem bdied by their delegates, chosen in conformity with law, that this constitution, beiog re publican in form, 's to be received by Congress the State aomitied—admitted with a distinct ition on the part of the federal goveroment of the right of the poo ple of Kaneas, which & asmerted (p the constitution itae!t, of altering or amending it at pleasure? Why not cut the ordian knotatonce? Why not expel the mischief from ingrene and sr ttie the difficulties at aaingle strcke, by re- ferring them to the jo who have the exsluaive right wer to settle them? Why not give the principle of san and Nebraska act fuli and fair piay in the shortest posse time by the most direct mode, with the leart porsible obstruction, to work @ legitimate solution? Cap the people of Kansas complain that they are placed by the side of the ‘States of this Union? with the largest liberty possible (under the federal constituting? with the fullest practicable opportunity of exercising the Tight of self government and moulding their inatitutions in own way, subject only to the constiution of the U xt States? This # the policy of the President, and ix is the only sbort, direct, open way to the estadlishmnen of der end popular power In the Trrritory, anf eration and adoption of such measures of legislation for the whole country as ite great interests im peratively require. TSaac TOUCEY. LETTER FROM WR. SECRETARY THOMPSON. Wasniveton, March 3, 1888. I regret that official ta, whch will not admit of my absence from the city at this time, will prewant my accepting ) ouf invitation © participate in the mectng to be held at fammany Hail on Thureday evening on: It e ey Se hank oe to aes bere upon the impor tance of the o' Propose: tho For mm part, | bave ever termitted myself Pa that the caim good sense of tbe American people Would penetra:e and baifle the migshievous dosigns Gt mers eestioaal agi tally them on masse t the support of policy adopted by tha President. sah meetings as however, are gratifying to tho frieads of 8 cons titutic “pion, As indicating aod promoting the growth ofa healthy pabiic sentiment ou the vexed ques. tion, and T cordially wiah it the sacceas it marite J. THOMPSON Letters were received from :— Hon Reverdy Jobnaon. Hon. Jas. A Stuart Sepator Jobo Sitdell Hon. {erael T. Hatch Sepater A. G. Brown. Hop Amasa J. Parker Hon. Dapiel . Dickinson. Hon. Robt, MoCiellan Hon. John Kelly. Hon. Horace Maynard. How. Dapie! FE. Sickles, Hoo. Ebjah Ward. Hor. A. B. Greenwoot Hon. Thos R Florence. Hon. Henry M. Phill os. Von. Lyman Tremaine. Hon, Ronent M. Melawe, of Baltimore, wae the first speaker introduced, and he addrossed the meeting #9 tia ly as follows Fellow citizens of New York, said bo, before t make evce, either to the resolutions that have been pted, OF to the general cali which brings y 70 together, T hops you will let me oepress the grater! v I feel in having the privilege of standing here and at dressing you thie evening ‘The gpeakor then procestod te speak of the difficulties whieh had agitated the soua arose out of the slavery question. Ont of | the question a8 to the powers of Congress upon the sab. jeot ef slavery in the Territories, aprung the great princi pal of popular sovereignty, so much reviled and so much commended. That principle convuised the North aod South and resulted in the election of Franktin Pieree in 145%. In this election the principle was justified and settled that the people of every Territory should regalats their inetitutions in their own way. Now, continued Mr M., what else have the people of Kanras dene but form a cov stitation, whether free or slave, in their own maoper av cording to their own will. (Applause) And hore I would beg your attention while I ptate to you the reason why ibe irsue is mace by the opposition. One great branch of the opposition—that opposition which denies to the people of Kaneas the —_ to regulate thelr own inatitutions—has acted consistently. When Congress gave the priviinge to the peopie of Kansas to regulate their own institutions they advised tbe peopie not to submit to the law. Well ecrme of the people did resist and put themselres outeid of the law and in rebellion against the Territorial govern. ment, Now, Itsy, tt is entirely consistent in tho mon 0 accomplished this to objet to the admission of Kan- the Union. How is it that men who passed the Kaxeas Nebraska act should believe that the people of Kensas bave that right? How can they recon- cile themselves 0 an opposition to this measure particularly? If the question meant apything to the coun try it was tbat we never oan or shonld here in New York, or Maryland or South Carolina, allow Congreas to tnterfers io our State institutions; and the democrat of to day who pute himself at issue with the democracy of the country upon this question puta himself at issue with bis own con- science and the public will. (Applause.) Thia is well appreciated by public men and by the people. You are told by democrate who oppose the admission of Kansas that the constitution adopted at Lecompton ia a trand, that that constitution ia a cheat, that it has not been adopted by the people of Kaneas; and therefore the President of the United je#, when be recommends Congress to admit Kansas, and with it the constiuttion adopted at Lecomptm, ie said fo be guilty of a bigh crima, and with giving the sanction of hie pame and office to a fraud upon the coun. try. For one I am ready to declare that if I believed tho President of the United States capable of an act 20 iniquitous I would array myself in opposition to him and any party D thie country that would oppoee the admission of Kan sas, by a fraud and cheat. (Applause) I take issno with these men to night, and I deny that the constitution is a fraud and cheat. 1 eay it ia the expressed will of the people acting under law. (Renewed applause.) If you expect to triumph in this issue, you must arraign before the people those who are the absitors of treason, they live in New York or Missouri. (A Voice— Threo groans for Deuglas.”) No groans for Douglas, at least, with my assent. Cartaiy Ryspxns—We will postpone that, if you ploaso. Mr, Mactase—I will speak to him as to every democrat, and I tay to him—he in the Senate, and I in the Honse— “You are resporible tothe country for this doctr ne of pon intervention’ And Stephen A. Douglas is responsi ble for thie doctrine of popular sovereigaty. Hesave to you from bis seat in the Senate, that be is as much the champion of popular sovereignty as heever was. Bat I don't believe that the constitution is the result of fraud, or is initself a cheat. The facts prove that more than two yoare ago a Territorial Legialature—the tirst Legisiature— wes elected under the Kansas-Nebraska act—that act which Dovglas introduced, ani which was passed mainly by bit exertions; which gave to the people of Kansas the right to deal with the question of slavery as they pleased, The work of treaton was promoted by those aid rocieties, which sent their adherents to Kansas armed with bowie rs, and who not only Prevented those who | wry, and whi but who Tne spoaker here went into a to vote, desired to do 80. review of the history oni of the difficulties between the oro siavery and the non-slavery parties. He denounced in severe terms those societies which had been organized with the view of bringing about acivil war, and of arraying the North againet the South. Itis better, said he, thatthe men who not only countenance and encourage such a course, but who actively assist in its execution, should be put to the execution, than that our liberties should be in vaced end overthrown. After some further remarks, show- ing the treasonable and crimina! character of the pro- ceedings of these societies aad those by whom they were abetted, Mr. Maclane resumed bis seat amid loud cheers. Mr. Vas Buren then presented bimself, and was moat enthusiastically received. He said:— Feliow citizens, { thank you for this kind reception. Weare here assemb!ed on the 4th of March, 1858, juat ove year after the inauguration of the President, to endorse bis administration on a certain measure, and it seems most proper to me to recur to the circumstances of that campaign in which he was elected to the presidential chair, as wet! as to the declaration in his inaugural address 4s to the principles on which he should administer the gov- ervment, that we may see whether it is true that he bas proved false to the trust reposed in him by the people of the country, or whether it is true that circumstances havo occurred aince big election whish authorizes any person to assert, ae many of bis jente pow do, that he hes forfeited’ the confidence of the country and of the demo- crati; party by whom he was chosen, and that that party is Dow prostrated by ite opponents. You will recoilect that at the presidential eiection « very large portion of the free States of this Union voted for the adver sary of Mr. Buchanan. leet a very considerable of events in Kansas, ticket; and in this little State, in wi! 5 Rority of 80,000 at the Presidential election, the last State election showed that he (Cheers.) The ¢l of short year in asingle of Troy, in the heart of the State, gives a meaty of some five hundred over both the bhoans and the American party combined, (Cheers. ) city of Stato, Oswego, in the North, on the extreme frontier of the 5 where the ant it ie known tw be strong, giver a large democratic majority. The city of Rochester doen tho same, Tho city of Romo—the city of ough. Keopsie, and towns in Herkimer county, Ogdensburg and otbers bave aso (Che sdminetration for an object both praiseworthy and bonorabie. (Cheers Irrespective of that we hare Henry Grinnell and other distingcished merchants heeding the cal!—men who supported Fremont during last year's campaign; and yet in view of these facts we are told that the demecratio party bas been prostrated by Mr. Bu chanan, and that we are a sorry set of fellows to attompt to defend his conduct or hia administration, (Cheers.) We are told tbia too by democrats. Weare told this by these who have belonged to the democratic party—by those very men who supported Mr. Buchanan at the Presidential election, and who seem to suppose that if they withhold their support from bim sow the democratic party will be |. The circumstances ty which I bave atverted show that thus far they are mistaken in thetr calcala- ons. Weare told that we have abandoned the promises beld ont to the le at the Presidential election, and the platform we then stood upon, and that circumstances caure you and | were La | concerned in that presi. Cential election. Iwas myself largely concerned in en- deavoring to persuade the citizens of the free States to James Buchanan whatever might bave views on the subject slavery lL addressed the people of 1 Ivania every, day Sun days excepted, from the ist to the L4tn Oct. ing the State election, which went to decide the wlen- tial election. I addremsed the people of thia State in al- most every partof it. In New Jersey, Indiana, Tllinow, Wisconsin and Obio, end while I don't andertake to say precisely what sentiments I uttered, I do undertake to say that if any pledges were made to the people 1 wasn party in ing them. I was present w they were mace, and they may charge me with making these rs ees directly, as well as any man in the United States. bie T have been aeeaiied it was my business to defend myself, and I have been tanght it is no maxim in poli. tical life to allow people to be eternally preferring you of fraud and dishonesty, and with ywored to force upon the le what you ¥ to be wicked and frandulent, and make some effort to defend png ope the charges. I bave also by those sometimes speak of what the “noble art of self defense.” but you must proceed bring the defence to a successful result. (Laughter. ) aseembled here on the 22d of December to sustain the President of the United States. He had made certain wtateme nts 'p reference to Kaneas affaire, and upto that time the conduct of the President was truly justifiable and endorsed by the democratic party; but since that wo have been assailed by flerce denunciations by a portion of tuat party. Gentlomen may be extremely sensitive at being told thas they are no longer members of the party, and ae far as that is concerned we may have a right to cee whetber they are members of the demoeratic party. As | voderetand it, it is @ legitimate free love aasoo ation. A true member of the dem cratic party ie a man who un jertakes and desires to vote for the real democratic uicket, and po other proper dednition can be given of the term, (Cheers) And now let us see what the President recom mends or des'gne by thie Kansaa or Lacomoton con stitution, What aro the objections to the atmiasion of Kansas? It has been stated that the coustitution hax not deen submitted to the people, that it waa mate by the Convention. T say that that Convention had fall power to make that copstitution without enbmitting it to the people. And when it does not #0 require, then they not only are pot bound to eubmit it, but their act in submitting it irregular on the part of the Convention. It ie true the people May go on and make aconstitution 'f they chore, bich is independent of the action of the Convention, but the act of the Convention, aa their act, is irregular, and, #0 to speak, “legal Now, if you look at the two laws valling the Comvertions that framed our constitutions of 1821 and 1846, you will find both of them require the Convention to submit the conatitu'ion to the people You wil) find the constitution reads differently when it fs sab. mitted to the people from what it does whee it is not When it ie made by the Convention the constitution says, “The Convention oriaing and declates’’ thus and so. When it is submitted to the people it real# with pream- he, “We, the people, ordain and establish to following comstitution.’’ Rot this idea that s constitution is not vs 11 ontil it i sahmitead to the psoplea—whiek is the eu ect of the resolutons of Ohio aad Infiara hy our dem ratic “riende—ie one that we cevite w understand, o¢ PRICE TWO CENTS. cause they may be coming to Charleston two or three years beuce, at the Prese entia Convention, with resolu yions to that effect; and Lexy itia &@ preposterons propo- sitien, There i not a shatow of foucdation for. Li it is true of (he peuple of Kansas it muat be true of the peopte of New York. Suppose the people of this State should calla couvention to frame a constitation and should pot Cirect chem to submit tt to che people. They go on and frame a cocstitution and pat it fa operation, and the Go- verner uncer the old Constitution hows oa, That 1 @ case where you may apply to the President to put down a do- mes ie maurrection Dees anybody doubt that he wonld be boond to sustain the new Governor in that case, and that Le would be bound tw put down the old Governor who clained to bold Tonthe ground that the constitution bad cot been submitted? Why, if submission was re- quired the constitution of the United States is tnvolved. Tout never was submitted to the people to this day, and we have lived under it aver ence 1T#8. (Aj . & the acvereign coontitution of all of them, and te this day V bever was submitted w a direct vo:e of the pespie—not even by Staes It was adopted by a convention elected by tbe people in each of the different States, and never was fubmitted. How preposterous, then, it’ to aasume as they do, that a constitution must be submitted to the peo- Je in order ty be valid It anay be mae in either way. tnt, fellow citizens, Gov. Wise, who bas been kind enough 19 address the cemocracy of New York through letter directed to Tammany Hall, and the democracy of Pennsylvania through a letter to Gol. Forney. p Philadelybia, tells ay that it is trun that the Convention bad perfect power to make @ coustitation, but aa thay submitted a portion of it to the people in an improper and, as he says, dishonest way, therefore it is invalid? Whi The Couvention having power to frame a constitu. we it, they submit to the people the right to part of t, the people do not change it, 0 constitution, thus made by the Con. nous crossing & ¢ or dotting an i, ts Washington ; and because this informal ch amounted to nothing, has been gone vovernor Wise thinks the whole constitu. Uon is valid. In my humble judgment what took place baving no practical effect has just about as much bearing upon the constitution 48 if it had been sent to Washington around by lowa, instead of coming through St Lows on its route to the capital. But Governor Wise puts two pro- positions to Col. Forney, which he says are important im determining the validity of this consti‘ution. He asks— first, ia the constitution the act of the peuple? and second, js it republican? Now, Lsubmit to you with great re- spect, that both these questions may be anawered in the affirmative. It is the action ot the people made by their regular delegates; it is repudlican in its form But I am = propared to sbow to you that if they were both upewered in the negative, it would not alter t@ a single particular the duty of Congress. And now I must ak of you to bear with me cns moment while I read tw timple provisions of the Constitution of the United Staves Dearing upon this point Tsay, by the terms of the Ne brarka bil! the people of Kat had granted to them by Congress the right to form selves into a State, “I say that & temporary goveroment was provided for them aterrtorial form their boundaries rnct was entered inte by the Ne- at, having formed themselves into aState, thry should be a’mittel into the Union with or without slavery, as their people might deccrmine. And E died to the Nebraska bill, woich bound e platform laid down at Oinein- ment to the same effect—that they shoult be adritted with or? without slavery, as they might determine when they formed Unemseives into a State. I say that by the termsof the treaty of Lon- isiana they were entitled to the same privilege, and that the man who now resists the application of Kansas to ba admitied into the Union violates the Nebraska law, vio- jates the treaty, is falee to the democratic platform laid he down at Cincinnati and to the pledges by tho de- mocratic party in bis name and in hia behalf. (Ap- plause.) So far from coming here to show that we do not live up to the party obligations, I cay that apy democrat who refuses to supp rt the reccmmendation of the President as made, is {aise wo his party obligations, if Iam able to comprehend what those cbi'gations are, ‘and false to the plain terms of the Ne- braska bill, which is the law of the land, if | understand the signification of those plain terms. Now let ua see what Congress are to do; because when these goutlemen In Chio and Indiana resolve about tho righta of the peoole of Kaneas, you would suppose that they were the peoplo of Kaneas Instead of the people of Obio and Indiana and tbat they were to the rights of thowe people. That ina question wholly distinct from the power of Congress. The duty of Congress if plain and simple. {tis laid down. in two lines ana I will read to you what they are, Uon- stitution, article 4, section 8, subdivision 1. “ New States may be admitted by Congress into the Union, but no sew State shall be formed out of existing States, &c’ Now the whole duty of Congress is to admit new States, and im the first place T say thut Kansas ia now a 3tate, wade so under the Nebraska biil by full authority ‘given to the people of Kansas under that bill to frame themselves into @ State, and that it would be the duty of Congress to admit that State, even ahe had oo conetituticn at all, There is nothing in this provision about constitution. It would be the duty of Congress to admit her, if even her constitution or form of govern- ment was not republican. (etus see. ‘Now States may be admitted intothe Union.’’ Thatis the whole duty of Tea and remain inthe Union. Why, Great France could be am Britain wa State. she has no constitution. Btate without @ constituion. But abroad. let uscome bome. Rhode the Union without @ constitation, ears withoutone. It had a royal charter fillets sam cma Cnr emg teeny ag sad, s my © did not know the difference Detween # royal charter and « constitation | would him ‘cut for the simples.’ ” (Laughter ) lived more than fifty years with a royal chartor, the time aftato of thir coofeavracy. wan pot made tll about 1840, Now, lat me read Provinion about a State hing republican in you will seo that Congress laa but a small share duty to perform. Article 4, section @—"The Btater shall guarantes to every State in this U: publican formas go ment, and shall i; led Sk i a3 them against anion — of the Loginia- ture, or of ive when the Logisiature cannot be convened, ag domestic violence. Btate that is admitted. or in the Union then the duty of the United Congress—bex ine, which is to guarantee them a republican form of government, What is a repndlican form of gov- erpment is a question that bas beeo a great deal diuscamed. An | have shown you itis not neconaary that a State should bavo aconstitution at all in order to have a republican form of government, for Khode Imand was in the Union sixty years without one. (A Voico—“It is a State, «ir.’? Laughter.) You will thus see how exceodingly this whola controversy i# narrowed contine it- self to ite own business and let the of Kaonas con- fine themeelves to theirs you would find that this whole subject would pase away with the occasion that gave tt rise, and Kapaas be admutted into the Union and form it- self inte a free Stace. Now one word aa to the objection. The one objection is that the people on the 4th of January voted against the constitution. On & vote was taken, uncer the order Legisiature, in which the people were allowed to vote the . They we i § f : 2 i Ff H 3 Hy Ht for & member of Congress. Now, what did Why, 13,000 of them voted for the State officers 10,000 voted agaiwnat the constitution. Well, wh The constitution was perfect by the ze i fi [ Hi ; E E might be me what he woukl desire to prove in frauds in Kapeae I wilt to admit it for the poses of the argument, and I have no doubt it will «! stil) greater reason why she should be admitted into the I admit that they chested at the election in Kan- did tm Baltimore, as my friend = I Upton. eas as bad as the preceeded me (Mr. Maciane) knows. ‘a’mit that a democrat could not get ne in Baltimore withoot having his ter.) That the State canvass was uglies. (Laugh'er.) But does that should go out of the Union or Kaneas Mr. Stanton, who i travelling through readly endangering bis own throw the constitution tr Kansas— (laughter, is bimeelt so hoarse in whether be duet with laughter. exceedingly doubtful we oaber could: appear at the Academy of Music in emi- eK t)—if he will tell at he te to eatablish in regard to the frauds in Kansas, z. admit it for the purpose of this discussion. it conatitutes no earthly oljection to the admiasion of Keneas, on the comers by admitting Kaoeag into the Union, you put her i & condition where she car cure all this evil, fraud, and make herself a fret State; and thors men the free States who refuse thf opportunity to admit Kansas with this population and tht disposition to make the State free, and who pe her out as @ slave State ag she now is, watil the popal is thrown there to make her permanently & slave will bave to answer to their constituents for the rem they bave thusproduced. (Applause.) And, gontiemea