The New York Herald Newspaper, November 2, 1857, Page 2

New Issues for the Great Cam- paign of 1860. The Bank Question and the Tariff Ques- tion Lifting their Heads again. OPIN@ONS OF THE NEWSPAPER PRESS, &e., &e., &. {From the Washington National Era, ‘organ,) Oct, 29. WHAT SHALL BE THE ISSUES. ‘The New York HERALD assumes that the Kansas oe is settled, and that with its settlement the agitation of the question of slavery. The National Intelligencer seems to think that sectional diegrae sat gi {abotion Republican must now give place to the old issues of fi- ‘and a tariff, which have been revived by the recent monetary revulsions. The Philadelphia North American rejoices heartily that any cause has been ‘enough to withdraw attention from the sec- |-iesnes which have for so many years shaken the Union—that the present calamities in the busi- ness world have forced upon the people the issue of a protective tariff; and, it adds,“ To this issue we stand , and we prefer it to all forms of sec- tional agitation, as intended to promote the welfare of the country and the harmony of all its varied in- terests.”” The Heraup, which gg ds Col. Fremont, is now achampion of Mr. Buchanan, and affects to nt out the true policy of his administration. The i is always a quietist, favored the election ef Mr. Buchanan, but cherishes a tender longing for the resurrection of the whig party. The North American was formerly a leading whig paper, on the dissolution of its party became a supporter of the re- ublican movement, without disavowing its whig doc: rines, and now as we perceive, rejects that movement, and thanks heaven for the revival of the tariff issue, which is to shut out the discussion of the question of slavery. They all agree that the country is more deeply concerned in the re-organization of the bank- ing system and the revision of the tariff than in any other measure. The fate of Kansas they consider settled, henceforward there is no controversy be- tween ihe slave power and its opponents; of course there ought to be, and will be, no republican party, no pro#lavery party. ‘These papers forget that the whole opposition from the free States in the next Congress has been elected upon the issue of slavery, raised by the sec- tional party which finds its representative in Mr. Buchanan. Their views about finance or protection had nothing to do with their nomination or election. The le were not dreaming of a revision of the tari’ or a national bank. They had been aroused by the usurpations of slavery—alarmed by its bold pre- tensions and its abborrent doctrines—rendered in- dignant by the snbservience of the so-ealled demo- cratic party to its policy of extension and aggran- dizement—and they elected representatives pledged to resist and put down that policy. There is not a Be ayosee Senator or Representative in Congress who stands there in virtue of his views concerning a tariff or bank—not one who could have been elected ‘on those issues had they been presented in place of the momentous questions which, for the last few years, have determined the form and direction of parties. The commercial and trading interests, always suf- ficiently selfish, may forget everything else in the ne- cessities of the hour. Cities, where Mammon rules, distracted, irritated, desperate, from bank suspen: sion, mercantile failures, universal distrust, and fear of impending ruin, may, for a time, think of nothing but stocks, rates of exchange, and discount. News- pes dependent upon the trading community, may ecome totally absorbed in questions of mere mate- rial values, aud imagine that the only duty incum- bent on the American people now is, to bewail the fall of the great Babylon, as if the end of the world had come. But, we must remember that these momentary troubles after all do not affect deeply the masses of the people] out of the cities; are of transient duration, and 80 obviously the result of causes over which legis lation has litte control, that they cannot change the organization or policy of political parties. The bro- ken merchant, the suspended banker, the ruined speculator, may devote themselves to the restoration of their fortunes, utterly regardless of the public welfare, but there are ‘still plenty of citizens who cannot be seduced into making pecuniary issues para- mount. They will not neglect their own interests, but they will find time to watch over the good of the commonwealth. In 1837, when general bankruptcy ne over the country, we were a great deal poorer than we are now—afflicted with short crops aud a scant supply of specie. And yet, without the aid of a United States Bank, without a protective tariff, in fact, un- der a tariff with duties decreasing from year to year, without any legislative help whatsoever, the people worked themselves clear of all embarrassments, and became, in two or three years more prosperous than ever. Now, we are far richer—our resources incom- parably greater—we are abounding in all the neces- saries of life—with gold and sliver enough in the country for ull the purposes of trade, without need of paper currency. All the evils we are suffering we have brought upon ourselves, and by our own oe conduct we mast extricate ourselves. This we are beginning to do; we shall be rapidly progressing by the time ey ap shall meet, and we shall have accomplish- ed the work before that body could agree upon any measures of relief, as they are called. We do not wonder that the French people expect their government to do everything for them, and when starvation threatens that they betake them- selves to revolution. Such has been their training. ‘The government, whatever its form, has been in the habit of treating them as children, too stupid or weak to take care of themselves; and it has as- sumed to determi Jate all the forms of their industrial as well as political life, This is not the American we want from a government is the rights of each citizen, and then, generally, to be let alone. If there ‘be any works necessary to the deve- lopement and prosperity of the ‘citizens to which their means, individually or collectively, are in- adequate, then they desire the interposition of gov- ernment. But this true conception of government i rejected by that class of men who woald leave n, freedom to the individual. They want laws to di? rect where the people shall buy and sell, bow they sball use their capital and labor, how much farming, and trading, and manufuctaring they shall do, and what shall be their habits generally. Too late!—we have outgrown this antiquated sy+ oem. As well may we expect a resurrection of the bd whig party as a revival of the issues of a national lank and protective tariff. The newspapers referred to delude themselves in hoping that the great ques- tion, sball freedom or slavery rule the destinies of this continent, can be thrust aside, because the com- mercial interest is just now undergoing a revulsion, to which at certain periods it has always been subject, especially under an inflated paper currency. This great question is still undecided. Even the fate of Kansas, which is a mere incident of it, hangs yet in suspense. We hare elected our delegate, but it would seem as if the most barefaced fraud had deprived the free State party of the Legislature; and it is notorious that the framing of the State constitation is ander the exclusive control of the pro-siavery party. Shoulda slave constitution be sent to Congress, will it dare to ratify it in the face of the fact now demon- strated by the election of a free State delegate, that the majority of the people of the Territory are op- posed to jt? Settled, indeed; the whole question will be reopened in the next Congress. While such papers as the North American would abandon the discussion of the great question of liberty, we see no indications on the part of the Southern press or politicians of a disposition to ig- wore the question of slavery. Everywhere in the South, it is the only iste. The late elec- tious in that section have been carried for the administration on this ground, and no other, that it is a staunch supporter of the views and policy of the South in regard to slave Its news- papers abound in discussions of this topic. Scarcely a number of the Richinond Daily Enquirer appears in which the pro-slavery virtues of Mr. Buchanan do not form the themes of its editorials. The free States, with a folly often characteristic of them, may sub- ordinate or forget the questions in controversy be- tween the slave power and the non-slaveholders, but the South never does either, It has posession of the federal government for the next four years, is laying all its plans with a view to continue’ its seasion in 1860, and does not hesitate const anti to threaten a dissolution of the Union id its ‘am bition then be thwarted. Jn foll these facts are we to disband the republican sink the question of freedom; leave the slave power wndis uted master of the field, with the Chief Executive Yongress and the Supreme Court under its absolute dictation, and the doctrine blazoned on its banners that slavery by the constitution exists in the Terri tories? And for what? For the sake of getting up & party on those very novel issues, a protective tariff and a national bank. Southern politicians would no doubt hail such a demonstration. Nothing would delight them more than to see the Northern States divided on questions ‘of political economy. Their democratic friends in thaw Btatee could make e better fight against pro tection and banks, than for slavery and the Dred Soot decision. It would be vastly edifying to see the people of the free States wrangling about an im: practicable policy among themselves, while the slave yower, undisturbed, would march on, strengthening te poanonsions and extending its conqu o—the republican party will not dishand its forces, or forego the great object of its organization. It will not abandon the doctaines of liberty, by which it has been cemented, and in the sti of which it has revoluionized nearly all the free , for the pur- pose of accommodating itself to the sordid politics of cities that gave their epee to Mr, Buchanan, be- cause they expected that his election would give confidence to the business community, render its gains solid, and its adventures succesful. It will scarcely assent to the wisdom of disturbing @ tariff passed by votes given without distinction of LY, not yeta year old, and the operation of which is not yet known, It will barily be guilty of the folly of Wasting its time and getting up profitless dissen- sions in its own ranks, by lending countenance to the vagaries of those politicians of a past generation who fondly hope for the re-institution of a national ban Kk. ‘The non-slayeholders of the country have been in- sulted, browbeated, proseribed by the merenolling oligarchy, their invaded, their interests i- ficed. align’ A dicated to free labor has been wrested from them, in violation of good faith, and opened by violence to slaves. Doctrines Rely read Tberty, abhorrent to modern civilization, 1c tive to the highest interests of the country, and in- er teen cee ee {ice States, been for upon one great in the 4 sanctioned es a majority of ‘the Judges of the Su- preme Court, and accepted by the present adminis- tration, which stands openly Zommitted to their en. forcement. At this hour the oligarchy has more complete ion of the federal government, a more effect control of its policy, than at any for- mer period. From its past usurpitions we know its future policy, even were its organs silent. But it wears no disguise—it has thrown off the mask. Wha it means by the repeal of all restrictive regulations against slavery, and by the enunciation of the doc- trine that the constitution of the United States car- ries slavery with it into all territory now existing or to be hereafter acquired, is not so much to obtain possession of Kansas as to facilitate its gradual occw- pation of the continent on our Southern and South- western border. This constitutional principle, as it styles it, being established, will of course secure sla- very in Cuba, and in any other Territory that it may be able to annex hereafter to our Union. This being the poner, these the doctrines of the slave power and its “national democratic party,” the course of the republican party is a very plain one. It will resist and put down that policy—it will de- nounce and overturn those doctrines—it will not dis- continue its organization or action till it has placed the federal government in all its departments on the side of human liberty and made the Union what the constitution intended it should be,a means for the establishment of justice and the extension ef tree institutions, It seeks no sectional strife, but when one section of the Union attempts to elevate the sectional interest of slavery tothe rank and oe of a supreme national interest, it will not be leterred by the senseless clamor about sectionalism from arraying itself against a policy so detestable and ruinous. ‘It will not regard with indifference any public interest, or neglect wise measures to advance it; but it will not revive obsolete questions, or seek to disturb that policy in reference to trade and finance which the country, when undistracted by passion or anxiety, has agreed upon. Its first great duty is to meet and decide those issues of slavery presented by the slave power and its instrament— the so-called “national democracy.” {From the National Intelligencer (old line whig) Oct. 31.} THE EVIL AND THE REMEDY. ‘The reader will find under another head in to-day’s Intelligencer a number of selections from our con- temporaries of the public press, all relating more or less immediately to the financial evils of*the time and the remedy for them that has been suggested by ted and dear-bought experience. Certain jour- nals of another complexion, as might have been expected, have seized upon the present occasion to wage a crusade against all banks and against every species of “ paper money.” There is nothing easier, and, unfortunately, nothing is more congenial to many, than thus to indulge in vague and idle declamation against institutions which, with all the evils that now attend their existence, must still re- main of indispensable necessity to the trade and business intercourse of the cgay 2 It is not un- likely, however, that, in so far as financial questions may hereafter come up for popular consideration and debate, public opinion will be found to oscillate be- tween the issue presented, on the one hand, of a na- tional bank, which shall serve as a conservative regulator of our monetary affairs, and the delusive chimera of a hard money currency on the other, which shall be established on the ruins of our pre- sent banking system. This latter bee ag being clearly impractica- ble, since none can suppose that all (if any) of the States in the Union will ever consent re- nounce the banking priviles they have so long enjoyed and exercised, it would seem that the expe- dient of a great central regulator [inet at once the most feasible, a8, under the circumstances, it would certainly prove the most immediate and effi- cient agent for the establishment of a currency at once uniform and stable. The nical clamor against all banks and inst all a money” will be as short-lived as it is senseless, insomuch that unless some conservative measures be taken, such as we have indicated in common with many of our con- temporaries of different political faith, we may ex- pect that the admitted defects in our banking sys- tem, under the operation of the same public econo- my which now prevails, will, in the end, bring about a recurrence of the same reverses through which we are now passing. The absurdity of destroying insti- tutions because of defects which we are competent to remedy would be rs gehen in any other depart- ment fof human thought except politics, in which passion and prejudice are often found more potent than reason and experience. [From the Baltimore Patriot, Oct. 20.) A NATIONAL BANK AND A PROTECTIVE TARIFF. If, as Lord Bacon says, “all knowl is the re- sult of experience,” the unjustifiable and destructive conrse of nearly all the banks in the United States, occasioned by the tyrant’s plea—necesity—will make a deep, a lasting, and an indellible impression on the minds of the American pean It is to be deeply regretted that, amidst all the wonderful dis- coveries of the nineteenth century, real and imagi- nary, so many of our merchants and bank directors are still obnoxious to the charge that Lord Chatham once burled at Sir Robert Walpole, namely, that of being ignorant in spite of experience. Severe lan- this to be used fn an English House of Com- But it ix not too severe to be used in ret r to the present calamities of our beloved cou try, brought upon it by unprincipled speculatos and, to say the least of it, unwise and unsafe direc: tors of our banks. A love of wealth, or rather a de- sire to be immensely rich, has preponderated over good morals and a love of knowledge. What is the remedy? Simply to trace effecta to causes. In the days of the Father of his Country we had a national bank, with a capital of ten millions of dollars; our peas was then about three mil- lions of inhabitants. The Revolutionary debt was funded; national credit established on a firm basis; the public revenues were honestly collected and faithfully distributed; not a dollar of it lost when de- posited in a bank signed by the immortal Washing- ton. After its continuance for twenty = the charter expired. It was not renewed. proposi- tion was before the Senate of the United States for a second national bank; it failed by the casting vote of Ge Clinton, the then Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate. In 1814 all the State banks nded specie payments, with the exception of the banks of New England. To their immortal honor be it spoken, no suspension in that “land of steady habits” took place: their paper at that time being twenty per cent higher than the paper of the general government itself, our country then being at war with Great Britain on account of the tyranny and injustice of the latter towards the United States, “Necessity,” says a great author, “like truth, is superior to rule.” The public men of that day had sense enough to see the necessity for another na- tional bank, and patriotism enough to grant a char- ter therefor (in aren during a of twenty ears, with a capital of twenty mil if we remem- her rightly. The sbinplaster agate with all its abominations, soon disay |. Able statesmen said we had then the best currency in the world. Twenty years rolled on; other public men appeared in the councils of our country; a large importation of foreigners, good, bad and indifferent, intermingled with native Americans. The act chartering the se- coud National Bank, which had been signed by the patriotic Madison, and approved by the honest Mon- roe, expired in 1836. In 1829 General Jackson was elected President of the United States—be is now, we hope, in heaven! and of him we may say that he was & patriot; peace to his memory, thankfalness for his services, oblivion to his errors—bat still, it is our solemn conviction that his vetoing of the act or bill S ress for his approval, for of t presented to him by rechartering the Ban! United States, was the direct cause, or occas f the general or universal suspension of the banks in 1837, and of the intro- duction of the detestable and dish rable shinplas- ter system which followed thereafter, and the loss of a part of the public revenue transferred to some of the State banks, consequent on the removal of the deposits from the National Bank to them during the first term of General Jackson's administeation, the remote cause of the suspension of the banks at the present day. __ We believe our statement of facts is correct, and, if so, our deductions may prove true. A celebrated author says, “ Nothing can supply the lack of pru- dence.” “Tt is prudent to retrace errors; they having been committed, it would be wise to avoid them in future—of financial revulsions, we shall have to grieve over them, if not periodically, at least once in every fifteen or twenty years, unless men me More cautions and honest and intelligent, until the; #hall love riches NN need of the means) less, ani wisdom and knowledge more than they do at present. An old fashioned Bank of the United States, with a capital sufficient for national and individual purposes, is the sure and common sense remedy for such fear: ful and destructive financial crives as the past and present. Countrymen, awake! regain the blessed rtat ‘en enjoyed in the days of Washington, Madi- son, Monroe and Johu Quincy Adams! raised no view or ex: | ‘tation of est an exclusively metallic cur- rency, for in the present state of relations between — the finances and commerce of the country, which have grown out of the principle of banking, which now prevails Gap ne the civilized world, a circu- lation of gold and silver the place of paper credits, | and to the full extent of the latter, is a chimerical idea, and the democrats do not entertain it any more than they entertain the idea that free trade (another of their hobbies,) in the full and perfect sense of the term, is at this day practicable. If the present bank- ing system be an iniquity, which we deny, then they are with it “up tothethrottle,”as an oldrhyme has it. We understand democratic tirades against banks. Why, even when Gen. Jackson was launching his thunders it the United States Bank, he de- clared himself in favor of a United States Bank, and we will here episodically remark that with all the hue and cry against that institution, and with a lively recollection of its errors and imprudences, it was, whilst exercising it legitimate functions, before it was assailed by the furious and merciless power which crushed it, the very best regulator of the cur- rency which the country has ever had. Whilst it was the bank that its name indicated it to be, it admirably subserved the ends of its incorporation. It was after it ceased to be such a bank by becoming a State institution, and after its connection with the federal rnment was severed, that it rushed into the wild and speculative adventures which brought it to insolvency. Asa United States Bank, acting under its charter as such, it prospered and was emi- mantly serviceable to the country, as long as it was unmolested by the democracy. As the United States bank of Pennsylvania it was a failure. We are no apologists for ita sins, which were, we have always believed, more the fruits of the war which was made upon it by the party in possession of the government than of any inherent corraption. The pet bank system that was established upon its ruins exploded in 1837, and the people, we imagine, did not feel on that memorable occasion that they had been peculiarly blessed by the exchange. The sub-treasury then followed, and under its halcyon wings we are now agonizing in another monetary revulsiou that is sweeping over the land like a simoom. We contend that the banking system, when pro- prerly adjusted and regulated, is’ promotive of the welfare of the country. It is susceptible, however, of abuses and excesses which should be guarded against as far as practicable. The attempt to super- sede it now by a metallic currency would be as im- politic as futile. The clamors of the anti-bank de- mocracy against the recent suspension will not im- prove the condition of things, but tend to make con- fusion worse confounded. The better plan for them to pursue is to uuite in a conservative movement that will, withouf doing any violence to the existing sys- tem, facilitate the restoration of confidence and the revival of ‘the Boston Journal, Oct. be lator of the currency in the shape of is one of the fossils which was laid away with a protective tariff in the old whe sarco- hagus; but, although we see old democrats like Mr. nks demanding the latter, we doubt if any one among our old opponents has cou enough to bring forward the other equally useful fossil and recommend its restoration. We welcome, however, most cordially the speech of Mr. Banks and the changed tone of certain journals as hopeful signs of better legislation in one most important respect, and for the other we must wait with patience, and in the meanwhile call upon State Legislatures to do what they can to remedy the evils which grow out of the present system of banking. {From the Richmond Whig, Oct. 20.} The tendency of banking institutions undoubtedly is to over issue; and it is the province of the govern- ment to devise and enforce such a system of checks as may prudently curb this tendency, without unne- cessarily impail ng the elasticity of our moneyed corporations. Du g many years we maintained that a United States Bank, properly organised, most suc- cessfully accomplished this salutary purpose. We believed that it would excercise a wholesome restrain- ing influence over minor institutions, and keep them constantly “ in the immediate presence of responsibi- lity.” But the democracy thought otherwise, and we bowed to the will of the people. But surely it is the duty of the general government to give us a good cur- rency—one whose value willnot be nibbled away by brokers at every step of its progresss from Maine to Texas. It was for this that the power of “coin- ing money and eo value thereof” was ves- ted in Congress. And if, in consequence of the growth and progress of modern commerce, with its artificial m of credits, and of the successful usurpation of the several States in issuing “‘bills of credit” as the basis of banking, paper money has become practi- cally the principal part of our currency, it merely obliges Congress to adapt its means and so sag to the new state of things, but does not discharge it of the primary and indispensable duty of regulating and protecting whatever may be the actual money of the aoe gs If this is best accomplished under our present plan of hoarding up millions of gold and silver in the vaults of the government, when every dollar of it is required by the urgent necessities of trade, be it so. We are wedded to no “nape , and when the democracy are in the ascen- dant ‘we are thankful for small favors. But the people have the right to require of their government a currency which shall circulate, at least throughout our own country, without a ruinous depreciation. (From the Newark (N. J.) Advertiser, Oct. 19} WANT OF A UNIFORM CURRENC During the present crisis in monetary affairs, one of the principal and most obvious causes of embar- rassment has been the derangement of our domestic exchanges and the want of a circulating mediam which would be acknowledved and accepted in all aay the country alike. The currency of the ks in one section was discredited, or rather re- fused, in another part, and exchange could not be had at any price in many districts; in consequence of which our Eastern merchants and manufacturers have been unable to collect outstanding debts, which would have carried them, and perhaps their whole communities, through the season without the calami- ties which have befallen them. A great institution like the Bank of England far- nishes a medinm which is available in all parts of the world, and the old and much abused United States Bank in its best days furnished a similar commodation. But that was too liable to the tam- ering of government officers to be entirely reliable. e necessity of some plan to effeet the sume pur- pose, without the same is now seriously felt, and we are glad to see that public attention is now called to the foo need by the National Intelligencer. (From the Philadelphia American and Gazett In # period of public calamity like the ordinary impulses that actuate parties are entitled to little consideration. The first object of every patriot should be to relieve the country and to restore that cond —— which, under a combination of ef s, has unfortunately disappeared, at the very time, too, when of all others its presence was most to be expected. Until we can get back to the safe point from which we have departed we hope to see all political distinctions sunk in a common and united effort to redeem what has been lost, and to provide such safeguards as this lesson shall advise against the recurrence of similar revulsions in the foture. Whatever peculiar theories of political econo- my may have been held heretofore in different quar- ters of the Union, experience has demonstrated, beyond the poor ed doubt, that the present tariff system exposes the country to violent fluctaa- tions, encourages excessive imports limits the pro- gress of domestic industry, and induces a foreign competition which is destructive to those interests upon which a nation must mainly depend for its growth and substance. results are before our Fe and when compared with those of former tar- iff’, which recognized the principle of protection, they show the sppeeeasion in price of all articles of consumption, the extinction of various im- portant branches of a and a steady drain of specie from the country. We have heretofore con. trasted the two systems, by the official figures, and ‘they are — conflicting in their operation. jese facts cannot fail to impress themselves u President Buchanan, and we therefore look for- ward with more than usual anxiety to the recom- mendations of his first annual message, which will be delivered to Congress in December. He has an op; “any Ae signalizing himself such as rarely falls to the lot of any incumbent of the Ex- ecutive chair. There aré no living political issues to distract parties or to divide the country. Kansas is no longer a bone of contention between the North and South, and we are glad tosay, openly and freely, that much is due to the pradence and purpose and triotiam of the President in closing up that bleed- ing wound which has so obstinately resisted the heal- ing applications of other political doctors. This, then, is the propitions time, of all others, to inan- rate a policy which shall become settled, and have for its first great aim the developement of our re- sources and the protection of our own industry. We want no prohibitory tariff which shall exclude legiti- mate foreign competition, but such a tariffas shall recognise American labor as entitled to at least equal consideration with foreign labor. This is now vit- tually denied in every way, and England, France and Germany hold possession of our kets and control our workshops, through a system which, voluntarily imposed by ourselves, discriminates against ourselves. Every other nation, and ea pecially England, takes care to protect its manufactures practically, in such a manner as to exclude any rivalry, while we invite all the world to eat ap our substance: and after expending crop after crop of cotton, rice, tobacco and hreadstuffs to pay for this concession, we send all the gold pro- duced by California besides, and still find ourselves saddled with an enormons foreign debt, at the end A proper a maces! ban of ten re’ trial, with a financial crisis on our hands the like of which has never, until now, been witnessed. (From the Richmond South, Oct. 20.) The financial embarrassments which affect the whole country are beginning to array anew the discordant elements of opposition to the democratic NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1857. party of the Union. With an indomitable pertina- city, which no resistance can overcome, and an un- se eevee watching eagerty for an opportunity 1 nist is ever Wi for an op) ce an "Saute Mowe ‘Mready the opposition ress have seized the occasion to revive the exploded Iatlac of protective tariffs, and the more m heresy of a national bank, as the sove- reign panacea for our financial ills. We must recur toa national bank as the only means of maintaining a sound and stable currency; we must have a pro- tective system as the only at against the efflux of specie from the country. Such is the cry at first raised by a few feeble voices here and there; then dually extending from mouth to mouth, until, fom one end of the d to the other, “the anthem swells the note of praise” to bank Meantime the democratic remains connate tively silent, as if reluctant era le with their an- cient foe. What is the cause of tl im apparent Gelso tion? Is there any diminution of ce in the of free trade principles? Has time effected a rer of sentiment among us in favor of a United States Bank? Are we prepared now than to meet an advel in the open hela ba discussion and Sanaa him the wea} We cannot of reason and argument? any such unworthy reason to explain the seeming apathy of the democratic press throughout the country in meeting the present emergency. We rather incline to impute this default to a disposition to underrate the influence of the op- position, and to treat their clamors with contemptu- ous: indifference, If such i} the Cee I i a rere error, it which we vehemently, yet ly ert midst of general vodsternation and ismay, when men’s minds are violently excited and temporary insanity usurps the empire of reason, they are ready to hearken to any counsel and follow any advice which bears the semblance of plausibility, to rush blindly into the sea of speculation and experi- ment to escape the inevitable evils of the hour. « Better to bear the ills we have than to fly to others that we know not of” is a maxim for the wise, the prudent, and the weary, whose firmnessand presence of mind never stagger and reel in the most perilous situations. But the mass of mankind are quick to take alarm and lose their self: sion when dangers menace or calamities fall upon them. They are, for the most part, indeed, r to ‘act and willing to receive instructi ut they needed the beacons of truth and sure-footed guidance of well-disciplined faculties and unwavering Boaliy to principle to conduct them safely through the trials and difficulties which beset their path. And in the absence of the bright beams of truth they will be easily persuaded to follow the phosphorescent ray of some malignant will-o’-the- wisp, which will lead their bewildered steps into the jaws of inextricable ruin. It requires but little acquaintance with human na- ture to see the force of these suggestions.” Our op- ponents understand them, and they have com- menced to operate upon the sensitive springs of popular action. The distracted conditign of the country, seeming to threaten a general bouleverse- ment ot parties, has relumed the expiring flame of their energies; already they discern Gara the distant horizon the faint glimmering of a doubtful hope, and have gone bravely to work to retrieve their political fortunes out of the wreck which impends over our financial system. Why, then, is the democratic press idle and impassive? Why are we not prepared to meet the enemy in the gate’ THE EFFECT OF THE FINANCIAL REVULSION UPON POLITICS—THE LAW OF REACTION—REVIVAL OF OLD QUESTIONS. {From the New Orleans Delta, frien Davis’ organ,) Oct. 24. One marked effect, more or less temporary or pro- longed, of the financial tornado which has just burst with general and somewhat indiscriminate fury over the country, will be todivert the public mind, wholly or measurably, from the political topics of controver- sy which have lately occupied it, and direct it into new channels, and to the discussion of measures La a to meet new emergencies and satisfy new wants. Politics form no exception to the law of reaction. The reaction which is now taking place in trade will not fail to engender reactionary movements in ublic affairs, State and federal. ly in the itical horizon the elements may be seen gathering for conflicts of a very different nature from those with which the country has for some time past been so violently shaken and so nearly shattered. Already the spell of black republicanism in the North, deriving its power from the vexed “ nig- ger’ question, is beginning to wane before a mightier spell, deriving its er from the pocket interest. Already the syllables are’ being formed for new litical nomenclatures, and the outlines are becoming visible of new political formations. The time may not be far off when the old protective tariff theory, under some modern name and guise, will be re-as- serted and re-advocated; the time may be near when the stone will be removed from the grave of the national bank question, so ine thought to be beyond resurrection, and its ghost or its skeleton will be in- troduced to play a part, dismal or fantastic, in the political drama, as a white Cn destined to lead the faithful toa new Mecca of financial po gga tion and safety; in a word, the time seems sw coming when the country will again be divided, pe tated and harassed by _— of federal and State policy with reference to finance and commerce— when the powers and limitations of the constitution with respect to currency and trade will again be vigor- onsly discussed, and the great contest of bank and anti-bank—of pearly and anti-monopoly—of corporation and anti-corporation—of the specie or credit basis of banking and currency—of the idea of centralizing not only political but monet powerin the hands of those who can control the federal legis- lation, and the opposite idea, which used to be the old'fashioned democratic idea of Jackson, Calhoun and other giants in the days which are no more when there were such. ‘The fact is, it may be seriously doubted whether the old National Bank was ever really buried. Its bones may be even now scattered through the vari- ons States, and it is not im ible that they may have been heard to rattle in the storm that has latel; been raging. It were no wonder, in that case, if, like the rom of the romance which refused to go to rest until its bones were buried, but kept wanderin, about haunting people at frightful hours, the unlai spirit of the ol ‘ational Bank, roaming over the country because it couldn't sleep without its skeleton in the same place of repose, should make itself visible in such a night of storm and wreck as this, What shall be done with the bones? We may see further along, pees. If the bank and tariff questions be again substan- tially revived, as leading issues, under whatever name or for whatever object, it requires no het to foresee the effect they will have in — ing the present composition of parties, both N. and South. If the democratic Tix f in that event, stand stiffly apon its old anti-federal bank and anti- protective tariff, and strict construction platform, we can rage mag So oan how the Benjamins, the ‘Toombeses, the phenses and Clin, ns, still ad- hering to their constitutional ti as whigs of “37, 40, ‘41 and ‘42, can longer co-operate with the democratic party in the South; or how the Chases, the Trumbulls, the Wilmots and Van Barens, and other democrats of the old — = co-operate with ae inthe North wi doctrines may come in di rect an’ ism to their old and unrelin- ished anti-feder bank and free trade ideas. re would be confusion enough in the democratic and black blican ranks, but it would be an “O be joyful!” for the fossiliferous old line whigs, rest assured. That the project is seriously entertained of making a vigorous and concerted move for converting the federal government into a great central regulator of commerce, finance and currency there is no room to doubt, when we observe the late tenor of elaborate editorials in some of the leading Northern journals— the Tribune urging Moov to prove that it was the reduced tariff which ca the financial revulsion, and the Herp, with its usual a but sub Hety of h, inting at the of ge dee] than did ever plommet fa Bying, dep ideas about constitu: sound, cel tional limitation, #0 aa to enable Congress to legis- late the country out of its momentary difficulties ay 8 erect national defences against their recurrence in future. The Henaxn is an advocate of the alterative treat- ment in politics. So are we, when the alterative re- medy would divert affairs from a bad to a good or better tendency or result. But we have no use for such alterative medicines as would aaly. shift the disease from one vital n to another. The South has no use for a poli inanc.al project that — to divert the abolitionists from their immediate intent to invade her constitutional rights, in order to feoncentrate a Northern majority upon the work of unconstitutionally using the federal government asa great banking and currency regen institu- tion, controlled at the North, which would subja- gate the South toa despotism more horrible than ever existed in the malevolent dreams of Greeley, Garrison or Giddings. The end is not fsa? over the cauldron. ts in; bling, North and South. of the “ juggling flends.” A Merpener’s Coxrrssron—Edward Walsh, for- merly baggage-master at Bridgeport, Conn., has confessed hiraseif the murderer of a man named Dennis Drew, in Waushara county, Wisconsin, in May last. The two men started to look for and purchase land, and after getting out of right, Walsh attacked Drew, and after a desperate strnggle succeeded in killing him,but not without receiving fA severe wound himsclf with a razor. After the murder Walsh cut the man’s head nearly off, took his money, and reported at the next stopping place that they had been at. tacked by two men with axes. Walsh's family (says the Farmer.) still reside in Bridgeport, and are in deep dis tress on account of his @viminal conduct. The witches are conjuring dients will soon he bab: Look out for the delusions Crawrorn’s Starcr of Wasnrnoton.—The brig Walborg, from Amsterdam, went up James River yester day. She has on board the statue of Washington, by Crawford, to he placed on the monument in the Capitol square atRichmond, Norfolk Merald, Ort, 30, Omana Crry, N. T., Oct. 20, 1857. The Bank Panic “ Away Out West"—How Stands the Frontier Money Market?—Ups and Downs of, the Speculator’s Life Out West—General Den- ver’s Mission to the Pawnee Indians, §c. We have panics in Nebraska as well as elsewhere, and just now, particularly, panics on banks. Nota bank in the Territory—and there are no less than seven—whose money the masses of the people even here have any confidence in. The Bank of Fonte- nelle at Belleview, the Western Exchange at Omaha City, and the Nemeha Valley Bank at Brownville, have “gone under,” with a hope of resuscitation. ‘The rest of the “concerns” are not exactly closed, but not considered in any degree safe, and their notes generally discredited. The Western Exchange Bank at this place I think will pass the ordeal safe- Jy, and although virtually closed now their bills are not sold at a sacrifice, owing to the confidence in ita owners. However, it would have been far, far better had our Governor never affixed his approval toa bank charter in Nebraska. Hundreds here have found what little money they: have in the world here swallowed ». in one’ quiet move, without resource, and with their household wants for the winter unsupplied. ‘The universal “hard times” which just now seems spread all over the country affects us here on the frontier more sensibly than you of the East, sur- rounded by opportunities to withstand the crisis better than we are. Every bank bill is considered doubtful, and the farmer, merchant, mechanic and professional Than receiving, however, good paper when the former cannot be had. Money is scarce—remarkably s0o— and what little there is to loan readily brings from three to six per cent per month. Property of ever: description, owing to the “ outside pressure,” is sel- dom sold, or, when sold, at far less figures than last year Oe ete time. Rica more PaTeCaEsy where specplators are won! congregate, property can be bought for one-third less than last year. Those who sold before the “ outside pressure’” commenced done well; but those who bought them at round prices, expecting a continued rise in property, are decidedly “gold.” It is an up and down life this life of the Western speculator—a see-saw game, and now the plank is broke and both ends are down. But the: better days coming, and all are looking forward quite anxiously. Had it not been for the extra large crops raised this season by our farmers, I know not how bad this ‘outside pressure” might have affected us on the frontier. Indeed, it would have been difficult to imagine. Ireland ask- ing for bread, would have been “nowhere.” As it is, we will all weather the winter in good style, with plenty of potatoes, corn, pork, &c., to dispose of to the spring emigration when they come. Since my last week’s letter to the Heraup I have conversed with an intelligent half-breed Pawnee, who says the treaty reported to have been made be- tween Gen. Denver, “United States Indian Commis- sioner, and the Pawnees, is not completed by any means. Delegations from the tribe are on their way to Washington. It is hoped the lands will be ob- tained, and this remnant of a filthy tribe will be re- moved beyond the pale of civilization. They are a treacherous and thieving race, and in the treaty the lines should not only be accurately determined be- yond cavil, but the Indians themselves removed yond this line. ow fell here day before yesterday—the first re- spectable storm of the season. The land offices now open throughout the Territory—four in number— are all doing a good business with pre-emption claimants. Affairs of Kansas. JIM LANE ATTEMPTS TO GET UP ANOTHER CIVIL WAR. (Correspondence of the St. Louis omy Lawrence, Oct. 20, 1857. The wildest scheme of the season was a project of Jim Lane, set on foot last week, to get up a civil war in this Territory. He sent out “orders” to his army, which has been busily engaged for the last few months, with the ostensible purpose to protect the purity of the ballot box, but, as his enemies believed, to inaugurate again the Strife of last season in Kansas, to assemble at Lecompton on the 19th inst., with arms concealed in the bottoms of their wagons, and’ four days’ provisions, with the view of breaking up the Constitutional Convention, and, in his own language, to “wipe out Ltcompton.’” Couriers were sent all over the country bearing the orders, and young men of desperate character were instructed to themselves on the highways to intercept and hang the members as they approached the Territorial capital. The excitement became very great, and messengers were sent from different districts receiving those orders to Lawrence, to inquire the cause of such warlike demonstration. A meeting was held in the forenoon of Saturday. composed of some of our best citizens, to head off the movement. Gen. Lane was sent for, who had arrived the night previous in Lawrence. He frankly de- tailed his plan, and as he was applauded by a few young men who were in attendance, entered quite minutely into the details of his campaign. Judge Smith, one of our ablest and best citizens, re- ied to him. He was followed by Mr. Gilpatrick. Mr. Vhitman, who was an officer under Lane, and who saw @ chance of distinguishing himself, thought that the freedom of Kansas could only be secured by the shedding of blood —hence he endorsed Lane's movements. Brown, of the , Was called out. He was startied at the bol of the movement, and would hold Gen. Lane responsible before the country for every drop of blood shed there. He saw a better way to get rid of the Lecompton Constitution. If they refused to submit to the people, it would be very proper to ask Governor Walker to convene a special session of the Legisiature. He had nota doubt but that the Governor would grant the request. He said, if the people wished to assemble at Lecompton and enter a protest against that Convention proceeding with its work, he had no objection. This plan was immediately adopted. Lane declared that was the true policy; his war scheme was abandoned, and immediately it was understood that a protest was to be filed by the citizens in person, and by resolutions on 7 at Lecompton. Handbills were immediately cir- culated calling a meeting of the “people of Kansas” in front of the Morrow House that evening. During the day the conservative portion of the people were busy in de- feating Lane's movement. When nigbt came a large number of the people were together. Whitman was ap- inted chairman, and Lang was called upon for a speech. te denounced Governor Walker in unmeasured terms ; charged him with all sorts of crimes, and used his best efforts to excite the rabble. His policy as he received it from Brown, was changed, and he was for blood and ven geance ‘Thateher of ne Republican followed. He was in favor of a protest, and In favor of going to Lecomp- ton strong handed, but favored peaceful views. He was unusually conservative. Judge Smith followed. He made one offhis best speeches. He entered his protest against the movement, and in the name of the free State party begged Lane to stop bis mad scheme. He said some men saw ny hope of preferment only through strife. The agitation of the waters brougiit the scum to the sur- face, and political excitement always threw the filth in sight, @ Lane took this in high dudgeon. Captain Walker was called, and exposed Lane's entire plans. as given to him in confidence and in detail, It rained all day Sunday, but Lane was busy heading off his own rashness. He worked and rode all day, and all night Sunday night. Monday came. bringing with ita deep mud and an un. pleasant day. The livery stables in Lawrence refused to let their carriages go on hire. The consequence was, that instead of ten thousand men meeting him at Lecompton, not over two hundred were there. Judge Schuyler pre- sided. The deliverations of the Convention were cool and quite satisfactory. A protest was entered against the Constitutional Convention, a few cool headed speeches were made, and the body adjourned. Thus ended Jim Lane's last campaign—a perfect abortion. .the free State party have twenty.two of the thirty.eeven members of the House and two in the Council. Fraudulent returns have been received from McGee county, adding twelve hundred yotes from that county, where but eighteen were abso- Iutely petied. If this enoceeds it will give the proslavery party seventeen members in the House, but there ta little doubt but our officials willerush out this fraud as they have those in Johneon county, and give the additional members to the free State party I see no further cause for strife in Kansas. The people are satiefied with the result of the election, and our future Will be a glorious one. THE, KANSAS CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. [From the Philadelphia Press, Oct. 31 The inst act inthe drama of Kansas difeulties must A constitution will speedily be framed ratory to her admission into the Union axa State and when that event shall have occurred, ahe will stand upon a footing of equality with her sister sovereignties, and be forever beyond the reach of their inteferrence, through the national government, with ber internal af: faire. The only question now agitated, ix whether the constitution should be submitted to the je of the Ter ritory before it is presented to Congress. it is difficult to understand how a diversity of opinion could well exist upon a subject of this kind. The same reasons that justi fied the removal of Congressional restrictions ‘from the section of the people of that Territory, loud ¥ plead for the submission of the constitation to their suffrages. Ina republican country no fundamental law should be imposed upon the people of any State or Territory, without first receiving their authoritative sanc tion. If it is important to a people that they should have the right to make their own laws, it is certainly mach more important that they should have an opportunity of passing Judgment upon a constitution which is to form their fundamental law. This right should be enjoyed by the of Kansas. Tis guaranteed to them not only hy the genuine principles republicanism, but by the spirit, if not the letter, of the Kansas.Nebraska act. The indications, previous to the late Kansas election, were that the sentiment in favor of the submission of the constity tion within the Territory was almost unanimous. Governor Walker earnestly advocated that policy; so did the ropub: lienn party, and so did the great mass of the democratic party. Many leading Proslavery men in the Convention pledged themselves to favor the submission of their work to their constituents, We hope these pledges will be redeemed. If they are, all will be well. We regret to learn, however, fhat some disposition is now manifested to change front on this question, and to send a constitution to Congress with out previous action upon it by the people. Even those who advocate this course, however, are dispmed, we learn, to submit to the people for their suffrages, propost tiene for and againet the establishment of slavery in the b sstings! = te ay a Rep! re, im all ite few ures, will be similar to the generality of the most approv ed constitutions of the old. fates. fhis course, ite com tended, will, in reality, submit to the question about which any considerable ion exists. Though there is some plausibility in Two should much prefer that the constitution itself should also go before the people, and we hope the Conven Vion may 80 decide, soon be over. all ask for gold and demand gold, | Procee pings of the Naval Courts. NAVAL COURT 3.—COMMANDER —RINGGOLI CASE UNDER INVESTIGATION. WASHINGTON, Oct. 29, 1869. Captain Wilkes "sworn for defence—I have know him since 1820 or 1821; he was then a midshipman; I havo sailed with bim in the Mediterranean squadron as midship- man in 1820, not in the same vessel, but I was very inti- mate with him; I was afterwards with him in the explor ing squadron in 1837, 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841 and a part of 1842; 1 was the commander of the squadron and he was in command of the brig Porpoise as Lieutenant Command. ing; Thave frequently met with him since that period and consulted with bim ou duty; his character as an of- ficer during my service with him was very efficient ia every respect; was hy hooey ae soe) 008 ue gems anni out all the duty navi scien- tifle ene uri that hich we were service—as an officer, high minded and gem Fra in all his intercourse in the squadrom; Ihave repeated and intimate intercourse with him since his return from the East Indies, professionally and otherwise; he did while in the Exploring Expedition command an expedition against one of the Fecjee islands, and executed his orders to my entire satisfaction. (Two letters were here shown, which Captain Wilkes stated was an original order of his,’ accompanied by an original sketch and a copy of Commander Ringgold’s report to bin upon the subject.) There were very arduous dutics to perform during the expedition, and they involved great mental anxiety and bodily fatigue, both day and night; more #0 service, constantly requiring the any attention both day and night of the commander of a ves- sel; I consider him entirely fit, in all respects, for the ac- tive list of the i Cross-examined by the government—I have frequently, seen him under circumstances which required coolnes® and presence of mind; he was always equal to the situa- tion in which he found himself, and ‘at all times cool and collected; lhave never seen any mental weakness tend- ing to disqualify him for his profession ; quite the contrary. ‘Commodore Perry was then called on the part of the government, and sworn. juestion by Judge Advocate—I am a in in the navy, and I have known Commander Ringgold for thirty years; Commander Ringgold was a midshipman on board the North Carolina; I was then first lieutenant, and part of the time flag captain; we never had any other service to- gether; we came ‘ther officially in 1854, in the Canton river; 1 commanded the East India squadron, and I found him in command of the North ‘if. exploring expedi- tion; the vessels under his command were at anchor im the Canton river, embracing the harbor of Hong Kong, ‘on my arrival in the Canton river from Japan; this was in the latter end of July, 1854; he made his official reporta to me verbally and written; Commander Ringgold was in a state of aberration of mind, and anfitted to command the squadron which had been assigned to his charge; on the application of the surgeon of the expedition, ad dressed to Lieut. Commanding J. Rodgers, stating the con- dition of Commander Ringgold’s health and requesting that a medical survey should be held upon bim,I ex- pressed my unwillingness to have anything to do with the | ships under the command of Commander Ringgold; this opinion Was expressed to several of the officers, but was told that no survey could be held unless I detailed it, as there were not enough officers in that squadron to consti- tute a legal board; after taking further inquiries, and secing the disorganized state of the ships, I thought it my duty to interpose my authority; about that time I receiv- ed several letters from Commander Ringgold, requesting. that I would relieve him, I believe, temporarily, on ac. count of his health; T consequently appointed a’ Medical Boord of Survey, and at the same time I returned to Ma- cao for the express purpose of seeing Commander Ring- ‘old before I took any ulterior steps; [found Commander . at the house of a Mr. Rawle, a very estimable Amori- can, Who was living at Macao with his wife and daughter I found him in bed; he received me with a ent kindness and’ friendship, and expressed is satisfaction at my coming to relieve him from his command; he used singular language in relating to me the manner in detail of what he intended to do with the ships, and added an observation that satis- fied me at once that he was in a state of der: ment; I at once coincided with the opinion of the other officers that he was unfit to have any further authority; in the mean- time he was surveyed by the Medical Board, either before or after, and he was reported as insane, and was recom- mended to be sent to the United States by the first best opportunity; Commander Ringgold applied to me for a second survey, through, I believe, other officers and by notes which were very incoherent, and some not Cod and without dates; Commander Ringgold expressed him- self repugnant to going home in the Supply, if the Board hed soemmemnand aapeea survey I should haye ordered it to re-assemble for that purpose.; J selected the Suppl because she had originally been a merchant ship, wit large accommodations convenient staterooms; I thought Commander Ringgold would be more comfortable in her; considering Commander Ringgold entirely in the charge of the medical officers, and also that any inter- views with me would have an injurious tendency upon hia health, | abstained from visiting him, and with the con- currence of the medical officers, or d that a medical officer ¢hould be stationed near . Rawle's house, but that Commander Ringgold shi not be inform- ed, so that he might not be annoyed; I saw him —_ occasionall; taking an airing, and we always saluted each other jan hone he seemed to be improving; he was always at a hat, and seemed to be laboring under the effects of his disease; this was sub- sequent to the 6th August, 1854, for about fifteen or twenty days, but Lcannot tell exactly how long; during the month of August I was in frequent intercourse wi the officers of the expedition in reference to \d’s condition; | cannot state when was the last time I saw him previously to his leaving China for the United States; I have met him Srequestly at Washingtou ‘and at Saratoga since my return to the United States, and my opinion from his conduct to me led me to believe that he still labored under a hallucination with regard to this particular subject, and mentioned this to persons of his acquaintance, as well as my own; shortly after my re- turn I met him occasionally at Willard’s Hotel, in this city; I thought his conduct wild and threatening toward me; my attention was called to it on one occasion by a gentleman well known to both of us, but I have ever taken apy notice of these apparent tbreatenings, ascribing it to the natural wounded feelings against me as the ageut for carrying out the regulations of the service. Croas-examined by counsel for defence—I cannot recol- Jeet the date of my interview with him at Macao, | can- not recollect, but it was about the time of my a val of the survey, Ithink; so far as I can judge, BE bodily health was quite delicate, apparently. Wastrxotow, Oct. 30, 1857. Commodore Perry cross-examined on part of defenco— T think [left the surveying squadron under command of Lieutenant Rodgers at Hong Kong; I left on the 1th of September for home by the overland route; during the period of Commander Ringgold’s association with me in 1824 and 1825, he made quite & favorable impression upon my mind of a very promising young officer; I do not know the precise day that T arrived in China; it was between the 20th and 24th of July, 1854; Treceived a lotter from Commander Ringgold, dated the 24th July, 1854, as well as other leters: the reports concerning Commander Ringgold were made to me before 1 had hardly got to an- chor, the log will show the day I arrived; I cannot recol- lect the officers who made the reports; | had communica- tions with several, it was a general report; [ cannot sa; who reported the matter to me; I do not recollect any cial report, except that of the surgeon of the expedition; Commander Ringgold's case was the topic of common con- vereation ; [received numerous communications from Commander Ringgold, in relation to the medical survey and other matters, but so incoherent that they showed evidently that they were written by an insane person; do not recollect having received the letter of the loth of August, 1864, (a copy of which was now produced by de- fence;) I might have and probably sent a certified of it and other lett to the department; I have no dow this letter now I is a fair copy of the letter, but when that letter was written Commander Ringgol was in the hands of the medical officers, and his communications were hot officially jrecogniaed by me; I however referred the matter of his com- munication to the Medical Board of Survey <= ‘dering & second survey is authority ordering the firat, 1 left it to the discretion of the Medical Board to order an- other survey, because I thought proper to do #0; they had opportunities to judge of his «tate of mind 80 I be- lieve, between his first survey and his application for second, Ido not recollect giving any other order than one already given, neither verbal nor in writing; | was in constant communication with the fleet surgeon of | m; squadron and have conversed with him in the expediency of a second survey: I do not Commander 's medical attendant may have gone in the same vessel with me. not have ss I know that Commander z. E i i ay Heets : of indirectly; one doctor was charge of him; there were no other than those to the fleet surgeon, I do not recollect; I have had no conversation mander Ringgold since his return to the United States, ———— : i tf n€ his entered uy etice 0 Pn te er angnged with public diities, up to the time of his Inet iliness. He served three times in the La- gislature, was a member of the New York Constitu tional Convention, and represented his district in the last Congress, where he served as chairman of the Judiciary Committee. Mr Simmons was a man of high intellectual attainments, an ardent reader, and a h Hinguist, je wae prostrated by # #troke of paralysis on the steps of the Ausable House, one day in August last. From this he partially recovered; but about two weeks ago he was again attacked, and this time with a fatal effect ‘A cortespondent of the Courier and rer tells the following anecdote of Mr. Simmons when he wag serving in the Constitutional Convention of New York:—!'A bachelor, he td wg of all the pecutiart ties of that fife of independent dependence. | cannot easily forget what hilarity smiled over the grave Conven tion when, in one of his fervid speeches, declaring bit willingness to abide alone the rrenit of some eccentric or singular position which he was advancing, he ehrilted ont ‘Moriah will take care of me! The Convention, who knew his ‘condition in life,’ with one accord of noisy laughter, shouted out, ‘Maria? What Maria? Who does the gentle man from Fasex mean?’ The debater ecarcely led the interraption, but those who knew the political history of his locality, recognized that he. all the while, was ail to the firm and reliable mountain town, Morals in whose whig majorities were wdomitable,