The New York Herald Newspaper, February 8, 1858, Page 2

9 - THE GRAND CAMPAIGN OF 1860. | Movements of the Republican Leaders | The Tilt in the Senate Between W, H, Seward and John P. Hale on the Army Bill. The Curtain Lifted a Little—A Peep Be- hind the Scenes. OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE DEBATE, &o., &e., &o. OUR WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENCE. WaAsnineTon, Feb. 6, 1858. The Army Bill in the Senate—W. H. Seward De- fines his Position—He is Confident of the Succes- | sion—His Imperial Ideas of Power—He Goes for | Increasing the Army—He Wishes, as our Next | President, to be Provided with a Strong Police Force to Keep the Southern Fire-Eaters in Order —John P. Hale is Astonished at the Presumption of Seward—The New England Republicans have Another Candidate, §c., &¢. ‘The most interesting, and by far the most signifi- | cant affair that has yet occurred in this Congress, was the tilt in the Senate on Tuesday last, between W. H. Seward and John P. Hale, on the bill for the } increase of the army. I refer you to the accompa- | nying report of the Congressional Globe, and espe- cially to the passages thereof marked in italics, as | the text for the interpretation which I herewith take the liberty to give you. Furthermore, if I do not convince the intelligent reader that I have hit upon the true explanation of these “imperial” views of Mr. Seward, and this brotherlyyrebuke of Mr. Hale, then 1 am very much out of my reckoning—that is all. First, there is something peculiarly suggestive in | the gracious, lordly and patronising air in which Mr. Seward enters upon this discussion. He almost telis you in so many words, so “ plamp and plain” is he, that, as parties now stand, his position as the great champion of the North js the commanding one. He feels his oats. He t: a man already nominated for the succession, overwhelming party at his back. He has become magnanimous in his feelings, comprehensive in his ideas, and grand in his expectations. He drops the motley garments of a factious leader and puts on the purple mantle of an Emperor. In imagination he is an emperor, Hear him:—‘*] think there is no one here who supposes that the police of this great empire can be conducted without some military force— some regular troops.” And again:—* This great empire, extending now from the Atlantic coast,” &c., cannot get along in the way of an army “ with- out seventeen thousand, or eighteen thonsand, or twenty thousand men.” And yet again. | speaking of the Mormons and the federal | government, he says it is a long time before “any community makes up its mind to defy an im- perial power like this.” So confident is Mr. Seward of his position that, with the air of a perfect master, he suubs Greeley and his whole crew of free love sympathizers with the Mormons, by calling the Salt Lake Saints “a leprous band of foreigners, concen- trated in a valley in the centre of this continent.” No wonder that Mr. Senator Hale listened to this sort of talk from Mr. Seward “with extreme pain, and disappointment and mortification.” But had the little joker of New Hampshire considered for a mo- ment that with Mr. Seward as President, a standing army of at Jeast 20,000 men will be necessary to keep the Southern fire-enters subject to “law and or- der,” he would have found a solid reason for Mr. Se- ward's advocacy of this army bill. Toombs, of Georgia, who can see throngh a hole in a millstone, smelt the | rat, and opposed this army project. Hale's “disap- pointment™ and “mortification,” no doubt, may be charged to the impudence of his great anti-slavery rival in assuming so early in the day the airs and graces of a master. And yet poor Hale indulges in a little blarney. He tells Mr. Seward that he is the man “upon whom the eyes and the hearts of the friends of liberty have centered and clustered:” that “a new star is dawning: that he. Mr. Hale, had locked@vith hope to Mr. Seward, as the man “to lead ti great hosts” of freedom “ to the consum- mation of their hopes and their wishes;” but then Mr. Hale proceeds earnestly to. show the New York Senator that he is all wrong in bis support of this Army bill,and only contributing to encourage the military Kansas despotism of James Buchanan. Mr. Beward. with that gracions condescension which would do honor to the Emperor of all the Russias, rejoins: He does not care about the party which Mr. Hale has been glorifying—not a bit of it; for, says Mr. Seward, “1 know nothing, (he's a | Know Nothing,) I care nothing, (he’s a no- thing.) I never did, | never shall, for party.” Old Zach Taylor, in 1848, occupied that exact position “he was a whig, but not an ultra whig,” and was | open to the convictions of all men of all parties, and | be slipped through like a knife. | Upon the direct Kansas issue Mr. Seward’s mind | quite easy. He says, “1 regard this battle | dy fought. It is over. All the mistake is, | that the honorable Senator and others do not | know it. We are fighting for a majority of free States. There are already sixteen to fifteen: and whatever the administration may do, before one year from this time we shall be nineteen to fit: teen.” True as Gospel. But, continues Mr. Se. ward, “I think it is simply a question whether the administration shall surrender and grant freedom to | Kaneas, under the constitution of her choice, or whether they shall break their necks in resistance to it. The result is precisely the same either way.” And this is the cream of the pot. Mr. Sewar simply means, that Lecompton or no Lecompton, the administration and the democracy are all broken to pieces; and that his first thought should be to se- cure the army required to hold the Southern fire- eaters in check, when he shall become the President or Emperor of “this imperial power.” But while Mr. Sewaed has lifted the republican curtain at one end, Mr. Hale has lifted it at the other. At the one extreme W. H. Seward is the “imperial power” in the foreground; at the other, the shadow of Nathaniel P. Banks, the New Eng: land candidate, flits by on the arm of Mr. Hale. Mr. Seward, it was pre-determined at Phila- deipbia in 1856, should be the republican candidate in 1860. To this end the Seward faction never expected that Fremont would be elected, and never intended that he should be. Fremont was simply employed as great pathfinder” or pilot fish for Seward, as the election of the former in 1456 would most ly have defeated the latter in 1860, good care was taken that Fremont should be kept within the mark, just close enough to miss, Iti lain as a pike Btaff that the October election of Pensylvania of 1856, which the Presidential battle entirely de- pen cold have been easily carried by the oppo- sition had the Seward managers at Afbany, York and Philadelphia, so desired it. Fi nt served his purpose in building os oe party for Mr. Seward, and now the “ pathfinder” may re- turn as soon as he pleases to his Rocky Mountain ex- plorationa. This, then, is the meaning of this Senatorial tilt between Mr. Seward and Mr. Hale. The former imagines himself the “cock of the walk” for 1% and the latter is “ pained” and “ mortified” at suc resumption, so very early inthe morning. There is such a man as N. P. Banks in Massachusetts, and there is such a man as John P. Hale in New Hamp- shire, who has not yet had more than a mere uarter stretch on the Presidential course. Finally, the crowing idea of Mr. Seward, that the bat- tle upon slavery is fought and won, and that the an- tidavery sentiment will henceforth dictate the law to the Southern fire-eaters, is the crowing argument of bis support of the bill for the increase of the army. Read the debate:— INCREASH OF THE ARMY. DEBATE BRTWERN SENATOR SEWARD AND JOHN P HAL [From the Congressional Gtobe | Iv SawaTe, Feb. 2, 1968. ‘The Senate ax in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill to increase the military estab lishment Of the | nited States, the pending question being on the motion of Mr. Toombs to strike out the first section of the ball Mr. Seward—Mr. President, when this bill wa Gebate @ & previour occasion, | intimated that J ha: words to speak onthe subject, aud I will makemy remarks wow. | shal) not detain der eed to Senate long, and, in what I say, I slall hardly iabor w convince 860 bring them over to my opinions, for Tam, in Fegard i this bill, but half convinced myself. My object fa lo place myself right upon the record, in order that the reasons for the votes I shall give may be understood ereafter, It would be impossibis, Mr. President. w en © with any advantage in thie debate; for, #0 far as 1 | ave obmerved ite , there is bo dispute on princi. | ple volved in the subject. On the one side the Dill ix | onposed by those who deprecate a stu have poctures drawn of the y in | Ge country and, on the other |, the argument is only Blow that this bill does not contem ‘a dangerous in- crease of the standing army. Now, upon principle, I prove We are all agreed. there is no one bere that is in vor #f a large, dangerous, standing army —ooe that would | menace the ihertion of the country, ring them into joopard® So. om the other wide 1 Ovi ete ta to ome here | Whe supposes that the police of thee great Empire can com | ‘ basest propensity of buman sature. | from eruelty upon the citizens of the go NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1858. troops | coerce the people of these States to his Gucted without some military force, some regular There ts no ove who is for a large standing army; there is no one who is for no regular force; there is no one in fa vor of a universal or general police; there is also no one who is for no tederal police; there is no ore who will argue that the fortifications of the country ought to be abandoned, anc suffered to go to desolution and ruin; and so there 1s no ore who will argue that sny greater force than is necessary for he present emergencies, whatever they may be, shall be raised; there is ho one who is in favor of @ standing army of one hundred thousand men there is go one, so.faras I know, who is against a steud ing army of five thougend men. Che trouble, then, arises out of collateral questions, out of a view of the exigensies to wrich the armed power of the country may be ap phed if it shalt be increased; and our difficulty on this subject is to discwes aud consider it fwirly in the absence of a knowledge of what will be the action of the geverument ou some other i Soamtions. 1 am perfectly clear in my own mind about what I would 40. I would grant this incraase of force tf 1 knew that when It was granted the army which is now in Kansas would be withdrawn from that Tei . fam rolnctant to increase the armod focces of the United States while an army is remaining in Kaneas; but Icannot know, nor can any one else know, whut will be the disposition of the army in Kansas. } can only make up my judgment in re- gerd to it from the facts which are before me; and taking he condition of the Kansas question as it stands, / have made up my mind that it approaches its solution, and that whether the administration favors a free State, or whether it continues its intervention there in favor of a slave State in Kansas, things are reaching such a crisia that the Presi dent of the United States will not dare to maintain an army in Kansas 10 enforce a constitution which the people of that State reject, and against which they array themselves with armed force, and that i the issue which Texpect to see if such ® coustitution shall be forced on Kansas. — 1 do not expect tosee the Lecompton constitution carried through Congress—a constitution to establish slavery in the Terri. tery of Kansas without the consent of the people; a tion framed by a copy ation which they never . which they have absolutely repudiated threo dis- tinct times, and af the moment when the Territorial Le gislsture representiug, under the sanction of Congress, the people of that Territory. have abolished slavery, and are med, as we all know they are, by five sixihs or six ths of the whole people. ‘think there has been great skill in mauipulating returns from Kansas Territory ; 1 think there bas been great skill mauifested at the other end of the evenue in bringing this question before Con- gress; but I have no fear that there is such political ekill bere or ix the Teryitory, separately or combined, as will be able to force that constitution upon Kansas, nor such boldness and desperation as to attempt to maintain it by the use of the army. My impression, therefore, is, that the army which is in Kansas will have to be withdrawn Ten I have endeavored to frame an amendment to this bil, which would compe! the withdrawal of the poses | in Kansas. 1 have been unable to frame one that would be prasticable, and | have, therefore, togive that up. Sup pose Tshal! be disappointed in this, and the army is to be retained in Kanses, what then’ Well, sir, if the army is to be retained in Kansas it has got to be paid, aud it is Congress that is to grant supplies for~ the army. When I look over this chamber and the other, and see bow they are constituted, I have no fear that the Congress of the United States this year will appropriate money to maintain an army in Kan- Sas to epforce a constitution on the people which they have rejected, and to which they will never submit. It is only a year ago, when we were much weaker here than We are now, that we brought this government to a dead stand upon the appropriations for an army to main- tain the usurpation of the Missourt invaders in Kansas, ard to epforee slavery on that people. If all bad stood with the same firmness that I stood, and that I recom- mended to others, the government would have stood to this day before asoldier would have been in Kansas. There I shall stand now, and it may as well be understood Girst as last, that those who attempt to send an army into Kansas to maintain that constitation, must look into the Senate and House of Representatives elsewhere than to me, or any upon whom my opinions may operate, for sup- port. This disposes of the matter in that aspect. Yester- day T was quite disposed to take the substitute offered by my bonorable and #steemed friend from Massachusetts (Mr. Wilson). That Senator proposes to raise five thou- Sand velunteers, ani that they shall be disbanded at the expiration of one year. It is attractive, as showing a pre- ference for a volunteer force to a regular force; but on re- flection Isee that his proposition is embarrassed with precisely the same difficulties with my own. — It we raise five thousand Volunteers upon the system which he re- commends, and they are to be sent to Utah and employed there exclusively, as his proposition suggests, then the army may all be left in Kansas, or five thousand regular troops may be left in Kavsas, while the volunteers are sent to fight our battles in Utah; and therefore I do not find in that propesition any relief. My very much re- spected friend from the State of Maine (Mr. Fessenden) ruggests that | am impressed with a too deep sense of the importapee of an inereased army in the presect emergen- cy. I witl only restate what I have stated before. It does uot seem to me unreasonable to suppose that this great empire, extending now from the Atlantic const, ‘with fortifications there on every hill which overlooks a port, with garrisons stretchet across, oa two or three lines, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, with the Io dian population gatbered into compact bodies, and press- ed to the point of starvation, is to be maintained so a3 to preserve peace on the frovtiers and in our provincial or territorial settlements, without a force of seven- teen thousand, or eighteen thousand or twenty thow sand men, under any circumstances. 1 am_ pre pared to expoct that the army of the United States | must inorease with the removal of the borders of the United Statee in every direction; and I am prepared to see these borders contiaually extending—I mean the borders of settlement. I suppose the army to be adequate to the present emergencies, except for the urgent difficulties that have arisen in the Territory of Utah, and it is with reference to this, and this aloe, that lam willing to increase the armed force of the United | States. and to iverease it as far as may be necessary for | that purpose. When I preseut this as my single reason for favoring this bill I am told by my excellent friend from | ne that the government does not put its proposition on | this ground, and that therefore we have no official evi- dences of an exigency existing in the Territory of Utah | which would require this increase of the army. I must acmit that he speaks with much reason; but the sources o! information are open to us as well as open to the official organs of the government—the executive departments. | Vi the Secretary of War, if the whole Cabinet, were to tell me that there is no danger of disturbance, no danger of | resistanee, no danger of civil war ip Utah, I would not be. lieve one word that they should tell me, because I must judge from the facts which { know. The facts | which I know are simply these: chat a leprous band of foreigners are concentrated in a valley in the con tre “of this comtinent; that they, baving been un- wisely favored by the government of the United States with the appointment of their own officers ana the makivg of their own laws, aud the administration of their own laws, and the execution of their judgments, till they have come to regard themselves as independent in their isola- tion and to defy the government, are now found in combi. nation with the Indiaa tribes by whom they are surround ec, and that the lives and the property of emigrants pasa. | ing upon the highway across which they are locste1, be; | tween the Alanuc and the Pacific, are exposed to depre: | dations Which are committed by them with the aid of the | Indiaus. Now, Mr. President, we are told that, notwith. | stunding these indications of @ hostile nature oa the part | ‘of that people, still there may be no collision. [ agrew to | that. I trust there will be ne collision. I am prepared to | go further, and say there will be no collision —that there | will be no outbreak—that there will be no civil war: but | it is upon one condition, and that is that aa armed demon- stration, which has now become necessary, and which, | whether necessary or not, bas been adopted by the adminis. tration, and is in the course of execution, shall be made so imposing ve to command respect and extort obedience. Therefore it is that with a view to save the yetie pense, and with a view to bring the Territory of Utah into submission to the suthorities of the land without blondsbed, I favor the increase of force which is to be sent there, and for wo other reason. I would have it con- tinue only *o long as is necessary for that pur; lam tola that these Mormons will not tight; and | know that it ts not until after a long time that any community makes up its mind to defy am tmperial power like this; but, sir, these Mormons are exceptional, in the first place. They have done nothing but fight from the beginning. Trey are an armed and muitary sect—a superstitious sect—and war is an element of their progress. They | fought themeelves out of the State of New York. when they were but @ handfel of men, mto Ohio. They wrangled themselves out of Ohio into Missou- ri. Civil war grew up arcund them in Missouri, and they fought their way into Tilivois. and esa) ed themselves | at Nauvoo and acivil war atien ted their exit from Nauyoo to the Sait Lake. They are worthlees for any other pur pore but to fignt. Their religion makes them fighting men; Tor it i# & religion which can submit to no civil aathority that © administered or exercised over them by a Christian people. It is @ reiigion which gives license, in the neme of government and God. to the indulgence of the I never yet have read, | never yet have heard, [ never yet have geen’ any superstition of this kind that dit pot take ip, as ite weapon for prosetytiem, the award. Sir, the worst that can come all this is, that | shall have committed an error: I shall have consented that the go verbment of the United States ehatl employ an additional force of five or six thousand men for this occasion. It will be ® safe error, whatever may bap If my proposi- it be adopted as T trust it wilh it will be guarded pulation that thy additional forer shall be dish anded as som as order i4 restored in Utah. To those who may object to that, T have buts single argument to urge in favor of the proporition. If there shall be a necessity, Congress witl then be able to continue the force. If, on the otber band, my apprehensions are right in regard to the disturbances in Utah, and their probable course and developement, then I shal! feel that, whatever responsibility may rest upon me for errors of judgment here, there will not rest on me the responsibility of beving left, by my own act or default or neglect, a single citizen of the United States to euffer violence at the Lauds of this belligerent people for want of the neces sary eupplies of troops and money, to compel them to re 1 whorities under which we live, and forbear ‘omeat which has fostered and prow ected them Mr. Haun —Mr, resident, it ie with great reluctance that I throw myself on the indulgence of the Senate for few moments: for I had hoped not again to ferl the neces. sity of trespassing on the patience of the Senate, but I an Ir og by & sense of duty to saya word or two after t remarks which heve fallen from the Senator from New York. He will mot deem me unkind if I say that J have [atone with extreme pain and dicappointment and mortificatian to the h which he has —& pain equal to that withwhich I heard the staterman of New Fogiand, Daniel Webster, some eight years ago, with the ripe honora ly three scores and ten years. bring himeetf and fame and bis lay them down as an offering atthe Jomsod of the r,t find wimeelf used and spurned rds. This is no ‘question of detail, no of unl t lexislation ; Dut it © & deep, vital, fundamental question, that must di vide the people of this country, and must raily the friends of free, i ‘and liberal government on the one side, aod the supporters of power on the other. Sir. the question of increasing the yy ~ By has been Teg) Ry has divided ~, Fone ~ oppoue: government in mes; and as Seputor from Geor; (Mr. fronts) well said, experience of Conturies speak to us in characters of * blood, ot — apm thie great question, aay the army which thie bill proposes is no email, no imsigeidcant, 80 unimportant force. It will, f completed, according to the terms of the Ul be equal to twenty fie thinsand mon. Give mea Pre- eident Gispoee4 to use that military force, in order to and slare | foreign war; “for,” said the historian, with the command of the federal treasury, means of @oncentration which our mult silroads anc steamboats furnishes, and he can the lightning of heaven at apy moment, with this trated and tremendots power, upon any State, or upon apy of the people that he chooses. 1 a sire to go to the departments; I do not wish to go to Secretary of War, or to the President, or to anybody el to tell me what be wants with this army, all credit to the distinguished gentleman cf the bill, the Chairman of the Committe faire, Mr. Davis. He P= it in the Territory troops are kept there: New York gays be thought they would ; and the honorable j i 3 very would gay that I that of experience; ant the experience of the present moment, uses the army ts to be put. Here let me aay, that most daggerous, that most fallacious, that most mon- strous doctrine which has ey been broached and prac. ticed upon by the executive of this country, that under the genera) power to see the laws faithfully executed, be basa right to call out at his will the army and the navy, uncer the name of a posse; while that doctrine is pro- claimed and acted upon, it is not a time for me, however it may be for others, to strengthen the bands of a man who is disposed to use it for such purposes and on such authority, I deny here, utterly and totally, and forever, that he has any such right; and I say that it is an usurpa tion, a dangerous, an alarming, a fatal offe—one that if it be tolerated by this government, will byry our liberties beyond the reach of resurrection. No, sir; we cannot stand it. There is notacrowned head in Europe that would desire a greater power over the standing army of his realm than to make him the guardian to see that the luws are faithfully executed, and under that grant to have power to call in the army to do it. Sir. is it a time for me, is it s time for my friends, is ita time for the distin guished Senstor from New York—upon the eyes and the hearts of the friends of liberty have centered and clus: tered—when such dangerous aud fatal and damnabie doc- tripes are imed and practiced upon by the Execu- tive of the United States, to vote seven thousand extra men to bim? No, sir, it is not for me, however it may be for others. The honorable Senator refers to the expe rience of two years azo, when the government was brought to a dead lock, aud when, he says, we were not so strong as we are now. We were rot then 30 strong on this floor as we are row; but we are not so strong now but that our strength is weakness, for we are but a third of this body, with a majority of two-thirds against us; and we were stronger then in the House of Representatives than we are today by a very considerable number. What was the result of that dead lock? Why, the President said it was his duty to see that the laws were faithfully executed, and he tssued his proclamation immediately, called Congress together, and kept them until they be: came subse’ vient to his purposes That is the history of that dead lock, and Ido not doubt the President would like such another, with the same result. In the bistory of my political life Ibave seen a time when I stood soli tary and alone the representative of the views which I entertain. I have looked with joy, with gladness, with gratitude to the increasing hosts that bave rallied around our banner in the free until the democratic party bas been stricken down im the large majority of them. | have seen these accretions made to our ranks with grati tude, but I have seen also the accretions of other mer coming to our ranks, who might have relieved me from s position which T occupied with reluctance, and that was to be the representative of this party when it was nothing but a sentiment, and political power was not even among its Creams. Bvt, sir, when a new star is dawning; when ight is beaming in upon us; when one party has been ebattered so that its bistory may be written as emong tha things of the past, and when from its ruins and its wrecks we were bnilding up a new fortress to storm the battle ments of the heretofore impregnable democracy—at such fa time as thie it does fill my heart with pain and my mind with fearful apprehensions when [see any one upon whon Ihuve lcoked with the hope that he might lead great hosts to the comsuemmation of their hopes and their wishes, halting upem a question which, in my humble ap- prehension. is fundawntal, vital, and” characterizes the whole controversy. We must come to an issue ou this subject The history of the republics that have lived and gone down is full of warning on this subject. We are apt to boast of what we are and what we have done, anc to ‘ook back op cur history with exultation and pride Why, sir, we are not yet one hundred years old. The re public of Reme lived more than six hundred years, atreng, conquering the world and adding new kingdom: to her territory: but she at last fell, and ber liberties per. isbed under tre insidiows policy which converted her into great military power; uptil, at last, the imperial crown was set up at auction and knocked down to the highest bidder from the walls ofthe Praetorian camp. I confess that, upon this subject, I have very deep feelings; for, if the party with whom Tact, the party with whom are my hopes and my expectations, do not take ground op this subject, firm and deeided ground, against the increase of the military power of this government they wil! go down, and they ought to go down, and my humble votes and my humble services shall be foun! ral lying the peeple to set the seal of their condemnation on party with great professions and high principles, but, in my humble judgment, “wanting in the carrying out of thos measures which’ their policy and principles shoult dictate. Vf 1 bad supposed that 1 should speak on this subject vo day, | should have reterred to an authority, and ianould bave had the author by me. 7 was reading it hot jong ago, an ancient history, in whiel, speaking of the final destruction of the Roman Kmpire, the author said whenever the people began to get turbulent, when ever there began to be canger to the agrarian law bein carried, or any great measure of popular liberty indicated, it was the favorite pelioy of the aristocracy to get up & “in war the State is strorg avd factions weak.’’ I believe it is just exactly that pohey whieh dictated a forcign war whenever the peo hiberty was in danger of beiag vindicated in ancient ‘ome that dictates this Utah war now. — Lot me ask, if I must ¢0 to that, where is the evidence that the affairs in Utab are more threatening pow than they were when Pre- sident Pierce appoioted Brigham Young Governor’ Are their sentirents any more leprous, or their practices any more abomnable now than they were then’ Not that I know of I bave seen no evidence that their depravity or their principles have made progress since that time, and I am utterly at a loga, if this is an army to go to Utah, to know of apy reason or any fact which would justify send- ing an army to Utah, when there is not, so far as | am ad- vised, any difference in the state of affairs now from what there was when they were basking in the sunshine of Executive favor. Mr. Davis—Will the Senator allow me to ask him what ts the date at which President Pierce appointed Brigham Young Governor of Utmby © Mr. Hate—He was appointed by President Fillmore. Mr. Davis—You said President Pierce, Mr. Hark—Well, he continued him, Mr. Davis—Ah! Mr. Hatk—He contiaued him in office, Davis—He did wot remove him. Mr. Haiz—Well, he did not remove bim, but he kept him in, jest in the same way that be kept in all his fede- ral officers. Tam obliged to the Senator from Mississippi for correcting me; because when be takes such a very slight correction as that, it shows he is watching me closely, and sees that Lam very correct—(laughter)—and need only that slight correction. The state of aifairs there, #0 far as lam advised, is no different now from what it wasthen, The Hon. Senator {rom New York—I Know he will not misinterpret what I am saying—says that if he errs it will be @ safe error. 1 should like to make a very small addition there, and let it read “unsafe,” and I shall then agree with him entirely. It is an uri error, It is an error that! fear can not be retrieved. For several years past we have been marching in the path of {increasing our army; and ‘t is avowed here on this floor that this bill provides for @ permanent increase. backward steps. I em like the cautious animal who, when be was reproached for not going into the sick lion’ cen t0 pay bis respects to the monarch, said he would have gone in, but, as be looked around to #se the tracks, he found that they were all going im and none coming out. So it is with the increase of the army, all the measures are for increasing and none for decreasing it, they are all one way: and | feel called to take my stand bere, sod say / will net rete another man. or another dollar, to inercase the eapenses of the army, The honorable Senator cxests ancther thing which, it sseme to me, has an in fimity about it which does not often attach tions OF arguments that come from hie lips. He says ‘will give them this army, and then we shall have the power over them, because we will not pay them if we are pot satisfied with the uses to which they are pul: or we can refuse the pay. So we can: but we can refuse the men much ea: The argument is a great deal stronger for refusing the men than jt will be for refusing pay after you have granted the men. If we are going ercise that wholesome control over the Executl which im theory belongs to this body and the body at the other end of the Capitol, here is the place, and now is the time to stop, If thiogs were twice ae threatening as the honor. abje Senator thinks they are in Utah, let me ask you if we bave not an army more than four times sufficient for all the emergencies’ [ have heard it sait by those who pre- tend to know, and who, 1 think do know, that five thou- sand men will be as many a# you can possibly use in Utah, even if there shail be a necessity for them, which is not conceded. We haveanarmy now capable of being filled up to eighteen thousand men, and, Tam told, practi- cally, it # fifteen thousand at this moment. I To hot know the necessity of increasing the force beyond that, when they will not want one third of that force to put down the troublee in Utah. Nor am I disposed to make very great drafts on my confidence in behalf of the manner in which this affair has been managed thus far, from the accounts which I bave read, and which purport to be ofl. cial accounte of the manner in which the force that le now on its way to Utah "has been precipitated there. Utterly regardiens, if you are to believe the accounts that have come tous, of any single suggestion, not only of military foresight but of common prudence, you bave sent yourmen. there to suffer their beasts to die, ani expose them to the in- clemetcies of the winter, where they are locked up in the mountains, I think half the animals sent out with them died from mere starvation and the effects of cold. If this was ‘# bill tofurniah the Executive with prudence and disere tion, | would vote liberal appropriations: bat it s bill to increase the military force at a time when I think the friends of liberty would be jealous of increasing it: ‘and it being a time when, if fe accounts that we read be should ; we to the erly of to the ot have nald 8 word if there wae . from the position which the dis- tinguished fromm New York occupies, and jastl: oceup @@, in the public estimation, that the words whicl fell from bis oracular lipe might be oF com feeblor and . Oppesed the Mr Srwaxo—Mr. President, 1 certelaly shall not | plain of my bonorabie friend from New Hampshire, or re. et bce ian tabinauem teas te toned Ject ip a manner which makes an taeue Myself, or between me and others with custemed to act in the country, 1 know 1 know his independence, I kaow his his devotion to the great principles w! thems with all my ‘heart. 1 thanks wit ) my never time when I could not bear a differs never yet have seen the time when ea sir, 1 8 frvind for I think be bimwelf wil ome to. that, 80 fgr as ‘pec’ wi and I have in view ph it would have indulge me in an explanation of the Senieh frown the course which he government, and to let it pass without Palized as a great difference calculated reat bodies of men who follow his lead, Gat of some otber man. Ihave not one plaint or reproof for the honorable senator, ever, say for myself that Jam not influenced by the which the honorable Senator makes to success of the party of which he speaks. gome twenty years, more or less, in bere and in my ownState. Bince T have every word that I have uttered in this chamber hag recorded in books and will go down to history; and ot a large port’on ot what J uttered in other think I may claim that when ten years shall the debates of to-day—when ten years of rest elttaved to me after my service here shall have pleted—there will be no man living who, with the records Zpen before him, will Le able to tell whether I belonged to one jarty or another. No, sir; know nothing, I care nothing— ‘never did, I never shall—for party. Isbould be unfit to be here if I bad not learved to post] my own advan- tage to that of the respective and honored frieuds with whom I co-operate in public life, ana i§ I bad not learned to postpone their advantage avd their benefit to the greater good of the whole country, If there is a re- preach that is more proverbial against me throughout this land than any other, it is that I dare postpone the good of the whole country under a false and démoralizing administration, to the rights and interests of mankind under the laws of eternal truth and justice. Sir, Lam not to be deterred from giving an honest vote by anyftear of the party with which I act going down. I have adifferont idea about parties gciug down. I have a different idea about meu going down. They are not throwa down by false analogies. The honorable Sevator has referred to @ reat statesman, bow dead, who, for a large portion of is life, led the vanguard of the army of freedom—of freedom in the Territories—of freedom in the States; and who, on the great day when the contest came to a decisive issue, stirrendered that great cause hore in his place, and derided the proviso of freeaom, the priuciple of the ordi- nance of 1787. The Senator eonsiders this analogous to my case, because here I think five thousand soldiers not too many, and he thinks five thousand leas just enough. That is all. If the question was whether 100,000 should be the standing army, we should both be against it. If the question was whether it should be five thousand, we should both vote in favor of that pumber. There is no prin- ciple in this dispute. It is @ question of the application of great principles. Now, 1 may say for myself, in regard to this point, that baving had a sense more profound, per haps, than others have conceived, for twenty years of my life, that it belonged to somebody to restore the equi- librium of freedom, which was depressed in the scales held by this government so as to give slavery a pre. derating balance, 1, with as much power and ability as have, have devoted myself to co-operate with the honor- able Senator, and all others who might engage in that great and bencficent enterprise. I knew, sir, that there would be times when I should have to stand alone. I saw him stand alone; and I think the first ally who came to his sice bere wag myself, which meeting could not be accomplished until one great State of the Union had been revolutionized, so as to produce a combination in favor of his purposes and mine. I knew that I should have to stand alone--I bave stood often alone; but I have never com- piained of it, and I do not now. I knew that in standing alone im this cause I exposed myself to a | danger whieh easily besets the reformer; and that dan- | ger is, that the sense of injustice, the sense of isolation, | Will make him sometimes unjust’ unwise, partisan aud factious. The danger of every reforming party is the danger of secking to build itself up by drawing in false, | spurious and collateral isaues, having nothing whatever | to do with the main question. Iam sorry to say, but I | inust «ay it, that my experience has only shown that there | was, in the position which I have occupied, an exposure | to this great danger of being besetto cut down this mea- | sure of the aimipisiration here: cut off the head of this | | | between i appointee ef the administration there; defeat the admin- istration on this appropriation for a railroad: defeat the administration upon this measure of organization; cut off the supplies of the clerks in some of the departments; refuse to give these who will not yote for your measures | and your policy your support for measures to which they may be attached. 1 determined, knowing that I was edto this danger, that, with the grace of God, I never would be found wanting in my place to | assert and maintain my principles, and tue measures | apd policy which were to carry them out; and on the other hand, that when [ should retire from the Senate there should be no man living that could charge that I had given a vote influenced by passion or prejudice against the interests and fame and honor of my whole ) coantry, If T bave not been successful, I have done this. at is just what! am doing now, and the result will be just the samme when we reach the end of this mat- ter. lremember that an exceilent friend, balf a dozen years ago, soheited me to lend my aid and my name to | the organization of the American party, beause ft was necessary to give success to the principles of freedom which otherwire would be lost without it. “Well,” I said, ““snppose I should, what would be gained!" “Well, then. your cause would prevail, and you yourself would be elevated to a piece” much higher than I speak of. “But,” said I, “that movement is ephemeral; it will lust only to-morrow, and how is the party to be relieved from the consequences of the falseness of its position then?” “Oh,” said he, “we will look for you to do that.” I was to lead them in, aod I was to jead them out. Ibave but one word more to say, aod I shall not detain the Senate, Lar very sorry that the faith of the honorable Seuator from New Hampshire is less than my own, He appretends continual disaster, He wants this battle centinued and fought by ekirmishes, antto deprive | she enemy of every kind of supplies. Sir, I regard this atile as already fought; it is over All the mistake is that he honorable Senator and others do not knoe it. Weare | fighting for a majority of free States. There are already sixteen to Miteep, and whaterer the administration may do —whaterer anybody may domtefore ome year from this time we shall be nineteen to fifteen. If that is se, what danger are we expoud to? Wis that the fre tex will, pever: theless, go for slavery. If they will, that is a matter that we are not to help in this way. Ido not believe that | either. J think it ce simply a questiom whether the admin istration shall surrender and grant freniom to Kansas, under the constitution of her choice, or whether they shatl break their necks in resistance to it. The resul! is precisely the same in either way; and 1 come w my conclusioa, notwithstanding Tam so unfortuna’s as to differ from my honorable friend, Urat it is the safest side to vote the men ond money to gave the lives and property of the American people. Deve! ments of the Pante, {From the Hartford Times, Feb. 6.) We learn that Join H. Capen, of Willimantic, who is reported to be a defaulter to the Sa tinet Warp Mill to the amount of $45,000, was a joint owner of the mill, with Anstin | Dunham, of this city, and William 1. Jillson, of Willimantic. Mr. Capen was the business agent of the concern. goods manufactured by the company were satinet warps, for which there was a good demand as long as the price of cotton was low, and the concern then did a good business. For | three years past, however, owing to the rise in | cotton, the concern has been losing money, and Mr. apen has aided it from time to time by furnishing a main share of the capital. The mill, we believe, has fallen much behind during the past six months, and it is now said that Capen has defaulted—turned | embezzler—to the amount of $45,000. Full par- ticulars of this case are yet to be obtained, and until hese are placed before ns, we abstain from cha- racterizing the occurrence, or pronouncing any opinion on the case. THE BAY STATE COMPANY —INJUNCTION ISSUED. {From the Boston Herald, Feb. 6.) At the meeting of the Bay State Meer aed yester- day, to hear the report of the investigating commit- tee, a petition was circulated and generally signed by the stockholders, praying the Supreme Court to isewe an injunction to restrain the officers of the company from transacting any further business for the corporation, also to appoint receivers of the pro- perty. This petition was presented in the Supreme ‘ourt, before cues a yesterday afternoon, bearin and after a brief ig a tempor injunction was issved. The hearing on the question w' the injunction shall be made one yd was assigned for the 15th inst. Ata meeting of the creditors of the company, held yesterday a . Messrs. Ezra Browne of Boston, and James G. C1 of Lowell, were vinted a committee to aet with the direc- tors in the settlement of the affeirs of the corpora- tion. Resrurtion oF Srecm Payannt.We learn from authority which we deem reliable that the suspended banks of this city are contemplating a re- mption of specie paym on the Ist of March. ‘e sincerely hope this annoaneement may not prove a mistake. It is the belief of many of our best mone- tary men tuat the condition of the several banks has been such as to justify reenmption long since. The fact of their delay has made them liable to the suspicion that their profite more than their fears have induced them to procrastinate this much de- sired measure. Louis Demorrat, Feb. 4. ‘The banks ef Wilmington, Del., resumed payment of specie on their notes on Thursday last. “Mone Creating Rovxo tite Boann.”—The democracy are in a peck of trouble. Snyder, our readers will recollect, was ised the place of an Miller, of Co- lyman Bec- , and he oe Reilly, democratic can- po Monga bap Lent " grenped by oo. promise of a and he was put oft with the place’of Postmaster. Phen Pannis and he has heen hustled were discarded. it the democracy Journal, Feb.5, Tet oy thatthe Wtuppe mil wil go i oper: ‘at mi ra. the machinery ready. "Tie mill runs on ntlag cloths, em Tt has over 400 looms, possible to full time. hands. ploying 175 | 23. Mr. Commissioner Fisk shows I was correct in my in | litte leisure to discuss the humble, but al! important | that Mr. Stephen M | the government officials | price that Young @ould perform suck wonders on his AFFAIRS IN WASHINGTON. Our Washington { Wasiancton, Feb 8, 1858. | The Niagara Ship Canal—A Spunky Lobby Member—A | Sad Case, de. My remarks upon the land grantawindles of the last | two Congreases—embracing an allusion to the project of a”! ship canal at Niagara—have had the effect of awakening the lobby having charge of the canal scheme. In the Star of | last evening I find the following advertisemont, which I | hope will have the benefit of your circulation, that ail the, | facts in the case may find their way to the light, and pri vent the spunky lobby member from wasting his sweet ness on the desert air. Mr. Commissiouer Fisk ‘“ tulks like @ Cicero”’ :— y Commissioners Legislature; one of the Directors named in rier and icunepiscionars: ! Present memorialatoCoogrems, raying for @ grant of land to ald in the construction or the — Ki ship canal. wach, I pronounce cing statement of to falae in every essential particular, fend the insinuations cowardly am! contemptible. [ do not to engage in new: er discussion with patd agents oF of parties indneaced ouly | ly business ts with members of Con- the case to thear candidly wand fuir- shall be mate acqnainted with the | ‘& great nattom! work, they will cheerfully vole a reasonable ppropriation, to be honestly used for the promotion of the enterprise. I invite the closent scrutiny as to the acta and plans of the corporatora and ask that, should an appropriation be made, it be guarded in the moat stringent manner against the wiles of speculators wno have India rubber consciences, and are jealous lest other arties shall be in the way of their ambition ax public plua- | rere, ‘The parties in this crusade against the ship canal are well known. and shouk! they continue to court newson per notoriety on the subject, the public ekal! have their x patent by jealous malignity. ae, and 1 shall present Fy beitertng” that he importance of the names, residences, motives, and some facts in r ard to their | own elastic projects, that my he of gen wernt, JOHN Fisk missioner, Acting in behalf of Ni Wasiineton, Feb. 1, 1858. i] The Niagara Ship Canal scheme may now be coasid- ered as fairly inaugurated before the country. The lobby comes out in a manner truly refresbing, and there is evi- dently fun ahead. It the project of Mr. Comtissiouer Fisk, and “the friends of the work,” is in any way aa- tagonistic to the revival of expired patent monopolies; if the representative of the interest savors aught of “india rubber”’ not hitherto made public; in short, if be cau en- lighten the public upon any matter of interest while nurs. ing peeps ape his charge, it 1 to be hoped that he | pot hide light under a bushel. Let him not com- poss ‘with the monopoly folks in any particular. If be recrets, projectile, mechanical, or ‘“etastic,”’ to utter, let them be privacies no longer. Thus sbali Mr. Commis- sioner Fisk find a name aud fame, if the company he represents sha happen (as it most likely will,) to fail ia their efforts to obtain the grant. But in regard to the cana! scheme, I am glad Mr. Com- missioner Fisk has seen fit to so reaaily and fully eniorse my announcement that such a magnificent measure was to come up at this session of Congress. I “heard it by the way,” that a million of acres of the public domain would be asked for to aid some private company by a governmental endorsement. The land swindlers, which have become a part of the history of the Thirty third and Thirty fourth Congresses, were fresh in my mind, and I deemed it an act of duty to cai! attention to the measure, as I did in my letter to the Hera, of Jan, cara Ship aval formation, and I thik it will be no difficult matter to sus- | tain my inferences in regard to the project and the opera- tion of the grant upon it The cost of the cana. will probably be about $25,000,000, and to meet the expendi- tures, the company represented by Mr. Commissioner Fisk commence by asking of Congress one million of acres of land, These lan is are to be sol 1, of course, and av the price of government lands rules at about $: per acre, the amount realized, allowing all to be Id, will be $1,250,000—a very fair sum to begin with, aud during the prosecution of the work quite sufficient to make a pretty iving for the various officers of the company, so far as it goes. To complete the work we want still $23,850,000. The fools are not | all dead yet, and some may be dazzled by the glowing man- ner in which the importance aud advantages of the mea sure could be put by the managers of the concern, upon the basis of the propsed land grant. Some money would come from the outeide, consequent upoa the credit of Con- gress; but [am not inclined to believe that enough capital could be raised to even promise a survey of the route. But supposing the route commen as it wili be under the grant, when the appropriation gives oat we shall have the company here again with an inducement to Con- gress that baving begaa the work, it shonid not uow be al- lowed to stop. The government would be called upoa to enact the stock gambler and risk more to retrieve what bas already been lost There is a danger iu these measures: which should be guarced against. There is a systera of Jobbing in them, and there is an ardditional ‘canse for alarm from popular aayemblies and a class of ardent patriota who are Lot Judges of what is a benefit to industry. Works of an im Posing aspect and great extent are those which arouse enthusiasm and afford a subject for eloquent deciama- tion, There is m the consideration of such measu: question, what traffic is likely to pass along the line? nat all parties may be fairly represented, I will mention , of Massachusetts, is attached to the interest of the Niagara Ship lobby with Mr. Commissioner Fisk nd now Congress: may prepare itself for the project at its earliest conve- nience, after the Lecompton constitution has passed. The measure is an important one, and I hope will have fair play and a careful examination. ‘A pad instance of infatuation, folly and crime exme to light yesterday im this city. A young man named Young, lately a clerk in the Post Office, was arrested yesterday morbing upon # suspicion of having robbed letters curing his employment in the department. Movey had been frequently missed from the office, and ail the decoys of jled to detect the detinquent Young a few days since resigned his position giv & reason that the work was too hard, signed to ge into the commission busine § He had been above suspicion, and his detection was ¥in- ply the result of a combination of mmatances, Youvg had became infetuated with a femal frail as fair, and had her under his protection during the past year, board tog her, and in all respects treating her as wives are treated. At the house occupied by Young and his Delilah, one of our police officers hat a piece of female furniture confiding upon him for support— fair specimen of Wachington morals—and the quartette enjoyed themselves generally. Young supplied his mistress with jewelry. &c.,to an extent to astonish his associate, the police officer, and he expressed his sur. > salary. No clue could be obtained to the mystery until yesterday morning, when the officer, after an interview with Postmaster Berrett, concluded to usurp doubtful authority and arrest Young upon suspicion, Upon beng taken into enstody, the young man confessed ail, and made a clean bresst of it. He acknowledges t having taken about $1,000 from letters during his stay in the office. Young x very respectably connected, and has a large circle of friends His quiet, pleasant’ and ones suming manvers were calculated to win coufidence and secure regard. The female—the cause of this wreck of reputation, and the destroyer of the happiness of a whole family —is now in New York. and in a short time wil give the world « sbarer ins mother’s shame She is enceinte. A ead story, truly, but it points a mora! Wasuineton, Feb. 5, 1858. Public and Prwate Dead Heads—Is this City to be Supported by the General Treasury?—A Peniten- tiary Swindle Proposed— Progress of the Toriff Investigating Committee— The Army of the Lobby and the Corps of Clerks— Auctioneer MeGuire's Party—Other Balls and Jollifications. “all it Golgotha, for it is a place of dead heads.” Nine out of ten of those who live and move here are indebted to the general government for their daily bread, and yet they are never satisfied. Bvery sheet of stationery that they use must come from Congress or the departments; the purchase of a postage stamp is deemed an unnecessary expendi- ture when “franks’’ can be obtained for the asking; and the famous Agricultural Bureau sapplies all the garden seeds planted roundabout. The general government boilds bridges, lights and paves avenues and streets, furnishes water, and in fact does every- thing except pay the bills of a little Pedlington ma- nicipal government. This august body, having in- creased the indebtedness to a round sum, is now supposed to be favoring a “surrender of the cit; cearnen? That ix, Con, is to pay the city debe, and henceforth to pay all the expenses, instead of a portion of them. Another home ulation is the proposed remo- val of the District Penitentiary to Analostan Island, opposite Georgetown, in the Potomac. This has been so vn! hy as to be uninhabitable, but it ts intimated that money can be made by a disposal of it, at a large figure, to Uncle Samuel. The Investigating Committee on the Lawrence, Stone & Co. corruption case are progressing slowly, yet surely. It is said that a husetts M,C. (not Gov. Banks) has been aceused of receiving pe- cuniary favors, in anonymous letters sent to put the commi “on the track,” but that the examination proved it to have been a simple business loan of a small sum, which was repaid. Who did pocket that $87,000" Colonel Walcott, who is expected to give very important testimony, is now the partner of ex-Go- vernor Gardner, at Boston. He was in his Excel lency’s staff, and much metriment was created on the day of election ny the putting np the sign of the new firm. The colonel was here during the passage of the free wool tariff, living like a fighting cock, and even, on dit, paying the hotel bills of some of his — It +] pa d that be will not become oblivious, and refuse to contribute his chapter to the Book of Revelations, r Isn't it curious how all these gentlemen know nothing of the matter in question, but “could a tale unfold” if they coukd go back into former sessions. Surely they should be gratified, and we should have all the rascality unveiled. ere lobby members, but few of them - re, and they, it is can’t away. they hang reddy yh the pia on ments of neglected merit, exhibiting faces fal bras ton ui world. ‘Those who have been mem! the Hous ore cxpocnilly Mier at hay ‘been &: from the floor of new saloon, present. ntatives for their abominable tment of “a man and a bro- Othe noble army of clerks are not, generally | clerk's findmg-—to hi speaking, very ha, large ipa let cir ree Fern saci, the rare Milies upon in the ouly. building where these te ap r horror—a draw.” General Case, goad soa raw.” Ge ‘ass, ‘soul, has i to trouble the cymminaiis woh a ena Sonal on cumeen a metropoli ve ol the is. The at McGuire's last was a cent athir-gotten up rogardien of expense, sad ok tended by a crowd. Some of the ladies were dressed with unosnal richness, and the diamonds worn im rofusion Miss Saunders, the daughter of Mrs. ostmaster General Brown, would have been noticed at any Euro court. The President, ves his uanal Congressional to-day, and prides will be delighted when ROI rough the list, for it cannot be agreeable to entertain those who are copahatins—opealy or by stealth—his Uppasetge endeavors to carry out the true principles of our government. Secretary ‘Ioucey alao entertains a large party at dinner to-day. This evening Senator Trambull gives a party at hia residence in Eighth street, and there is g -at curiosity expressed as to whether Judge Douglas wil. appear or the Topekaites who wi!’ crowd the saloons of his colleague. Senator Trumbull is one of the few black republicans who “e:‘ertain,” o)though they can be seen, like the locusts of Egypt, ee there is anything to be eaten or drank. Chubb, the banker, has_in ‘tations out for a small party to-night, and the Georgetown girls have beem invited over to the house of Mrs. Semmes. To-morrow is the “drawing room” day at the White House. dinner he bas Wasuineron, Feb. 6, 1858. | Santa Anna's Reply to General Pillow—The Famous Charge of Pillow—The Facts in the Case. The publication of Santa Anna's reply to General Pillow in the Hexarp of yesterday has again brought up here the matter of the $10,000 bribe to a Mexican general. Ihave received from gentlemen who were in high position in Mexico during the war some information in regard to the matter, which throws much and new light upon the subject. There is no doubt that all the parties who have published letters thereon have told the facts as far as they know them, and that all the generals—Scott, Quitman, Hitcheock, Pitlow, and Santa Anna—have been truth- ful im alt they have stated, though perhaps none of them have told all they know, as the whole subject was a eonfidential one. The following facts are established:—Propositions relative to peace and a million of dollars, which were preceded by certain military operations and simulated battles, came from Santa Anna to Puebla, and were entertained by General Scott, who also | paid $10,000 down. What were the Perrone of the parties to these transactions can only be deduced from the attendant | cireumstances and their own partial acknowledg- ments. The position of each must therefore be taken inta consideration. During the greater part of June Gen. Scott was in Puebla, with but little over 5,000 men, a large number of whom were in hospital and very short of supplies. Pillow and Cadwallader were on their march to join him with nearly an equal number, but were much delayed by the heavy trains they were conveying, aud by the incessant ‘attacks ot the guerrilla bands which Santa Anna had orga- nized after the battle of Cerro Gordo. Senta Anna himself was in the city of Mexico or- ganizing new armies which he had succeeded in athering to the number of 24,000 men at that time. the foreign traders there, and particularly the Eag- lish bankers and merchants, were in a sad state from the operations of the war, and must become bank- rupt if peace were not obtained. In the begin- ning of June Mr. Bankhead, the British Minister, had received « note from Mr. Trist seeking to open negotiations. The English interest at once pi the subject to Santa Anna, and he saw the military advantages that he might derive from it. He hada fine army of 25,000 men already, which was con- stantly increasing. Scott had less than 5,000 availa- He men at Puebla, where the arrival of Pillow and Cadwallader was uncertain, as the guerrilla bands might delay them a long time. If Scott could be in- duced to descend into the valleyef Mexico with his sinali and ill supplied force, Santa Anna felt contident, he could beat him; and at all events it was better for him to fight 5,000 men than twice that number. _ These are undoubtedly the reasons that induced Santa Anna to listen to Bankhead’s propositions and to propose to negotiate a peace after Gen. Scott should a partial success, which he proposed to let him do. If, however, Santa Anna should succeed in capturing Scott and his small force, he would end the war with glory, and | any artifice that should draw the American command- | er into the snare was legitimate. | however, the negotiations were delayed; | cesses of the guerrilla bands were not at all equal to As it aaeene, the sue- the hopes that had been entertained in Mexico, and when Gen. Scott did descend into the valley, he had about 10,000 men, with ~~ lies for only a few days. Santa Anna’s forces by this time were 36,000 men. It was Scott's want of money and supplies that com pe him to accept the armistice before the city of lexico, during which he got both ont of the city. From these facts it is evident that the plan of San- ta Anna was @ good one. He was always well in- tormed of the strength of the American eens, and had he succeeded in delaying the march of Cadwal- lader and Pillow, and in decoying Scott into the val- ley of Mexico, he might have changed the fate of the war. As it was, Scott's march from Paebla upon Mexico is looked npon by military men as a most dangerons movement, where all was put at stake. It was only the unparalleled bravery the Ameri- can forces that brought him safe through. These are the views of gentlemen of high position in the army, and they afford the only satisfactory solution of the whole proceeding, Waeninarom, Feb. 6, 1858. Mr. Taylor's Bill for the Codification of the Patent Lows— Alterations Proposed by it—The Pacifie Railroad — The Bill reported from the Senate Com- mittee— Mr. MeKibben’s Military Railroad Bills — The Tehuantepec Route Bill, §e., §¢. The Patent bills recently referred to the Commit- tee on Patents by Messrs. Taylor, of New York, and Chaffee, of Massachusetts, have been harmonized by those gentlemen. Dr. Chaffee’s bill was one amend- atory only, while Mr. Taylor's bill was a complete codification of the patent laws passed from 1793 down to the present time. The amendments pro- posed by Dr. Chaffee’s bill were nearly similar to the new features in Mr. Taylor's. These gentlemen, therefore, agreed upon Mr. Taylor's bill, with three or four amendments taken from Dr. Chaffee's bill, It is believed that this bill will now receive the sane- tion of the committee of the Howse. Its features are > 1. It makes the Patent Office tment of the Interior. eset . It increases the fees, to meet increased ex- DAES, “~ Tt creates a board of three Examiners.in-Chief, to decide upon all applications for —, ke., to be presented to them, with the noes, by the regular ie oe feature is ; se. cure greater nniformi im grant tents. the decision of this Board an ay de taken to the oT of Patents. 4. It limits the time for going into interference im the office to two years; after that period the are compelled to go into chancery ‘and declde the question in court. 5. It oo the same fees from all whether citizens or not, thereby placing the inven- tive mind of the world on the same footing. 6. It denies all withdrawals, all additional im- provements, prevents diselaimers and caveats. 7. It gives the magistrates or justices of the peace in the different States authority to take testimony, a compel the attendance of witnesses, as in civil Bu 8. It developes the bill of equity, making it suffi- cient to determine all questions between the conflict- in, amen “< rote se are rine ehanges bill; but if it edentea’ hn wil ma! Ily change the em. The grand qeotenelast are—lst. complete codification of the rent laws; 2d. Greater uniformity and discrimina' in granting patents, and the dence of the department; 3d. Fail protection to the inventive minds of the country, without a sacrifice of the rights of the Peri: entlemen interested in. this matter have de- voted a great deal of time to it, having been encou- raged to doso by the character of the Committee on Patents, That committee embraces some of the most liberal and enlightened members of the Honse; and the publie may safely rely upon their action ia this important matter. The Pacific Railroad bill reported by Senator Gwin @ point of departure from the mouth of the Kansas river, the line to take from theace « westward conrse to the Fe mpl territory of Ari- zona, from whence it will ran through the Cajon pass, and from that to San Francisco. ‘The two military railroads go by Mr. MeKib- ben run, one south ofthe thirtysixth parallel, ‘and the other from some point north of the thirty- ith parallel, and thence north hy the most fen sible route to San Franciseo. In conjunction with — @ branch to Paget's Sound is in contempla- Mr. McKibben’s bil to provide for the conveyance of the United States .malls over the Tehuantepec route bas been drawn ap with the concurrence and